Biodiversity as a resource: - OPUS - Friedrich-Alexander-Universität ...

Biodiversity as a resource: 

Plant use and land use among the Shuar, Saraguros, and Mestizos in 

tropical rainforest areas of southern Ecuador 

Die Biodiversität als Ressource: 

Pflanzennutzung und Landnutzung der Shuar, Saraguros und Mestizos in 

tropischen Regenwaldgebieten Südecuadors 

Der Naturwissenschaftlichen Fakultät 

der Friedrich-Alexander-Universität Erlangen-Nürnberg 

zur 

Erlangung des Doktorgrades Dr. rer. nat. 

vorgelegt von 

Andrés Gerique Zipfel 

aus Valencia

Als Dissertation genehmigt 

von der Naturwissenschaftlichen Fakultät 

der Friedrich-Alexander Universität Erlangen-Nürnberg 

Tag der mündlichen Prüfung: 9.12.2010 

Vorsitzender der Promotionskommission: Prof. Dr. Rainer Fink 

Erstberichterstatterin: Prof. Dr. Perdita Pohle 

Zweitberichterstatter: Prof. Dr. Willibald Haffner

To my father

“He who seeks finds” 

(Matthew 7:8)

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 

Firstly, I wish to express my gratitude to my supervisor, Prof. Dr. Perdita Pohle, for her trust 

and support. Without her guidance this study would not have been possible. I am especially 

indebted to Prof. Dr. Willibald Haffner as well, who recently passed away. His scientific 

knowledge and enthusiasm set a great example for me. 

I gratefully acknowledge Prof. Dr. Beck (Universität Bayreuth) and Prof. Dr. Knoke 

(Technische Universität München), and my colleagues and friends of the Institute of 

Geography (Friedrich-Alexander Universität Erlangen-Nürnberg) for sharing invaluable 

comments and motivation. Furthermore, I would like to express my sincere gratitude to those 

experts who unselfishly shared their knowledge with me, in particular to Dr. David Neill and 

Dr. Rainer Bussmann (Missouri Botanical Garden), Dr. Roman Krettek (Deutsche 

Gesellschaft für Mykologie), Dr. Jonathan Armbruster, (Auburn University, Alabama), Dr. 

Nathan K. Lujan (Texas A&M University), Dr. Jean Guffroy (Institut de Recherche pour le 

Développement, Orleans), Dr. Gabi Schachtel (Justus-Liebig Universität Giessen), and Lukas 

Wolfsbauer (Friedrich-Alexander Universität Erlangen-Nürnberg). I would also like to 

convey thanks to our counterparts Dr. Hidalgo and Dr. López Sandoval (Pontificia 

Universidad Católica del Ecuador, Quito) for a magnificent cooperation and to Virginia Lane 

for patiently revising the English of this dissertation and previous articles. I am also grateful 

to Stefan Adler, Judith Jaksch, and especially to Julia Kieslinger for their assistance during 

the draft of figures, the editing of text and photos, and their comprehension. 

I am grateful to collaborators of the Herbario Reinaldo Espinosa of the Universidad Nacional 

de Loja (Jhofre Aguirre, Bolivar Merino, Wilson Quizhpe, Holger Salas, Darío Veintimilla, 

Orlando Sánchez, Carlos Chimbo, and Néstor León) for their expertise and assistance with 

data collection and plant identification as well as for their logistical support. Deepest gratitude 

goes to Eduardo Tapia for his research assistance during field work and for making it so 

comfortable. My gratitude goes to the staff of the San Francisco Research Station, in 

particular to Abraham Pacheco, María Feijoó, Serafín Ramón, Rocío and Tati Aguirre, 

Polivio Ortega, and Pedro Paladines for, as Florian Werner remarked, “making the place 

damn close to home”. I am also grateful to all the researchers who shared with me their 

knowledge, expertise and time in Ecuador. This includes, among many others, Susanne Iost, 

Folkert Bauer, Dorothee Sandmann, Jutta Kapfer, Diana Avilés, Adriana Darquea, Jörg 

Zeilinger, Felix Matt, Franziska Volland-Voigt, Katrin Wolf, Rütger Rollenbeck, Sven 

Günter, Jürgen Homeier, Florian Werner, Alexandra Zach, Valentyna Krashevska, Kristin 

Roos, Glenda Mendieta, Baltazar Calvas, Patricio Crespo, and Adriana Tutillo. I wish also to 

convey my thanks to the whole staff of Nature & Culture International, especially to Nancy 

Romero, Renzo and Bruno Paladines, Trotsky Riera, and Felipe Serrano. 

I thank the inhabitants of the communities of Chumpias, El Cristal, El Retorno, El Tibio, Los 

Guabos, Napints, Sabanilla, Shaime and the owners of the visited fincas for their hospitality 

and generous participation in the interviews. 

i

I kindly thank the German Research Foundation (DFG) for supporting this study in the frame 

of the projects proposed and conducted by Prof. Dr. Perdita Pohle: “Pflanzenkenntnisse und 

Pflanzennutzung bei den Shuar, Saraguro und Colonos in den tropischen Bergwaldregionen 

Südecuadors”, “Ethnoökologische Untersuchungen in den tropischen Bergwaldregionen 

Südecuadors - ein Beitrag zum Erhalt und zur nachhaltigen Nutzung von Biodiversität” (DFG 

Research Group FOR 402), and “Human ecological dimensions in sustainable utilization and 

conservation of tropical mountain forests” (DFG Research Group FOR 816). 

During the completion of the study I met people that influenced not only this research but also 

my life. I am especially indebted to the Pons family and to Ruth Espinosa and her family for 

making Ecuador so special. In addition, I offer my deepest gratitude to all those who 

supported me after the death of my father and especially during 2009, making the conclusion 

of this thesis possible. Thank you! 

I cannot forget two good friends who also passed away during these years. Tío Alberto, 

Roberto, también va por vosotros. Finally, I owe my deepest gratitude to my beloved family, 

who always has been there for me and has supported me unconditionally. Thank you for your 

understanding: ¡Gracias, mamá! ¡Por fin sabrás a qué me he dedicado todo este tiempo! 

ii

CONTENT 

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS i 

CONTENT OF FIGURES vii 

CONTENT OF TABLES xii 

CONTENT OF BOXES xv 

CONTENT OF ACRONYMS AND ABBREVIATIONS xvi 

GLOSSARY OF LOCAL TERMS xix 

1 INTRODUCTION 1 

1.1 GENERAL CONTEXT 1 

1.2 REGIONAL CONFINEMENT: THE CASE OF SOUTHERN ECUADOR 5 

1.3 AIM AND STRUCTURE OF THIS STUDY 8 

2 CORE CONCEPTS: THE VALUE OF PLANT DIVERSITY, TRADITIONAL 10 

ECOLOGICAL 

CONSERVATION 

KNOWLEDGE AND TOOLS FOR BIODIVERSITY 

2.1 PLANT DIVERSITY AS A RESOURCE: THE USE VALUES OF BIOLOGICAL DIVERSITY 10 

2.2 TRADITIONAL ECOLOGICAL KNOWLEDGE (TEK) 14 

2.3 INSTRUMENTS TO CONSERVE TROPICAL FOREST AREAS THROUGH USE 15 

2.3.1 Agroforestry, the use of non-timber forest products (NTFPs), and forest 

restoration 

16 

2.3.2 Ecotourism 19 

2.3.3 Payments for Environmental Services (PES) 20 

2.3.4 Bioprospecting 25 

3 THE AREA OF STUDY 28 

3.1 SOUTHERN ECUADOR 28 

3.1.1 The physical setting: topography, geology, and geomorphology 29 

3.1.2 The climatic regimes 32 

3.1.3 Vegetation in southern Ecuador 34 

3.1.4 Nature reserves and other protected areas 35 

3.1.4.1 The Biosphere Reserve Podocarpus-El Cóndor 36 

3.1.4.2 National Parks of southern Ecuador 37 

3.1.4.3 Protective Forests 39 

3.1.4.4 Other reserves of importance 43 

3.1.5 Ethnic groups in southern Ecuador 44 

3.1.5.1 The Shuar of southern Ecuador 45 

3.1.5.2 The Saraguros of southern Ecuador 48 

3.1.5.3 The Mestizos of southern Ecuador 49 

iii

3.1.6 Socio-economical structure of southern Ecuador 52 

3.1.6.1 Population in southern Ecuador 52 

3.1.6.2 Society and economy in southern Ecuador 52 

3.2 STUDY SITES 57 

3.2.1 The Shuar communities of Shaime (including Shamatak), Chumpias and Napints 58 

3.2.2 The Saraguro communities of El Tibio and El Cristal 62 

3.2.3 The Mestizo communities along the Upper Zamora 65 

4 METHODS APPLIED 70 

4.1 FIELD RESEARCH 70 

4.1.1 Interview techniques 71 

4.1.2 Sample plots and area estimation 73 

4.1.3 Collection of plant specimens 74 

4.2 DATA PROCESSING AND CLASSIFICATION 74 

4.2.1 Plant processing and identification 74 

4.2.2 Data compilation and format 75 

4.2.3 Classification of ethnobotanical data 76 

4.3 STATISTICAL DATA ANALYSES 78 

4.3.1 Family Importance Value Index 78 

4.3.2 Similarity and dissimilarity analyses 78 

5 THE ETHNOBOTANICAL SURVEY 81 

5.1 THE ETHNOBOTANICAL SURVEY, GENERAL FACTS 81 

5.2 RESULTS OF THE SURVEY IN SHUAR COMMUNITIES 84 

5.2.1 General aspects of Shuar plant use 84 

5.2.2 The ethnobotanical use categories among the Shuar 87 

5.2.2.1 Medicinal plants of the Shuar(MED) 88 

5.2.2.2 Edible plants of the Shuar (FOO) 96 

5.2.2.3 Plants used in construction by the Shuar (CON) 100 

5.2.2.4 Fodder plants of the Shuar (FOD) 102 

5.2.2.5 Plants used for fuel by the Shuar (FUE) 104 

5.2.2.6 Ornamental plants of the Shuar (ORN) 106 

5.2.2.7 Plants used to make tools and containers by the Shuar (T/C) 108 

5.2.2.8 Plants used for hunting and fishing by the Shuar (H/F) 109 

5.2.2.9 Plants used to make crafts by the Shuar (CRA) 110 

5.2.2.10 Ritual and mythical plants of the Shuar (R/M) 111 

5.2.2.11 Plants used in veterinary by the Shuar (VET) 112 

5.2.2.12 Plants used by the Shuar to dye, to paint or to varnish (DPV) 113 

5.2.2.13 Fiber plants of the Shuar (FIB) 114 

5.2.2.14 Production of beetle larvae (BEE) 115 

5.2.2.15 Shade trees of the Shuar(SHA) 115 

5.2.2.16 Plants with other uses of the Shuar (OTH) 112 

5.2.3 Other plants and fungi used by the Shuar of the Upper Nangaritza 117 

5.3 RESULTS OF THE ETHNOBOTANICAL SURVEY AMONG THE SARAGUROS 121 

5.3.1 The ethnobotany of the Saraguros 121 

5.3.2 Use categories among the Saraguros 123 

5.3.2.1 Edible plants of the Saraguros (FOO) 124 

5.3.2.2 Medicinal plants of the Saraguros (MED) 127 

5.3.2.3 Plants used in construction by the Saraguros (CON) 134 

5.3.2.4 Ornamental plants of the Saraguros (ORN) 135 

iv

5.3.2.5 Fodder plants of the Saraguros (FOD) 137 

5.3.2.6 Plants used for fuel by the Saraguros (FUE) 138 

5.3.2.7 Plants used as living fences by the Saraguros (FEN) 138 

5.3.2.8 Plants used to make tools and containers by the Saraguros (T/C) 140 

5.3.2.9 Shade trades of the Saraguros (SHA) 140 

5.3.2.10 Plants with other uses of the Saraguros (OTH) 141 

5.3.3 Other plants used by the Saraguros of El Tibio and El Cristal 142 

5.4 RESULTS OF THE SURVEY IN MESTIZO COMMUNITIES 143 

5.4.1 The ethnobotany of the Mestizos 143 

5.4.2 Use categories among the Mestizos 145 

5.4.2.1 Edible plants of the Saraguros (FOO) 146 

5.4.2.2 Medicinal plants of the Mestizos (MED) 145 

5.4.2.3 Ornamental plants of the Mestizos (ORN) 157 

5.4.2.4 Plants used in construction by the Mestizos (CON) 159 

5.4.2.5 Fodder plants of the Mestizos (FOD) 160 

5.4.2.6 Plants used as living fences by the Mestizos (FEN) 162 

5.4.2.7 Plants used for fuel by the Mestizos(FUE) 163 

5.4.2.8 Plants used to make tools and containers by the Mestizos (T/C) 163 

5.4.2.9 Shade trees and ferns used by the Mestizos (SHA) 164 

5.4.2.10 Plants with other uses of the Mestizos (OTH) 165 

5.4.3 Other plant species used by the Mestizos in the area of study 166 

5.5 THE SIGNIFICANCE OF PLANT USE FOR THE DIFFERENT ETHNIC GROUPS 168 

5.5.1 Comparing general aspects of useful plants among the ethnic groups 168 

5.5.2 Comparing plant use and plant knowledge among the different ethnic groups 169 

5.5.3 A comparison of the areas of harvesting 173 

5.5.4 Comparing local trends in plant knowledge 175 

5.5.5 Regional variations in the use of plants throughout the studied communities 178 

5.5.6 Ethnic variations in plant nomenclature 182 

6 LAND USE IN THE STUDIED COMMUNITIES 186 

6.1 SHUAR LAND USE IN THE UPPER NANGARITZA 186 

6.1.1 The Shuar home gardens 186 

6.1.2 Forest gardens and shifting cultivation in the Upper Nangaritza 188 

6.1.3 Cattle raising and pasture management of the Shuar 194 

6.1.4 The use of fallow land and forests 197 

6.1.5 Wildlife and fisheries in the Upper Nangaritza 198 

6.1.6 Labor activities and tourism in the Upper Nangaritza 201 

6.1.7 Discussion: Does Shuar land use endanger forest plant diversity? 203 

6.1.7.1 The impact of Shuar agriculture on forest 204 

6.1.7.2 The consequences of the use of forest resources in the Upper Nangaritza 205 

6.1.7.3 Threats from inside and outside the Shuar communities 207 

6.1.7.4 An answer to the question, “Does Shuar land use endanger forest biodiversity?” 212 

6.2 LAND USE IN SARAGURO AND MESTIZO COMMUNITIES OF THE UPPER ZAMORA 213 

6.2.1 The use of forest resources and the colonization process of the Upper Zamora 214 

6.2.2 Livestock production in the Upper Zamora 218 

6.2.2.1 Changing the landscape: Creating pastures and disturbed areas 218 

6.2.2.2 Cattle ranching among Saraguros and Mestizos 222 

6.2.2.3 A few particularities of the Saraguro cattle ranching in El Tibio 226 

6.2.2.4 Main pasture grasses in the area of study 227 

6.2.2.5 The sale and relevance of milk products and meat 231 

v

6.2.3 Home gardens, horticulture, and domestic animals in the Upper Zamora 232 

6.2.4 Crop production in the Upper Zamora 237 

6.2.5 Other sources of income in the Upper Zamora 239 

6.2.6 Discussion: Does Saraguro and Mestizo land use endanger forest biodiversity? 240 

6.2.6.1 The impact of Saraguro and Mestizo agriculture on forests 240 

6.2.6.2 Over-exploitation of forest resources and forest fragmentation in the Upper 241 

vi 

Zamora 

6.2.6.3 Road construction in montane areas 243 

6.2.6.4 The impacts on forest resulting from the Saraguro and Mestizo land use 244 

7 ALTERNATIVE LAND USE PRACTICES FOR BIODIVERSITY CONSERVATION 246 

7.1 A REVIEW OF THE SHUAR LAND USE: CHALLENGES AND ALTERNATIVES IN THE 

UPPER NANGARITZA 

246 

7.1.1 Supporting traditional ecological knowledge in the Upper Nangaritza 247 

7.1.2 Reinforcing partnerships with resource users 248 

7.1.3 Alternatives to actual land use practices in the Upper Nangaritza 249 

7.1.3.1 The use of improved agroforestry and NTFPs 249 

7.1.3.2 Community based ecotourism in the Upper Nangaritza 252 

7.1.3.3 Payments for environmental services in the Upper Nangaritza 255 

7.1.3.4 Bioprospecting in the Upper Nangaritza 255 

7.2 A REVIEW OF THE SARAGURO AND MESTIZO LAND USE: CHALLENGES AND 

ALTERNATIVES IN THE UPPER ZAMORA 

256 

7.2.1 Reversing the trend: New sustainable land use practices to reduce deforestation 257 

7.2.2.1 The use of improved agroforestry and NTFPs in the Saraguro and Mestizo study 

sites 

257 

7.2.2.2 Ecotourism ventures in the Upper Zamora 262 

7.2.2.3 Payments for environmental services in the Upper Zamora 263 

7.2.2.4 Bioprospecting in Saraguro and Mestizo communities 266 

7.2.3 New borders and more environmental awareness in the protective forest Corazón 

de Oro 

266 

268 

7.3 THE BIOSPHERE RESERVE PODOCARPUS-EL CÓNDOR: THE RIGHT FRAMEWORK FOR 

CONSERVATION IN SOUTHERN ECUADOR? 

8 CONCLUSION 270 

9 ABSTRACT 272 

10 ZUSAMMENFASSUNG 275 

11 REFERENCES 279 

12 ANNEX 318 

12.1 THE ETHNOBOTANICAL INVENTORY 318 

12.1.1 Index of abbreviations and description of the plant list 318 

12.1.2 Plant list 320 

12.2 LIST OF INTERVIEWED PEOPLE 425 

12.3 USEFUL PLANTS NOT LISTED IN DE LA TORRE ET AL. (2008) 427 

12.4 TOURIST QUESTIONNAIRE 428

CONTENT OF FIGURES 

Fig. 1 Biodiversity values and services 11 

Fig. 2 Continental context of Ecuador (Left) and location of Loja and Zamora 28 

Provinces (Right). The Figure includes some relevant cities 

Fig. 3 Position of the upper tree line and lowest glacial stands within the Neotropical 

section of the Andes (western escarpment of the main chain) 

30 

Fig. 4 W-E transect with data of official weather stations in southern Ecuador (apart 

from Richter data of the DFG station at Cerro de las Antenas) 

32 

Fig. 5 Thermal differentiation of southern Ecuador 33 

Fig. 6 The Biosphere Reserve Podocarpus-El Cóndor 37 

Fig. 7 Lagunas del Compadre, Podocarpus National Park 38 

Fig. 8 Left: The Nangaritza River at Shaime in SE direction. Right: View of the 40 

Upper Nangaritza in SW direction 

Fig. 9 Study sites and areas of settlement of the different ethnic groups around the 

Podocarpus National Park, Ecuador 

57 

Fig. 10 Centro Shaime: Main path 60 

Fig. 11 The bridge over the Chumbiriatza on the way to Chumpias 61 

Fig. 12 Centro Napints: View of a traditional Shuar house 62 

Fig. 13 El Tibio: Main view from the opposite slope in N direction 63 

Fig. 14 General view of El Cristal 65 

Fig. 15 Main view of Los Guabos from the opposite slope 66 

Fig. 16 Front, view of the Finca 1. Back, the Finca 2, close to the ECSF and 68 

Sabanilla. (B): The hamlet of Sabanilla and its surroundings. (C): Finca 6. in 

El Retorno. (D): Deforested slopes in El Retorno. (E): Protected and tolerated 

trees in the pastures of Finca 12, La Fragancia. (F): View of the city of 

Zamora from the Finca 11. 

Fig. 17 Shuar use categories with at least five species 87 

Fig. 18 Left: A Shuar holding Tsemtsem (Peperomia sp.), a medicinal and 

ritual/mythical plant. Right: A Shuar with leaves of Puntilanza morada 

(Columnea tessmanii) (Left) and Puntilanza blanca (Columnea ericae) 

(Right). Both plants are used to treat menstrual irregularities 

89 

Fig. 19 Left: A basket with fruits of uwí, the chonta palm (Bactris gasipaes), and two 

pineapples (Ananas comosus), Napints. Right: Inflorescences of kushíkiam 

(Herrania sp.), a protected tree with edible fruits, Shamatak 

97 

Fig. 20 Left: A traditional Shuar roof in Napints made of thatched Wettinia maynensis 

leaves. Right: Shuar constructing the Community Centre of Napints. The 

planks are made from trunks of Meliosma herbertii 

101 

Fig. 21 Left: Pasture of Urochloa spp., the most popular forage for raising cattle 103 

among the Shuar. Right: Fruits of Cremastosperma megalophyllum; several 

wild plant species that produce fruits and attract game are considered fodder 

plants by the Shuar, who protect them when clearing the forest 

Fig. 22 Cooking fire in a household in Napints 106 

Fig. 23 Left: Clerodendron thomsonae, a recently introduced ornamental species 107 

cultivated in a Shuar home garden in Shaime. Right: Crescentia cujete fruits 

in a home garden in Napints. These fruits are used to make the typical chicha 

bowls 

vii

Fig. 24 Left: Roots of Lonchocarpus nicou, a fish poison cultivated in forest gardens. 

Right: Coix lacryma-jobi, cultivated in a Shuar home garden in Shaime. The 

viii 

seeds are used to make necklaces and bracelets 

Fig. 25 Left: Banisteriopsis caapi, a liana cultivated in home gardens. It is a ritual and 

hallucinogenic plant of prime importance for the Shuar culture. Right: 

Anthurium rubrinervium, a common forest species. The leaves are used to 

improve the hunting ability of dogs. They are also given to babies to help 

them begin to speak 

Fig. 26 Ipiak or achiote (Bixa orellana). The seeds are used to flavor and to color 

soups. They are used by the Shuar to color their faces during festivals and 

ceremonies and to treat fungi and other skin problems like pimples. Right: 

Katip urutch (Gossypium barbadense). The wad of cotton is used to apply 

remedies. In the past, cotton fibers were used to prepare blowgun dart airfoils 

Fig. 27 Left: Urera caracasana. This species is used to punish children and adults by 

rubbing them with the branches. Its roots are used to make hair baths to treat 

hair loss, and to prepare an insecticide. Right: Phytolacca rivinoides. The 

Shuar crush and use the fruits of this plant to wash colored laundry 

116 

Fig. 28 Left: Ukajip, (Auricularia sp. 2) a common edible fungus. Right: Untuch 

(Lentinus sp.), a fungus used to situate the navel of neonates correctly 

118 

Fig. 29 Saraguro use categories with at least five species 123 

Fig. 30 Left: A typical Saraguro meal “to take away” consisting of cooked 127 

Xanthosoma sp. tubers and quesillo (fresh cheese) wrapped in a Canna indica 

leaf. Right: Greigia sp. The seeds of this wild plant which grows in forest 

patches are eaten roasted 

Fig. 31 Flowers of Bejaria aestuans. The people of El Cristal (Saraguros and 

Mestizos) use them to treat menstrual irregularities and as ornamentals to 

decorate the local chapel. Right: Tibouchina laxa, a common secondary shrub 

in pastures. The Saraguros and the Mestizos use the sap of the flowers to treat 

eye ailments 

Fig. 32 Eduardo Tapia posing near one of the last specimens of Podocarpus oleifolius 

inside the Protective Forest Corazón de Oro, close to the settlement of El 

Cristal. This species has been critically over-exploited lasting past decades for 

its timber 

Fig. 33 Left: A living fence of cultivated Yucca guatemalensis in a home garden. 

Right: Euphorbia laurifolia trees forming a living fence to divide pasture land 

in El Tibio 

Fig. 34 Left: A Saraguro taking some resin from a Clusia alata tree in El Tibio. The 

Saraguros use this resin as incense in the local chapel. Right: A specimen of 

Philoglossa mimuloides, a weed used in El Tibio to treat cattle 

141 

Fig. 35 Mestizo use categories with at least five species 145 

Fig. 36 Left: A cultivated shrub of ají (Capsicum cf. annuum) in El Retorno. Ají (hot 

pepper) is a very popular spice among all ethnic groups of southern Ecuador. 

149 

Right: A wild chirimoya tree (Rollinia sp.) with edible fruits in La Fragancia 

Fig. 37 Left: Ruta graveolens (ruda), a very common medicinal plant in southern 

Ecuador among Mestizos and Saraguros. This native species is used to treat 

headache, stomach ache, and muscle ache. Right: Leaves of culantrillo 

(Adianthum raddianum). The Saraguros and the Mestizos make a tea from the 

leaves of this native fern to treat stomach upset, menstrual irregularities and 

coughs 

110 

112 

114 

128 

134 

139 

156

Fig. 38 Left: Susana de los ojos negros (Black-eyed Susan) or Thunbergia alata, a 

very common introduced ornamental species in the Mestizo gardens of 

southern Ecuador. Right: Buildings in the Mestizo settlement of Los Guabos. 

The pillars of the house on the right are made with trunks of Cyathea cf. 

caracasana, a tree fern 

Fig. 39 Left: A specimen of Aulonemia sp. in a forest remnant close to Los Guabos. 

Right: Baskets made with dried Aulonemia sp. stems by Mestizos from Los 

Guabos 

Fig. 40 Left: Specimens of Eichhornia crassipes. The Mestizos of Los Guabos affirm 

that this plant purifies the drinking water of poultry and avoids “poultry 

pest”. Right: A Brugmansia x candida shrub in El Retorno. This common 

species among the Mestizos is used to make living fences and is cultivated for 

ornamental uses. Furthermore, in Los Guabos it is used to treat aire de agua. 

It is also often cultivated as an amulet to protect houses against thieves. 

Fig. 41 Ornamental plants are very popular among Saraguros and Mestizos. This 

photo shows a Mestizo house in La Fragancia Sector 

Fig. 42 Plant species used by Shuar, Saraguros, and Mestizos according to their 

gathering places 

Fig. 43 Tree plot (UPGMA) indicating dissimilarities between study sites in terms of 

cultivated species 

Fig. 44 Tree plot (UPGMA) indicating dissimilarities between study sites in terms of 

used wild species 

Fig. 45 Partial view of a home garden in Shaime: Senna reticulata (a), Coix lacrymajobi 

(b), Grias peruviana (c), Carludovica palmata (d), Musa x paradisiaca 

(e), Inga spectabilis (f) 

Fig. 46 A Shuar from Napints in his family’s home garden feeding poultry with 

termites from a termite nest collected in the forest 

Fig. 47 Left: Shuar of Shaime clearing a forest plot. Right: The Shuar often kill 

unwanted trees by cutting strips of bark instead of felling the whole tree 

Fig. 48 Left: A new forest garden in Shamatak. The garden was established without 

burning (slash and mulch). Right: A mature forest garden in Shaime (3 years 

old) 

190 

Fig. 49 Shuar women with their children taking a break in their family’s forest garden 190 

Fig. 50 Left: A wai, the traditional Shuar stick used to drill in forest gardens. Right: 

Bartolomé Kukush using a chainsaw to clear the forest 

191 

Fig. 51 Shuar forest garden in Napints 192 

Fig. 52 Most important plant species in a forest garden in Shaime after 15 years of 

fallow 

193 

Fig. 53 Edible water snails (Ampularia sp.) (Left) raised in ponds (Right) by the 194 

Shuar in Shaime 

Fig. 54 Shuar pastures in Shamatak. The “sogueo” technique allows controlled 

grazing. The pasture in the front has not been used recently, while the pasture 

in the back is almost exhausted 

Fig. 55 Most important plant species in a pasture plot in Shaime after 15 years of 

fallow 

Fig. 56 On the left side, a Shuar hunter shows his trophy, the cranium of a spectacled 

bear (Tremarctos ornatus). On the right side, two children from Napints show 

their pet, a white-fronted capuchin (Cebus albifrons) 

Fig. 57 The boat of Yankuam Lodge with a small tourist group close to Shaime in the 

Upper Nangaritza. Right: The waterfall El manto de la novia, one of the local 

tourist attractions 

159 

164 

166 

171 

174 

179 

180 

187 

188 

189 

195 

196 

199 

202 

ix

Fig. 58 A Hoatzin (Opisthocomus hoazin) in Shamatak. This bird is a significant 

tourist attraction in other Amazonian regions. The Upper Nangaritza is 

x 

probably the most westerly point of the range of the hoatzin 

Fig. 59 Transfer of timber at Las Orquídeas, in the Upper Nangaritza. Mestizo 

intermediaries bring by boat timber from illegal logging areas upstream. From 

here, traders transport the planks by truck to timber markets. The Shuar 

benefit from this trading as well 

Fig. 60 Landscape degradation due to shifting cultivation, cattle ranching and logging 

in Shuar communities of the Upper Nangaritza 

Fig. 61 Highly eroded paths in Sabanilla (Left) and Los Guabos (Right). The 

transportation of thousands of timber planks by mules down to the roads 

between the 1950s and 1990s caused the erosion of these path 

Fig. 62 A specimen of Tillandsia sp. The Mestizos and the Saraguros often extract 

epiphytes from the forests and replant them in their gardens for ornamental 

purposes 

Fig. 63 Left: A controlled fire during the slash and burn process. Right: A burned 

forest plot. The ranchers cultivate these plots as soon as the soil cools down. 

The figure shows Setaria sphacelata tillers growing on the burned surface 

Fig. 64 (A): A paddock invaded by the bracken fern or llashipa (Pteridium 

arachnoideum). (B): an area burned by an uncontrolled fire on December 5th 

2005. (C): The same area covered by bracken fern on February 24th 2006, 81 

days later 

Fig. 65 Left: Podocarpus oleifolius and Cedrela sp. specimens growing protected in a 

paddock in El Tibio. Right: A tolerated Tibouchina lepidota tree in La 

Fragancia. The owner does not cut it for aesthetic reasons 

Fig. 66 Left: Grapes of Fuchsia canescens. Right: The fruit of Solanum caripense. 

Both species grow protected and/or tolerated in disturbed areas and are 

consumed by Saraguros and Mestizos 

Fig. 67 Annual clearing of mequerón paddocks in El Tibio. The owners often 

organize mingas (communal works) instead of contracting wage laborers. 

Fig. 68 The three main fodder grasses of the study area: (a) mequerón (Setaria 

sphacelata), (b) yaragua (Melinis minutiflora), and (c) kikuyo (Pennisetum 

clandestinum) 

Fig. 69 Left: Mequerón pastures in Sabanilla. The characteristic intense green color 

of this species dominates the landscape around Saraguro and Mestizo 

settlements. Right: One of the few remaining yaragua paddocks in the study 

area (in Sabanilla) 

Fig. 70 A paddock with pasto natural or “natural pasture” growing in a finca in 

Sabanilla. These sites are species-rich natural or semi-natural grasslands 

Fig. 71 Left: A Saraguro woman milking a cow in a mequerón paddock close to her 

home in El Tibio. This is the first step in the production of the typical quesillo 

(fresh cheese). Right: Two adult bulls raised for meat by a Mestizo rancher in 

a mequerón paddock in La Fragancia 

Fig. 73 Left: A field in La Fragancia with cassavas (Manihot esculenta) in the front, 

and (b) sugar cane in the back. On the right side it is possible to see an orange 

tree (Citrus maxima). Right: A trapiche or press to make sugar cane juice in 

El Tibio 

234 

Fig. 74 Saraguro home garden in El Tibio (1770 m), southern Ecuador 235 

Fig. 75 Sheep breeding in El Tibio. Sheep are used to reduce the invasion of pastures 

by bracken and to produce wool and meat 

236 

205 

206 

210 

215 

217 

219 

219 

220 

222 

223 

228 

229 

230 

232

Fig. 76 Maize cultivation among Saraguros and Mestizos. (A): A permanent maize 

field in Los Guabos. According to the informants, the same plot has been used 

for cultivation without any interruption for the last 20 years. (B): A detail of 

the same field. It shows the traditional inter-cropping of maize and beans. (C): 

A maize field in a cleared forest plot in El Tibio. (D): A detail of the plot 

shows a protected Inga sp. in the field. 

Fig. 77 Forest degradation and fragmentation in the study area (El Tibio). Highly 

degraded forest remnants in the upper parts and ravines (a) are surrounded by 

pastures (b), abandoned land (c), recent slash and burn areas (d) and maize 

fields (e). As well, areas affected by uncontrolled fires are covered by bracken 

(f) 

Fig. 78 The new road between Imbana and El Tibio. Rubble from construction is 243 

pushed off the side, leaving large down-slope scars. Besides, the road 

undercuts slopes on the uphill side 

Fig. 79 Impacts on forests resulting from the Saraguro and Mestizo land use 245 

Fig. 80 Two road signs at Las Orquídeas as a symbol of change. The first one (Left) 

shows the local opposition to the establishment of the Protective Reserve 

Upper Nangaritza in March 2005 (The people and Las Orquídeas say NO to 

the Protective Forest). The second one (Right) was placed in late 2007. It 

invites visitors to the local Colono-Shuar Conservation Area of Los Tepuyes, 

and it is signed by the main local Mestizo and Saraguro associations (the 

same who opposed the establishment of the Protective Forest) and the 

253 

Ecuadorian Department of Environment 

Fig. 81 Left: Actual land use in the study area: Pasture land (1), including abandoned 258 

or over-exploited paddocks (2), and forest patches (3) dominate the 

landscape. Around the housings, home gardens (4) and corn fields (5) are 

cultivated for subsistence. Right: A proposal for a more sustainable land use: 

The existing system is completed with plantations of (exotic and native) trees 

(6, 7), improved pasture management including leguminous trees and living 

fences (8), the use of NTFPs from restored forest areas (9), and the cultivation 

of new agricultural products (10) at the expense of pasture and/or fallowed 

land 

Fig. 82 A condor (Vultur gryphus) flying over a finca at La Fragancia 263 

237 

242 

xi

CONTENT OF TABLES 

Tab. 1 Types of payments for biodiversity protection 21 

Tab. 2 The seven vegetation types in the eastern area of southern Ecuador according 

to Homeier et al. (2008: 89-90) 

34 

Tab. 3 Demography of the provinces of southern Ecuador and of Ecuador 52 

Tab. 4 Poverty levels in rural and urban areas of the Provinces of Loja and Zamora 

Chinchipe 

53 

Tab. 5 Illiteracy rates in Loja and Zamora Chinchipe Provinces and in Ecuador 54 

Tab. 6 Livestock statistics of Loja and Zamora Chinchipe Provinces and Ecuador 55 

Tab. 7 Location, extension, and distance to road of the studied fincas according to 

own data 

69 

Tab. 8 Inhabitants and equipment in the fincas according to own data 69 

Tab. 9 Most important plant families 81 

Tab. 10 Life form distribution of the plant species of the inventory 82 

Tab. 11 Endemic species recorded during the ethnobotanical survey 82 

Tab. 12 Families with the highest number of species used by the Shuar and FIVI 

values 

84 

Tab. 13 Life form distribution of the plant species used by the Shuar 85 

Tab. 14 Plant parts used by the Shuar 86 

Tab. 15 Main ailments treated with medicinal plants by the Shuar and total of species 

used 

88 

Tab. 16 Medicinal plants of the Shuar 91 

Tab. 17 Different Manihot esculenta varieties found in one Shuar forest garden of 

Shaime 

96 

Tab. 18 Shuar food plants 97 

Tab. 19 Plants used for construction by the Shuar 101 

Tab. 20 Shuar plant species used for fodder 103 

Tab. 21 Shuar plant species used for fuel 105 

Tab. 22 Shuar ornamental plants 107 

Tab. 23 Shuar plants used to make tools and containers 108 

Tab. 24 Plants used for hunting and fishing by the Shuar 109 

Tab. 25 Plant species used by the Shuar for crafts 111 

Tab. 26 Shuar ritual/mythical plants 112 

Tab. 27 Shuar veterinary plants 113 

Tab. 28 Plants used by the Shuar for dye, paints and varnish production 114 

Tab. 29 Shuar plant species used for fibers 115 

Tab. 30 Plants protected by the Shuar for the production of edible beetle larvae 115 

Tab. 31 Trees protected/tolerated by the Shuar for cattle shade 116 

Tab. 32 Plants used by the Shuar for other purposes 117 

Tab. 33 Fungi used by the Shuar 117 

Tab. 34 Non identified plant species used by the Shuar of the Upper Nangaritza 119 

xii

Tab. 35 Other plant species used by the Shuar of Chumpias, Shaime and Shamatak 

(Identified by Santín (2004) and Van den Eyden (2004)) 

120 

Tab. 36 Families with the highest number of species used by the Saraguros and FIVI 

values 

121 

Tab. 37 Life form distribution of the plant species used by the Saraguros 122 

Tab. 38 Plant parts used by the Saraguros 122 

Tab. 39 Saraguro Food Plants 125 

Tab. 40 Main ailments treated with medicinal plants by the Saraguros, and total of 

species used 

127 

Tab. 41 Medicinal plants of the Saraguros 130 

Tab. 42 Plants used for construction by the Saraguros 135 

Tab. 43 Ornamental plants used by the Saraguros 136 

Tab. 44 Fodder plants used by the Saraguros 137 

Tab. 45 Plants used as firewood by the Saraguros 138 

Tab. 46 Plants used as living fences by the Saraguros 139 

Tab. 47 Plants used by the Saraguros to make tools and containers 140 

Tab. 48 Plants used b for shade by the Saraguros 140 

Tab. 49 Other uses of plant species by the Saraguros 142 

Tab. 50 Non identified species used by the Saraguros 142 

Tab. 51 Families with the highest number of species used by the Mestizos of Los 

Guabos, Sabanilla, El Retorno and La Fragancia and FIVI values 

143 

Tab. 52 Life form distribution of the plant species used by the Mestizos 144 

Tab. 53 Plant parts used by the Mestizos 144 

Tab. 54 Plants used for food by the Mestizos 147 

Tab. 55 Main ailments treated with medicinal plants by the Mestizos and total of 

species used 

150 

Tab. 56 Medicinal plants of the Mestizos 151 

Tab. 57 Ornamental plants used by the Mestizos 157 

Tab. 58 Plants used for construction by the Mestizos 160 

Tab. 59 Fodder plants of the Mestizos 161 

Tab. 60 Plants used by the Mestizos as living fences 162 

Tab. 61 Plants used for fuel by the Mestizos 163 

Tab. 62 Plant species used to make tools and containers by the Mestizos 163 

Tab. 63 Plants used for shade by the Mestizos 164 

Tab. 64 Plants used by the Mestizos with other uses 165 

Tab. 65 Other species used by the Mestizos of Sevilla de Oro 166 

Tab. 66 Non identified species used by the Mestizos 167 

Tab. 67 Other plant species used by the Mestizos (Identified by Morocho & Romero 

(2003) and Schneider (2000) 

167 

Tab. 68 Total of plant species in each use category 172 

Tab. 69 Similarity in cultivated plant species among the different study sites indicated 

by Dice similarity coefficients (in percentage) 

178 

xiii

Tab. 70 Similarity in useful wild plant species among the different study sites 179 

indicated by Dice similarity coefficients (in percentage) 

Tab. 71 Plant species used by all ethnic groups in the research area 182 

Tab. 72 Origin of the local nomenclature of useful plants 183 

Tab. 73 Transplanted and cultivated wild species and naturalized species 198 

Tab. 74 Main wild mammals, reptiles and birds hunted by the Shuar (based on own 200 

investigations) 

Tab. 75 Data about cattle ranching and pasture management and other income sources 225 

in fincas along the road between Loja and Zamora (based on own research, 

2005-2007) 

Tab. 76 Main species growing in pasto natural according to Hartig (2000), Gawlik 230 

(2010), and Gerique & Veintimilla (unpublished, 2009) 

xiv

CONTENT OF BOXES 

Box 1 Ethnobotany: The study of the interactions between people and plants 3 

Box 2 Agricultural diversity 12 

Box 3 The definition of “Indigenous peoples” 14 

Box 4 The Article 8(j) of the CBD (Secretariat of the CBD 1992) 15 

Box 5 The Socio Bosque Initiative 25 

Box 6 Conflicts in the Protective Forest Alto Nangaritza 42 

Box 7 The Shuar organizations 47 

Box 8 The Hacienda system in southern Ecuador 50 

Box 9 The first Shuar of the Upper Nangaritza 59 

Box 10 Techniques of ethnobotanical inquiry 73 

Box 11 The use of the wax palm (Ceroxylon sp.) 142 

Box 12 The oilbird (Steatornis caripensis) 199 

Box 13 The powerful llashipa or bracken fern (Pteridium arachnoideum) 220 

Box 14 BIOTRADE 251 

xv

CONTENT OF ACRONYMS AND ABBREVIATIONS 

AAPPSME Asociación Agroartesanal de Productores de Plantas Secas Medicinales 

del Ecuador 

ABS Access and Benefit Sharing 

AIPSE Asociación de Pueblos Shuar del Ecuador 

a.s.l. Above sea level 

BEE Production of beetle larvae 

C Cultivated species 

CBD Convention on Biological Diversity 

CCA Community Conservation Agreement 

CDM Clean Development Mechanism 

cf. compare for 

Ch. Chapter 

CIA Central Intelligence Agency 

CINFA Centro integrado de Geomática Ambiental 

CODENPE Consejo de Desarrollo de las Nacionalidades y Pueblos del Ecuador 

CON Construction 

CONFENIAE Confederación de Nacionalidades Indígenas de la Amazonía Ecuatoriana 

COP Conference of the Parties 

COT Committee on Toxicity of Chemicals in Food 

CPCC Cophenetic correlation coefficient 

CRA Crafts 

dbh. Diameter at breast high 

DED Deutscher Entwicklungsdienst 

DFG Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft 

DIPECHO Disaster Prepardness ECHO 

E Epiphyte/Hemiepiphyte 

ECHO Humanitarian Aid and Civil Protection Department of the European 

Commission 

ECOLAC Regional producer of dairy products 

ECSF San Francisco Research Station 

EFPIA European Federation of Pharmaceutical Industries and Associations 

e.g. For example (exempli gratia) 

FACE Forests Absorbing Carbon Dioxide Emission Foundation 

FAN Fondo Ambiental Nacional 

FAO Food and Agriculture Organization 

FEN Living fences 

FEPNASH-ZCh Federación Provincial de la Nacionalidad Shuar de Zamora Chinchipe 

ff. And the following pages 

FIB Fiber 

FICSH Federación Interprovincial de Centros Shuar 

FICSHA Federación Interprovincial de Centros Shuar y Achuar 

xvi

Fig. Figure 

FINAI Federación Interprovincial de la Nacionalidad Achuar del Ecuador 

FIPSE Federación Independiente del Pueblo Shuar del Ecuador 

FIVI Family Importance Value Index 

FOD Fodder 

FORAGUA Fondo Regional del Agua del Sur del Ecuador 

FOO Food 

FSHZCH Federación Shuar de Zamora Chinchipe 

FUE Fuel 

g Gramm 

GDP Gross Domestic Product 

H Herb 

H/F Hunting/Fishing 

ICDPs Integrated Conservation and Development Projects 

i.e. That is, in other words 

IERAC Instituto Ecuatoriano de Reforma Agraria y Colonización 

IGM Instituto Geográfico Militar 

INDA National Institution of Agrarian Development 

INEC National Ecuadorian Institute of Statistics 

IPBES Intergovernmental Science Policy Platform on Biodiversity and 

Ecosystem Services 

IPCC Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change 

IRD Institut de Recherche pour le Développement 

IUCN International Union for the Conservation of Nature 

km Kilometers 

L Liana 

m Meter 

mm Millimeters 

MAB-UNESCO Man and Biosphere-United Nations Education and Science Organization 

MAG Ministerio de Agricultura, Ganadería, Pesca y Acuacultura del Ecuador 

MED Medicinal 

NBI Necesidades Básicas Insatisfechas 

NCI Naturaleza y Cultura Internacional 

NE Northeast 

NGOs Non-governmental organizations 

NPIC National Pesticide Information Center 

NTFPs Non-timber forest products 

NWFPs Non-wood forest products 

OISAE Organización Independiente Shuar de la Amazonia Ecuatoriana 

op. cit. opere citato (in the work cited) 

ORN Ornamental 

OSHE Organización Shuar del Ecuador 

OTH Other 

xvii

PDV Paint/Dye/Varnish 

PES Payments for Environmental Services 

PNBSE Programa Nacional Biocomercio Sostenible del Ecuador 

PRODEMINCA Projecto de Desarrollo Minero y Control Ambiental 

PROFAFOR Programa FACE de Forestación 

PUCE Pontificia Universidad Católica del Ecuador 

Qu Quechua 

R/M Ritual & Mythical 

RAE Real Academia de la Lengua Española 

REDD Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and forest Degradation 

S Shrub 

SE Southeast 

Sh Shuar 

SHA Shade 

SIISE Sistema Integrado de Indicadores Sociales del Ecuador 

sp. Species 

Sp Spanish 

spp. Species (plural) 

SW Southwest 

T Treelet/tree 

T/C Tools & Containers 

TEK Traditional ecological knowledge 

UNCTAD United Nations Conference on Trade and Development 

UNEP United Nations Environmental Programme 

UNESCO United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization 

UNFCCC United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change 

UNL Universidad Nacional de Loja 

UNO United Nations Organization 

UPGMA Unweighted pair group method using arithmetic means 

USA United States of America 

USD United States Dollar 

UTPL Universidad Técnica Particular de Loja 

V Vine 

VET Veterinary 

vgl. vergleiche 

vs. versus 

WCMC World Conservation Monitoring Centre 

W-E West-East 

Wf Wild species gathered in forest 

Wn Wild species gathered in other areas 

WTTC World Travel Tourism Council 

z. B. zum Beispiel 

xviii

GLOSSARY OF LOCAL TERMS 

Asociación: Spanish word for association. Among the Shuar an association is 

formed by a group of centros and represents them at regional level. 

Arrimados: Peasants who were allowed to use a piece of land in exchange for 

money, part of their harvest, or free labor, but who did not have any 

hereditary rights over land. As small farmers, they were completely 

dependent on the hacienda. 

Ayampaku: Shuar term for typical packages of a few leaves - filled with fish, meat, 

cassava (Manihot esculenta) or palm stems - cooked in an open fire. 

The leaves serve as a plate after opening the package. 

Bosque Protector: “Protective Forest”, a protection category in Ecuadorian Forest Law 

Centro: Spanish word for center, Shuar villages. 

Chacra: Field or forest garden. 

Chicha: Typical Shuar alcoholic beverage made from fermented cassava roots 

(Manihot esculenta). The Shuar drink chicha daily. There exist different 

varieties that include other ingredients, like palm fruits (mainly Bactris 

gasipaes) fruits or sweet potatoes (Ipomoea batatas). 

Colada morada: Typical Ecuadorian sweet drink made with sugar, berries, different 

herbs, starch and hot water. 

Curandero: Spanish word for Shaman. 

Espanto: Espanto (freight), also known as susto (fear), is a folk aliment caused 

by an exposure to danger and results in a pathological response that 

affects the organism through diarrhea, nausea, depression, fever and 

loss of appetite, and causes the loss of the soul, or vital force. 

Federación Shuar: Spanish name for Shuar Federation. 

Fiesta de la chonta: The Shuar celebrate the harvest of the chonta palm (Bactris gasipaes) 

in February with the “fiesta de la chonta” or “chonta festival”. 

Fiesta de la culebra: Snake festival, a ritual to celebrate the healing of those persons bitten 

by a snake. 

Finca: Range, property, farm. 

Guarapo: Sugar cane juice. 

Hacienda: In Latin America, a large landed estate. The hacienda originated in the 

Spanish colonial period and survived into the 20th century. 

Horchata: Typical south-Ecuadorian tea made with more than 15 different 

medicinal herbs. 

xix

Huerta: Home garden. 

Limpias: The limpias (cleansing) are a healing method where the curandero 

indentifies areas of unbalanced energy within a patient’s body. These 

are then rebalanced and the negative energies are removed. The limpias 

can also be applied to rooms or to buildings. 

Mal aire: According to local traditions, mal aire is a bad air that results in 

diseases. These air- or wind-borne illnesses enter through body 

openings such as the head, orifices, lower back, and feet. The symptoms 

are diverse and include headache, fever and other ailments, and its 

presence is linked to the contact with evil spirits. There exist different 

types of mal aire, like the aire de agua (water air), or the aire fuerte 

(strong air). 

Mal de Holanda: Disease that affects mainly children. It produces abscesses in the mouth. 

The term, which means “Dutch disease”, is used by Shuar, Saraguro 

and Mestizo rural communities. 

Minga: Minga is a typical communal work team, where members of the same 

families or of neighboring families collaborate and work together in 

punctual duties that require much labor. The land owners usually offer a 

lunch to the helpers. 

Mita: Colonial mandatory public service. 

Mitimae: Populations transferred by the Incas from one conquered territory to 

another in order to control population. 

Nudo: Spanish word for transversal mountain spur. 

Panela: Sugar obtained from sugar cane from its boiling and evaporating. 

Pasto natural: Native and naturalized weeds forming pasture land in open areas. They 

grow spontaneously and, as a rule, have not been directly cultivated. 

However, previous landowners might have sowed certain grass species. 

Peste: An undisclosed illness, plague. There exist plagues that affect humans, 

animals, (peste de los pollos) and plants (peste del gramalote). 

Síndico: Elected council head. 

Sopla: Sopla is technique of the traditional medicine of southern Ecuador. The 

doctor or curandero drinks some remedy (mainly infusions, decoctions 

or dilutions) and sprays the body of the patient with it. This technique is 

also used in rituals like the limpias. 

Tamal: Typical Mestizo south-Ecuadorian pie made with corn wrapped up in 

leaves and cooked. 

Tambo: Quechua word for roadhouse, service area. 

xx

Tapia: Tapia is a typical Andean constructing material. A very resistant wall of 

earth is constructed by compressing earth into an externally supported 

frame that moulds the shape of a wall section. The wall frames can be 

removed after compressing. 

Terratenientes: Landlords, the owners of the haciendas. 

Tola: Tool similar to a hoe made of wood used by Saraguros and Mestizos to 

used for weeding, cultivating, and gardening. 

Trapiche: Press for sugar cane. 

Tsantsas: Shrunken heads. 

Wai: Tola, or tool similar to a hoe made of wood (mainly from Pambil 

(Iriartea deltoidea), Saka (Myrcia sp.) or Sharimiat (Mouriri 

grandiflora) wood) used by Shuar women to cultivate their chacras. 

xxi

xxii

1 INTRODUCTION 

1.1 GENERAL CONTEXT 

Among terrestrial ecosystems, forests host the richest biological diversity (cf. Nakashizuka 

2007: 359; Wright 2002: 1). Unfortunately, the long-term sustainability of rainforests, and the 

array of goods and services they provide, may now be under threat from human actions (Foley 

et al. 2007: 26). Changes in ecosystems have been more rapid during the past 50 years than at 

any other time in human history and represent the sixth major extinction event in the history 

of life (cf. Millennium Ecosystem Assessment 2005b; Chapin III et al. 2000). It is, by now, 

well understood that these unprecedented levels of loss of biological diversity are made worse 

by human-induced alterations to the global environment and by an inefficient use of natural 

resources (cf. Wright 2005; WCMC 2003; Sala et al. 2000; Daily 1999). Large-scale cattle 

ranchers, industrial farmers, and subsistence farmers are converting forests because the 

economic benefit of agriculture and cattle ranching is apparently more attractive than any 

possible profits from keeping land under intact forest cover (cf. Martin 2008; FAO 2001; 

Barrett & Lybbert 2000; Sierra 1999; Pichón 1997). These stakeholders often do not perceive 

any value in biodiversity (cf. Ch. 2.1); whilst vitally important to human welfare, biodiversity 

and the related ecosystem functions have been seen as a public good with open access (cf. 

Ferraro & Kiss 2002; Landell-Mills 2002). Plant diversity, as part of biodiversity, has always 

been of central significance to human well-being. Cultivated and wild plants supply people 

with food, medicines, fuel, ornaments, as well as construction materials and resources for the 

manufacture of tools, crafts and many other articles. Biochemistry based on plant substances 

and phytogenetic resources is being increasingly explored. Moreover, plants are essential 

elements of ecological systems on all scales, providing humanity with fertile soils and reliable 

climates and water supplies. 

The central role of plants in the everyday life has obvious significance in developing 

countries, where all kinds of daily living activity includes the direct use of plant resources, 

(e.g. subsistence agriculture, care of domestic animals, the gathering of firewood, or the use 

of medicinal plants) (cf. FAO 2007a; World Development Report 2007; Hamilton et al. 

2003). In this way, indigenous and local peoples throughout the world have generated 

enormous bodies of traditional knowledge about the use of plant resources. According to 

several authors (cf. UNEP 1999; Alcorn 1996, 1995; Posey 1985), Amerindian societies who 

depend on forest resources for subsistence, effectively manage and conserve natural and manmade 

ecosystems and their biodiversity. These authors argue that the sustainable use of 

tropical forest environments can be successfully learned from indigenous groups. In this 

regard, Alcorn (1996: 235) noted that ethno-biologists have documented all around the world 

the congruence of indigenous communities and biodiversity in regions where neighboring 

land use by non-indigenous people has severely altered or destroyed local forests. Conversely, 

Alvard (1998, 1993) warned that it would be an error to conclude that indigenous groups 

1

manage local biodiversity in a sustainable way just because they are not over-exploiting their 

resources and have an intimate knowledge of their environment (cf. Ch. 2.2). For instance, in 

north-west Ecuador, Sierra (1999) deduced that indigenous populations deforested more 

during the same period than Mestizo immigrant farmers from outside the region. On their 

part, Terborgh & Peres (2002: 307) remarked that wild nature and humans are incompatible 

except where the latter practice a low-impact pre-modern lifestyle at very low population 

densities. Yet, as pointed out by Serrão et al. (1996), the attribution of deforestation and 

biodiversity loss is a controversial task, as the use of land is a profound human necessity and 

increases in parallel with demographic growth. However, there exists consensus about the fact 

that the gradual integration of indigenous and local groups into the market economy is leading 

not only to an intense exploitation of their forest resources, but to an increased acculturation 

(cf. Gray et al. 2008; Tourrand et al. 2008; Martin 2004; Rudel et al. 2002; Cunningham 

2001; Tuxill & Nabhan 2001; Sierra 1999). Traditional ecological knowledge and traditional 

forest utilization systems that are thought to be sustainable are in danger of collapsing due to 

the rapid changes in lifestyle. In such situations, the ecological understanding held by older 

generations is not passed on to younger generations who often abandon the traditions of their 

elders for the trappings of modern society (Tuxill & Nabhan 2001: 14). On this matter, it is of 

utmost importance to understand how local people are using plant resources and to document 

this knowledge before it becomes lost in acculturation processes (cf. Bhagwat et al. 2008; 

Nakashizuka 2007; Cunningham 2001). Ethnobotanical studies, which study the 

classification, use, and management of plants by people, represent an ideal scientific approach 

to this challenge (cf. Martin 2004). The concept of ethnobotany has changed over time; thus, 

in order to avoid misunderstandings, the understood meaning of ethnobotany is presented in 

Box 1. 

Local land use and its impact on biodiversity is a further topic investigated in this research. 

The systematic study and knowledge of current land use is essential to support analysis and 

management of land and the maintenance of biodiversity (cf. Gong et al. 2009: 2). Different 

experts have given diverse land use definitions to suit their own research objectives. For the 

purposes of this study, the definition of land use by Di Gregorio and Jansen (1998) has been 

chosen, as it is the most common definition used by the Food and Agriculture Organization 

(FAO) and the United Nations Environmental Programme (UNEP) in their guidelines. 

According to these authors, land use “is characterized by the arrangements, activities and 

inputs by people to produce, change or maintain a certain land cover type”. Thus, land use 

practices can lead to a change in land cover, which would be the consequence of interactions 

between the natural environment (especially vegetation) and the use (cf. Gong et al. 2009: 2). 

“Land cover is the observed (bio)physical cover on the earth’s surface” (Di Gregorio & 

Jansen, 1998, cited in IPCC 2000; FAO & UNEP 1999: 7). In other words, land cover is the 

observed cover, “as seen by the human eye, aerial photographs, satellite sensors, or simply 

existing maps” (Gong et al. 2009: 2; Young 1994: 9). In contrast, land use is “difficult to 

observe” making the collection of field and ground information through field surveys 

necessary. As pointed out by Young (1994: 15 ff.), apart from settlements and related uses, 

land use can be based on natural or semi-natural ecosystems from which there is no 

substantial production other than by collection (e.g. non-timber forest products, hunting, 

2

fishing), or can be based on managed ecosystems, “where the natural vegetation may be 

cleared, either permanently (e.g. in plantation forestry, sedentary agricultural crop 

production) or temporarily (e. g. in production forestry, shifting cultivation)”. The crucial 

question about land use is which products (e.g. timber, crops) and which benefits (e.g. 

environmental services) or negative impacts (e.g. deforestation, land degradation) derive from 

the use of land (cf. Gong et al. 2009). 

Box 1: Ethnobotany: The study of the interactions between people and plants 

Ethnobotany was first described as “the use of plants by aboriginal peoples” (Harshberger 1896, cited 

in Cotton 1996:1). At that time, the study of botanical knowledge concentrated on the usage and 

economic potential of plants by native peoples. However, over time, anthropological, archaeological, 

biological, geographical, ecological and other aspects became increasingly important and a whole 

range of interpretations of the meaning of ethnobotany appeared (cf. Martin 2007, 1995; Cunningham 

2001; Cotton 1996). Today, the most accepted definition is that of Martin (2007: xx), which refers to 

ethnobotany as “the study of local people’s interaction with plants”. The same author considers 

ethnobotany as a part of ethnoecology, a term that he defines as “the study of how people interact 

with all aspects of the natural environment, including plants, animals, landforms, forest types and soils, 

among many other things”. In the past, ethnobotany was criticized as it was seen as an academic 

exercise of creating catalogues of useful plants or for serving only external interests, with the results 

benefiting neither local people nor conservation (Martin 2007: xxi; Hamilton et al. 2003: 3). 

Nevertheless, in recent years researchers have used a much more practical approach, applying 

ethnobotany to conservation and sustainable development (Hamilton et al. 2003: 3). Applied 

ethnobotany and its methods are seen as a local, decentralized approach, where local people 

contribute to resolve conservation and resource management problems in resourceful ways, rather 

than being part of the problem (Cunningham 2001: xviii). 

The use of forest resources, the depletion of tropical rainforests, and the development of 

conservation strategies and tools have become a matter of international interest since the 

1970s (cf. Sayer et al. 2000; Chazdon 1998). As a first step, in order to protect biodiversity 

from unsustainable land use, national parks and other types of nature reserves were created all 

around the world (cf. Wittemyer et al. 2008; du Toit et al 2004; Bruner et al. 2001; Shafer 

1999). An intense debate over conservation strategies between advocates of people-free parks 

- who argued that the presence of permanent extractive communities within parks is 

antithetical to the area’s conservation goal -, and people-oriented or community-based 

conservation followed. The latter maintained that protected areas need human occupants to 

defend them and that conservation will only be legitimate if local communities benefit from 

conservation (cf. Durand & Lazos 2008; Colchester 2000; Terborgh & Peres 2000; Wild & 

Mutebi 1996). Sinclair et al. (2000) however pointed out that protected areas and community 

areas are not alternatives, they are complementary strategies. Strictly protected areas should 

be established within larger managed landscapes occupied by people (Colchester 2000). On 

this point, the fact that around 80% of the protected areas in South America are inhabited by 

3

indigenous peoples cannot be ignored (Colchester 1996). Moreover, according to Cincotta et 

al. (2000: 990), the density of people in biodiversity hotspots is about 73 per km 2 , compared 

with a global average of 42 per km 2 . Thus, it is more logical to work with these peoples than 

“to cast them into the role of environmental villains and expel them from their homelands” 

(Colchester 2000: 1365). Despite conservation efforts, many of the protected areas continue to 

be degraded while unprotected forests are being converted. A further problem is that local 

communities have often been against reserve areas, particularly when such protection status 

resulted in reduced access to resources, employment and income (cf. Herlihy 1997; Wild & 

Mutebi 1996). Consequently, the conservation emphasis has shifted from protection and 

exclusion to the sustainable use of biodiversity and to prevention (Van Schaik & Rijksen 

2002). 

Apart from establishing nature reserves, initiatives such as “community based conservation”, 

“Integrated Conservation and Development Projects (ICDPs)” and “sustainable forest 

management projects (SFMs)” have been developed in an attempt to link conservation with 

sustainable rural development. Such approaches provide the communities with financial 

benefits by giving them a sustainable and productive field of activity and additional security 

brought by diversified income while protecting the forests (cf. Kilbane-Gockel & Gray 2009; 

Wunder 2006; Landell-Mills & Porras 2002; Inamdar et al. 1999). In other words, the new 

conservation strategy was to provide welfare through the use of forest biodiversity for local 

peoples who coexist with it. This reflects the concept of “protection by use” instead of 

“protection from use” under the philosophy “use it or lose it” coined in Costa Rica by 

Janzen, a University of Pennsylvania biologist (cf. Pohle & Gerique 2006; Daily & Ellison 

2002). The sustainable uses of biodiversity included in such initiatives are improved 

agroforestry systems, the extraction of non-timber forest products and community-based 

ecotourism (cf. Vogel 1997). However, this philosophy has been contested. For instance, 

Terborgh, codirector of the Center of Tropical Conservation at Duke University, USA, 

described it as “use it and lose it”. His concern was that with the exception of ecotourism, 

other uses like selective timber harvesting and the use of non-timber forest products tend to 

attract people to the new resources of income, and end up overusing and even destroying 

forest biodiversity (Daily & Ellison 2002: 171). After decades of efforts to conserve 

biodiversity through these instruments, there is a growing awareness that such initiatives 

alone seldom work. Examples of successful sustainable forest management programs or 

programs for the conservation of protected areas are rare (cf. Butler & Laurance 2008; Ferraro 

& Kiss 2002; Sayer et al. 2000). In recent times, and in explicit recognition of these 

limitations, new tools for biodiversity conservation have been developed. The so-called 

Payments for Environmental Services (PES) are economic incentives for local inhabitants not 

only for incorporating sustainable practices into resource management but also as a 

compensation for conserving biodiversity in their territories (cf. Forest Trends et al. 2008; 

Robertson & Wunder 2005). Finally, and in addition, ecosystem services derived from 

bioprospecting (cf. Ch. 2.3.4) have recently been proposed as a further resource for 

conservation (cf. Kursar et al. 2007). The third main topic of this study deals with the possible 

use of these conservation tools in the study area. 

4

1.2 REGIONAL CONFINEMENT: THE CASE OF SOUTHERN ECUADOR 

The tropical mountain rainforests of the eastern Andean slopes and the tropical premontane 

rainforests of the lower sub-Andean ranges of southern Ecuador are taken as the region of 

analysis. They constitute part of one of the most important hotspots 1 of plant diversity 

worldwide (cf. Brehm et al. 2008; Barthlott et al. 2007; Neill 2007, 2005; Myers et al. 2000; 

Schulenberg & Awrey 1997; Jørgensen & Ulloa Ulloa 1994). The so-called “Tropical Andes 

Hotspot” includes the tropical portion of the Andes Mountain Range and several adjoining 

cordilleras, and reaches down to an elevation of 1,000 meters in the west, where it borders the 

Tumbes-Chocó-Magdalena Hotspot. In the east, it extends downward to 500 meters in 

elevation, where the forests of the Andean slopes meet the Amazonian lowlands 

(Conservation International 2009a). These forests potentially host the richest flora of any 

similarly sized area in all of the Neotropics (Schulenberg & Awbrey 1997: 12). 

Unfortunately, regional biodiversity faces the threat of dramatically high deforestation rates. 

According to FAO (2006, cited in FAO 2009: 114), the annual deforestation rate of 1.7% for 

Ecuador is the highest in South America, and the topical mountain rainforests of southern 

Ecuador are not an exception (cf. Günter 2009: 91). 

The importance of species richness in southeastern Ecuador and the concern about habitat loss 

has been recognized by Ecuadorian national authorities in the creation of the Podocarpus 

National Park in 1982 and the later establishment of protective forest areas (bosques 

protectores), a reserve category that allows certain land use activities (cf. Ch. 3.1.4). 

Subsequently, in September 2007 UNESCO declared the whole region Biosphere Reserve 

(Diario La Hora 2007). One of these protective reserves (Bosque Protector Alto Nangaritza) 

includes the premontane forests situated between the National Park and the Peruvian border. 

This area is mainly inhabited by the Shuar, who are indigenous forest dwellers and the 

traditional inhabitants of this region (cf. Ch. 3.1.5.1). Another reserve (Bosque Protector 

Corazón de Oro) encompasses mountain rainforest areas located north of the national park. 

This region was colonized by indigenous Saraguro and Mestizo settlers from the highlands 

long before the establishment of the reserve (cf. Ch. 6.2). The Saraguros are highland 

Quechua Indians who traditionally inhabit the northern Andean area of Loja Province, while 

the Mestizos are the main ethnic group in the region (cf. Ch. 3.1.5.2 and Ch. 3.1.5.3), and 

represent about 80% of the country’s population (de la Torre & Balslev 2008: 51). 

While the life and customs of the indigenous Shuar group in Ecuador has been well 

documented (cf. Münzel 1977; Harner 1972), no comprehensive ethnobotanical studies 

appear until the publications of Duchelle (2007), Bennett et al. (2002), Morales & Schjellerup 

(1999), Bennett (1992b), and Cerón (1991). Rudel et al. (2002) studied land use and 

acculturation processes among the Shuar by using survey and remote-sensing data. However, 

all these authors focused their investigations on communities located in the Morona Santiago 

Province. Only in recent years have researchers become aware of the plant knowledge of the 

1 To qualify as a hotspot, a region must meet two strict criteria: it must contain at least 1,500 species of vascular 

plants (> 0.5% of the world’s total) as endemics, and it has to have lost at least 70% of its original habitat (cf. 

Myers et al. 2000). 

5

Shuar communities living in the forest areas of the Upper Nangaritza in Zamora Chinchipe 

Province (cf. Pohle et al. 2010; Gerique 2009; Gerique & Veintimilla 2008; Pohle & Gerique 

2008; Pohle & Gerique 2006; Byg 2004; Pohle & Reinhardt 2004; Santín 2004). According to 

the latter studies, the Shuar of the Upper Nangaritza have impressive plant knowledge and 

depend highly on the use of forest resources. However, and as discussed above, their adoption 

of market economy strategies induced by the presence of settlers in their territories could 

provoke the loss of much of their traditional plant knowledge and accelerate acculturation, 

land conversion and deforestation. Besides, their land use has not yet been described in detail. 

The Saraguros and particularly their plant knowledge are less well documented. Belote 

(1998) and Gräf (1990) published comprehensive ethnological monographs of this ethnic 

group and described some plant uses, while Elleman (1990) presented an exhaustive 

description of the use of plant resources around the city of Saraguro. Also, Tutillo (2004, 

2010) outlined the conservation status of nature in an area habited by this ethnic group, while 

Pohle et al. 2010, Pohle & Gerique 2008, Pohle & Gerique 2006, and Pohle 2004 also 

described the local use of plant resources. 

There are only a few ethnobotanical studies of the Mestizos of Ecuador. Cerón (2002b, cited 

in de la Torre & Macía 2008: 20) described the ethnobotany of Mestizo communities of the 

Upano River. On their part, Sánchez et al. (2006) described the use of plants in Mestizo 

communities in the dry forests of south-western Ecuador, while Kvist et al. (2006) conducted 

a similar research in the western Andean slopes in Loja Province. However, surveys of plant 

use by the Mestizos in southern Ecuador have focused on one plant use category, edible plants 

(Van den Eyden 2004; Van den Eyden et al. 2003), and in particular on medicinal plants (cf. 

Gerique 2009; Tene et al. 2007; Bussmann & Sharon 2006; Ordóñez Vivanco et al. 2006; 

Béjar et al. 2001; Aguirre et al. 2000). Sælemyr (2004) reviewed the interactions of the 

Mestizos and their biophysical environment in an area close to the Podocarpus National Park 

in order to examine underlying perceptions of 'nature' that might create conflicts over resource 

use. Today, the conversion of land for cattle raising and infrastructure, and the degradation of 

forests due to logging by both ethnic groups are regarded as being the main causes of 

biodiversity loss in the region (cf. Pohle et al. 2010, Beck et al. 2008a; Pohle & Gerique 2006; 

Wunder 1996a). Despite these processes and with the exception of the studies by Pohle et al. 

2010, Pohle & Gerique 2008, and Pohle & Gerique 2006, little is known about their use of 

wild and cultivated plant resources, nor their land use. 

Although much emphasis has been given to the Brazilian Amazon in the analysis of land use 

and deforestation (cf. Browder et al. 2008; Pacheco 2008; Browder et al. 2004; Serrăo et al. 

1996) similar information on the Ecuadorian southern regions is scarce. There exist a few 

studies on these topics in northern and northern Ecuador (cf. Gray et al. 2008; Pan et al. 2004; 

Rudel et al 2002; Sierra 2000, 1999; Sierra et al. 1999a; Pichón 1997, 1996a, 1996b; Rudel & 

Horowitz 1996), and the Ecuadorian Andes (Tutillo 2010, López-Sandoval 2004; Wunder 

1996b). Nevertheless, southern Ecuador has almost been ignored by science until recently, 

with the exception of a few publications like Wunder (1996a) and Temme (1972). Potential 

traditional plant knowledge and farming practices brought and developed by Mestizo and 

Saraguro settlers remain unknown. Such knowledge may be becoming lost due to the use of 

6

modern techniques and acculturation. As pointed out by Cerón (2002a), the degradation of 

natural ecosystems advances side by side with the deterioration of the traditional ecological 

knowledge of the peasants of the Andes. 

Until recently, studies of alternative land use practices and agroforestry in Ecuador were 

hard to find, and dealt mainly with reforestation practices in the Andes (cf. Hofstede et al. 

1998; Proyecto FAO-Holanda 1995). In recent times, several studies conducted within the 

frame of the DFG 2 Research Group 816 indicate that reforestation of abandoned pasture land 

with native species (cf. Calvas et al. (submitted); Günter et al. 2009; Knoke et al. 2009a; 

Stimm et al. 2008; Weber et al. 2008), silvicultural treatments of local natural forests (cf. 

Cabrera et al. 2006), and plantations (cf. Aguirre et al. 2006) are suitable option for the 

sustainable production of profitable timber species in tropical mountain rain forests. Besides, 

Pohle et al. (2010); Pohle & Gerique (2008, 2006) and Van den Eyden (2004) offered for 

consideration alternatives to cattle raising such as the production of agricultural goods from 

home gardens and agroforestry, including the collection of non-timber forest products 

(NTFPs). The latter are abundant in Ecuador; however, to date only Añazco et al. (2004) have 

presented an in-depth study of them. 

Ecotourism as a tool for biodiversity conservation and development in Ecuador has been 

studied by Drumm (1991) in the Amazon region and by Wunder (2000a, 1999), specifically in 

Quechua, Cofán and Siona-Secoyas communities in the Cuyabeno Reserve, while Wesche & 

Drumm (1999, cited in Logback et al. 2002) described ecotourism in Quechua communities 

of the Upper Napo. A recent study by Zeppel (2006) of indigenous ecotourism notes the large 

number of indigenous ecotourism enterprises in the Amazonian Ecuador. However, neither 

ecotourism projects nor studies of this approach as an indirect conservation strategy exist for 

southern Ecuador. 

In recent years, several initiatives of payments for environmental services (PES) have been 

developed in Ecuador. However, literature about such ventures is hard to find. Most research 

(cf. Cordero Camacho 2008; Wunder & Albán 2008; Echavarría et al. 2004; Landell-Mills & 

Porras 2002) deals with funds for watershed conservation projects, as several municipalities 

across the country (including some in southern Ecuador like Celica and Loja) have adopted 

this conservation practice. On their part, Wunder & Albán (2008), Lohmann (2006), and 

Albán & Argüello (2004) described the impacts of PROFAFOR (Absorbing Carbon-dioxide 

Emissions Forestation Program), the most important afforestation and reforestation project in 

the country. Knoke et al. (2009b) studied the effectiveness and distributional impacts of 

payments for reduced carbon emissions from deforestation in the study area. 

Regarding bioprospecting in Ecuador, Ecolex (2005) and Estrella et al. (2005) have dealt 

with legislation concerning the access to genetic resources. However, no scientific 

publications about bioprospecting ventures in southern Ecuador exist. 

2 DFG: Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft (German Research Fundation). 

7

1.3 AIM AND STRUCTURE OF THIS STUDY 

Based on the foregoing, this study pursues the following objectives: 

Objective 1: To document the current use of plant diversity by the different ethnic groups who 

live in the area of study 

The research deals with the indigenous and local plant knowledge of the three main regional 

ethnic groups of the study area, namely the Shuar, the Saraguros and the Mestizos. The goal 

of this ethnobotanical research is to document all cultivated and wild plants used in selected 

settlements and to describe all plant uses, including plant parts used and their preparation. 

This explorative-qualitative study (cf. Bortz & Döring 2005: 386) aims to document local 

plant knowledge in order to avoid its loss through acculturation and other modernization 

processes. Beyond that, it will identify potential novel plant species for food, fibers and other 

commodities, highlighting promising cultivated plant resources and showing the relevance of 

forests as a source of useful products for the different ethnic groups. 

Objective 2: To describe and analyze current land use 

Local livelihoods in rural communities rely on land use. Thus, they depend directly or 

indirectly on plant resources. However, current land use must be critically analyzed, as it may 

endanger forest biodiversity. The description and analysis of land use will be qualitative and 

will include information on the main colonization processes in the region. As pointed out by 

Kaimowitz & Angelsen (1998) such studies provide relevant insights that are difficult to 

capture in quantitative studies and can inspire modelers to use new variables and causal 

relationships in their models, and, in addition, they add an historical dimension to studies of 

deforestation. 

Objective 3: To identify sustainable use alternatives that fit in the area 

As Albuquerque et al. (2009: 128) remarked, one of the most important roles that the study of 

plant knowledge could perform in order to contribute to biodiversity conservation is to 

propose realistic and functional models for natural resource usage and management that could 

be used in policy planning and decision-making. A better understanding of the role of plant 

resources and of local land use allows for the development of alternatives to current nonsustainable 

land uses that destroy forest biodiversity. Thus, actual land use will be checked 

(Objective 2) and recommendations will be formulated following the concept of “protection 

by use” that has been presented in Chapter 1.1. Alternatives and future choices may include 

existing sustainable practices that could be used and expanded. As well, the suitability of 

instruments in line with the mentioned “protection by use” concept will be evaluated. These 

tools include improved agroforestry systems and non-timber forest products, ecotourism, 

payments for environmental services, and bioprospecting. 

8

In order to reach these objectives the study is guided by the following questions: 

a) Focus on plant species: Which plant species are being used? 

b) Focus on plant uses: What are their uses? 

c) Focus on land use: What does the land use of the different ethnic groups look like? 

d) Focus on conservation: Are the uses of local resources among the different ethnic groups 

endangering forest biodiversity? 

e) Focus on alternative sustainable uses: If the actual uses jeopardize the forests and the 

biodiversity therein, what alternatives fit in the area? 

The research pursues its objectives first with the description of some core concepts which are 

essential to understanding local plant use and land management on the one hand, and to find 

alternatives on the other hand. These concepts are “the use values of biodiversity” (Ch. 2.1), 

“traditional ecological knowledge” (Ch. 2.2), and “instruments for the conservation of 

tropical forest areas” (Ch. 2.3). Chapter 2.3 includes an outline of the use of these 

instruments in Ecuador. This is followed by a general description of the main characteristics 

of southern Ecuador, focusing on the physical setting, the natural reserves, its social and 

economic factors, and the three main ethnic groups living in this area (Ch. 3.1). A description 

of these factors is important in order to understand the context in which actual land use and 

forest conservation occurs. The study sites are delineated in Chapter 3.2. The research 

methodology follows (Ch. 4). The principal findings of the ethnobotanical research (Ch. 5) 

and of the analysis of land use of the different ethnic groups are then presented (Ch. 6), while 

proposals for alternative land use options for biodiversity conservation and their fitness for 

purpose are described in Chapter 7. Finally, a general conclusion is presented in Chapter 8. A 

summary in English and in German can be found in Chapters 9 and 10, respectively. The 

Annex includes the complete ethnobotanical inventory. 

9

2 CORE CONCEPTS: THE VALUE OF PLANT DIVERSITY, TRADITIONAL ECOLOGICAL 

KNOWLEDGE, AND TOOLS FOR BIODIVERSITY CONSERVATION 

2.1 PLANT DIVERSITY AS A RESOURCE: THE USE VALUES OF BIOLOGICAL DIVERSITY 

One of the most intractable problems faced by mankind is the loss of biological diversity. The 

notion did not emerge until the late 1980s when relevant biologists called attention to this 

problem for the first time, coining the term “biodiversity” (Kunzig 2008; Takacs 1996). Since 

then, the conservation of biological diversity has become a major issue among scientists and 

conservationists. In 1992, during the United Nations Conference on Environment and 

Development - also known as the Rio Summit – the term biodiversity was globally 

acknowledged with the signature of the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD). Article 2 

defines biodiversity as “the variability among living organisms from all sources including 

ecosystems and the ecological complexes of which they are part, comprising diversity within 

species, between species and of ecosystems” and subsequently, biological resources as 

“genetic resources, organisms or parts thereof, populations, or any other biotic component of 

ecosystems with actual or potential use or value for humanity” (Secretariat of the CBD 1992). 

This view of biological diversity as a valuable resource constitutes the dominant approach to 

this day. In addition, the same article of the CBD defines sustainable use as the “use of 

components of biological diversity in a way and at a rate that does not lead to the long-term 

decline of biological diversity, thereby maintaining its potential to meet the needs and 

aspirations of present and future generations”. 

Different studies have focused on the values and services of biodiversity and ecosystem 

functions that contribute to human well-being (cf. Foley et al. 2007; FAO 2007a; Millennium 

Ecosystem Assessment 2005a, 2005b; Balmford et al. 2002; Daily et al. 2000; Daily 1999; 

Mountford & Keppler 1999; Constanza et al. 1997; Vogel 1997; Ruitenbeek 1992). A 

synthesis of these studies is illustrated in Figure 1 and can be summarized as follows: 

biodiversity and its strongly related ecosystem functions make human welfare possible 

through a flow of values and services. Some of them derive from the use of biodiversity, 

while others come from the absence of use. The Millennium Ecosystem Assessment (2005a: 

34) called this paradigm of values, use values versus non-use values, the utilitarian concept. 

Option and quasi-option values, existence and bequest values and spiritual and religious 

values result from the non-use of the resource biodiversity. Option values refer to use choices 

which people would like to make if their preferences change, while quasi-option values refer 

to the ability to react to future information. For instance, one of the arguments for tropical 

forest conservation is that they might host the remedy to cancer and other diseases. In other 

words, the non-use value of biodiversity derives in such cases from potential services. At the 

same time, biological diversity has an existence value in its own right, being something that 

should not be viewed only for its usefulness. Its bequest value stands for values connected to 

the opportunity of maintaining biodiversity for the use or enjoyment of future generations. 

10

The perception of existence values is socially founded and in the Northern countries 

frequently rises with income and education. “The knowledge that the tropical rain forest, the 

whale or the Panda bear continue to exist provides satisfaction to people even if they might 

never do so much as look at a picture of it” (Mountford & Keppler 1999: 137). 

Biodiversity 

Ecosystem 

functions 

Fig. 1: Biodiversity values and services 

Non-use values 

Option & quasi-option values 

Existence & bequest values 

Spiritual & religious values 

Use values 

Direct use values 

Cultural values 

• Education & science 

• Recreation & aesthetic values 

Goods 

• Food (game, fish, crops, fruits, 

etc.) 

• Construction materials 

• Medicinal plants & natural 

products 

• Genetic resources 

Indirect use values 

Regeneration 

• Primary production 

• Nutrient cycling 

• Water cycling 

• Soil formation 

Regulation 

• Climate regulation 

• Water regulation 

• Water purification 

• Disease regulation 

• Seed dispersal & 

• Pollination, etc. 

Services 

Potential 

services 

Provisioning 

services 

Supporting 

services 

Regulating 

services 

Draft: A. Gerique (2008) (Adapted from FAO 2007; Millennium Ecosystem Assessment 2005, 2003; Daily 1999; Mountford 

& Keppler 1999; Constanza et al. 1997). 

The existence value of biodiversity is closely linked to spiritual and religious values, 

especially among indigenous and local communities. Religious and spiritual values are often 

expressed in beliefs about divinities and spirits identified with diverse elements of nature, 

being an integral to the value of forests to local people (Laird 1999: 351). Moreover, 

Cultural services 

Human 

welfare 

11

emotional ties with nature, and legends, are two of the most effective motivations to conserve 

forests (Shanley & Galvão 1999: 365). For instance, as pointed out by Wunder (1996b: 377), 

supernatural animals and myths inherited from earlier generations describe the forest as a 

dangerous and unpredictable place that should be respected. Besides the non-use values, 

biodiversity provides humankind with a series of use values, which can be direct or indirect. 

Direct use values are goods and services that can be consumed, traded, or used directly as 

input into commercial, industrial or educational activities. These comprise the use of certain 

areas for education or scientific activities or for tourism (Mountford & Keppler 1999: 135) 

and similar cultural services. Goods provided by biodiversity are vital to human welfare and 

include food, construction materials, medicinal plants and natural products, fuel, genetic 

resources, etc. Agricultural biodiversity (Box 2) plays a major role in the production of goods. 

At the same time, peasants represent the largest group of natural resource users and their 

actions can enhance or degrade ecosystems. Thus, understanding what drives their decisions 

is critical in developing new strategies to contribute to sustainable growth (FAO 2007a: 5). 

Traditional farming methods and local genetic resources make a great contribution to 

agricultural diversity while providing indigenous and local peoples with a wider range of 

responses to environmental or market risks (cf. Coomes & Burt 1997; Phillips 1997). This is 

evidenced by the global food crisis during 2008 demonstrating that local agricultural 

resources are of utmost importance to guarantee sustainable food and food safety and food 

sovereignty (cf. Pimbert 2009). 

Box 2: Agricultural diversity (According to the Secretariat of the CBD 2000) 

According to the Conference of the Parties COP decision V/5, appendix of the Convention on 

Biological Diversity, agricultural biodiversity is “a broad term that includes all components of biological 

diversity of relevance to food and agriculture, and all components of biological diversity that constitute 

the agricultural ecosystems: the variety and variability of animals, plants and micro-organisms, at the 

genetic, species and ecosystem levels, which are necessary to sustain key functions of the agro- 

ecosystem, its structure and processes. […] Agricultural biodiversity is the outcome of the interactions 

among genetic resources, the environment and the management systems and practices used by 

farmers. This is the result of both natural selection and human inventive developed over millennia”. 

The ecosystem functions derived from biodiversity provide indirect use values of biodiversity 

that are essential for life on earth. Regeneration processes of ecosystems affect primary 

production of organic compounds, nutrient and water cycling and soil formation, while 

regulation processes include water purification and the regulation of climate and carbon 

stocks, water flows, vector-borne diseases and pollination and seed dispersal, among others 

(cf. Foley et al. 2007; Millennium Ecosystem Assessment 2005; Mountford & Keppler 1999). 

In other words, these functions support and regulate environmental conditions providing the 

well-being of humans through the maintenance of a healthy natural environment (Mountford 

& Keppler 1999: 136). They are known as ecosystem services or environmental services 

(FAO 2007a: 6). Some authors (cf. Foley 2007; FAO 2007a) consider the production of goods 

12

as ecosystem services. However, estimates of the economic value of biodiversity and 

ecosystem services are characterized by many uncertainties. Not all values of biological 

diversity can be measured in economic terms. Furthermore, not all benefits provided by 

biodiversity can be valuated due to present limitations in our comprehension of ecological 

functions. On the other hand, as pointed out in Chapter 1.1, in many cases stakeholders do not 

perceive any value in biodiversity; they ignore or do not comprehend its existing and potential 

benefits. By analyzing more than 300 case studies of the value of ecosystem services 

Balmford et al. (2002) concluded that the loss of these services by deforestation and land 

conversion outweighed the marketed marginal benefits of conversion in all cases. Hence, 

biological diversity is being destroyed because the cost of conservation is higher than the 

benefits of conservation for those who control the land (Barrett & Lybbert 2000: 294). 

Moreover, there exists a lack of incentives which make keeping land under intact forest cover 

an attractive option when compared to alternative land uses like agriculture and cattle raising. 

Even the general public in the developed world does not have a wide knowledge of what 

biodiversity is and how it affects their lives. According to Ahmed Djoghlaf (2008b: 1), 

Executive Secretary of the Convention on Biological Diversity, surveys in Japan and 

Australia have shown that less than 10 per cent of the public has any real knowledge of the 

impact of biodiversity loss on their society. 

Thus, the translation of the complexity of the value of biological diversity into categories of 

goods and services which are simple and tangible enough to be communicable to farmers, 

shifting cultivators and to decision-makers could contribute to the conservation of biological 

diversity (cf. Mountford & Keppler 1999). Moreover, the notion of biological diversity as a 

resource would allow the public of developed countries to understand the values and benefits 

derived from biodiversity preservation. A good example of how to reach society by valuating 

is global warming. The green house effect and its causes and consequences have been 

important topics among researchers during the last twenty years. In general however, they 

were ignored by the public and stakeholders until the Stern Review 3 revealed the profound 

economic impact of climate change for world economies, and the Intergovernmental Panel on 

Climate Change (IPCC) demonstrated the relevance and necessity of an interface between 

science and decision-making in the field of climate change. To this end, in June 2010 4 a UNO 

meeting gave the green light to the formation of the Intergovernmental Science Policy 

Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services (IPBES) which will be modeled on the 

IPCC to strengthen the legitimacy and credibility of scientific research in this field (Schuh 

2010). 

3 The Stern Review on the Economics of Climate Change (Stern 2006) is one of the most comprehensive reviews 

carried out on the economics of climate change. It was published on October 30 2006 and was led by Lord 

Stern, the then Head of the Government Economic Service and former World Bank Chief Economist. 

4 The United Nations proclaimed 2010 to be the International Year of Biodiversity to motivate people around the 

world to take action to safeguard biodiversity, to help them to discover the connections between themselves 

and the world around them, and to show them the consequences of biodiversity loss, as well as the huge 

benefits of conserving and using it sustainably (Secretariat of the CBD 2010). 

13

2.2 TRADITIONAL ECOLOGICAL KNOWLEDGE (TEK) 

Indigenous and local peoples (Box 3) throughout the world have generated vast bodies of 

knowledge related to the use of biodiversity. This lore has been called traditional ecological 

knowledge (TEK), and arises from direct observations and experiences with the natural 

environment, the meanings of which are commonly enriched by cultural beliefs and rituals 

(cf. Woodley 1991) and modified over generations (Browder 1995:20). Berkes (1993: 3) 

defines it as “a cumulative body of knowledge and beliefs, handed down through generations 

by cultural transmission, about the relationship of living beings (including humans) with one 

another and with their environment. Further, TEK is an attribute of societies with historical 

continuity in resource use practices; by and large, these are non-industrial or less 

technologically advanced societies, many of them indigenous or tribal”. It involves different 

cosmologies “in which the human self is embedded in community and nature” (Browder 1995: 

20), and includes beliefs or world views that regulate the people’s interactions with their 

environment and contrasts with “Western scientific knowledge” (cf. Becker & Ghimbire 

2003; Slikkerveer 1999; Studley 1999; Berkes 1993; Secretariat of the CBD 1992). Even if 

there are many other definitions, there is consensus on the fact that such knowledge is linked 

to indigenous and local communities living in close contact with nature. Indigenous and local 

knowledge is a dynamic process where innovation is possible, and it is acquired through the 

accumulation of experiences and an intimate understanding of the environment. 

Box 3: The definition of “Indigenous Peoples” 

The Secretariat of the Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues of the United Nations Organization 

UNO (2004) considers - according to the prevailing view today – that no formal universal definition of 

the term “indigenous peoples” is necessary. For practical purposes, the understanding of the term 

commonly accepted is the one provided in the Martinez Cobo study on Prevention of Discrimination 

and Protection of Minorities of the UNO (1986): “Indigenous communities, peoples and nations are 

those which, having a historical continuity with pre-invasion and pre-colonial societies that developed 

on their territories, consider themselves distinct from other sectors of the societies now prevailing on 

those territories, or parts of them. They form at present non-dominant sectors of society and are 

determined to preserve, develop and transmit to future generations their ancestral territories, and their 

ethnic identity, as the basis of their continued existence as peoples, in accordance with their own 

cultural patterns, social institutions and legal system […]. On an individual basis, an indigenous person 

is one who belongs to these populations through self-identification as indigenous and is recognized 

and accepted by these populations as one of its members. This preserves for these communities the 

sovereign right and power to decide who belongs to them, without external interference”. 

Traditional ecological knowledge can help to achieve sustainable development; indigenous 

and local communities are living in high bio-diverse areas where most of the world's plant 

genetic resources are found. Their experience in using and managing biodiversity in a 

sustainable way for thousands of years can provide valuable information to the global 

14

community. Moreover, traditional knowledge, promoted to make conservation and 

development more relevant and socially acceptable, is shown to play a central role in 

identifying critical research needs in natural resource planning and management (cf. Donovan 

& Puri 2004). However, Browder (1995) censured the uncritical acceptance of indigenous 

knowledge as a new paradigm of tropical forest conservation and pointed out that nonindigenous 

social groups can adapt themselves to new environments and develop ecologically 

appropriate local knowledge over time as well. As Gadgil (1998) appropriately pointed out, 

“this is not to say that all of them make ecological sense. Some certainly do not, and some 

may have become ecologically maladaptive. The point, however, is that the diversity of 

traditional resource use practices represents a pool of human experience spanning many 

millennia and many cultures”. However, as pointed out above, such knowledge of 

irreplaceable value is disappearing due to acculturation processes driven by economic and 

cultural aspects, like the adoption of a market economy – in contrast to a traditional 

subsistence economy - or the adoption of official languages, which results in many cases in 

the loss of traditional tongues. As the related ancestral knowledge is commonly transferred 

orally, being neither written nor recorded, most of it disappears as well (cf. Djoghlaf 2008a; 

Cox 2000). 

The dependence of several indigenous and local communities on biological resources and the 

recognition of the role that their traditional knowledge can play in achieving the conservation 

and the sustainable use of biodiversity, have been recognized by the international community 

in the preamble to the Convention, in its Article 8(j) and in other provisions. Nonetheless, 

these are two of its three fundamental objectives. The fair and equitable sharing of the 

benefits arising out of the utilization of genetic resources and of traditional ecological 

knowledge is its third, and is also addressed in Article 8(j) as well (cf. Box 4). 

Box 4: The Article 8(j) of the CBD (Secretariat of the CBD 1992) 

Article 8(j) of the CBD states: “Each Contracting Party shall, as far as possible and as appropriate: 

subject to its national legislation, respect, preserve and maintain knowledge, innovations and practices 

of indigenous and local communities embodying traditional lifestyles relevant for the conservation and 

sustainable use of biological diversity and promote their wider application with the approval and 

involvement of the holders of such knowledge, innovations and practices and encourage the equitable 

sharing of the benefits arising from the utilization of such knowledge, innovations and practices“. 

2.3 INSTRUMENTS TO CONSERVE TROPICAL FOREST AREAS THROUGH USE 

As already noted in Chapter 1.1, the destruction of tropical rainforests became a matter of 

concern in the 1970s. However, throughout history a great number of efforts have been made 

by different cultures to protect certain land areas that were considered of special value. Sites 

of religious or spiritual significance were and still are protected by certain taboos, while other 

15

areas were preserved as hunting or extractive reserves by law, primarily for the ruling classes 

(cf. Laird 1999; Schaaf 1999; Wright & Mattson 1996: 6). The main goal of the first 

“western” national parks and other conservation areas was to protect sceneries, “historic 

objects, and the wild life therein… for the enjoyment of the same in such manner and by such 

means as will leave them unimpaired for the enjoyment of future generations” (Shafer 1999: 

124). Since then the goal has switched to the conservation of biological diversity. Direct 

regulation, which is usually referred to as “command and control”, is still the most common 

instrument to protect forests. It includes laws and regulations and makes deforestation illegal 

through the establishment of protected areas, bans and land use zoning (cf. Kanninen et al. 

2007: 36). Land use zoning is typical for the UNESCO Biosphere Reserves. They limit 

representative sections of the landscape, including natural ecosystems and peripheral buffer 

areas within which sustainable activities are permitted (Terborgh & Peres 2000). Biosphere 

Reserves have a concentric structure; the core area is the centre of the reserve and meant to 

secure long-term protection by legal protection. The buffer zones surround the core, and in 

these, sustainable activities compatible with the objectives of the core are allowed. The 

transition area is devoted to the promotion and practice of sustainable development (cf. 

Matysek et al. 2006). This spatial zoning is in accordance with the reasoning of those who 

argue that the conservation of forests should not only guarantee the existence of biodiversity 

and the value of ecological stability, but also ensure the actual use and the options for future 

use without excluding local people from the protected areas (cf. Chapter 1.1). As stated in 

Chapter 1.1, common practices to support this strategy are the development of improved 

agroforestry systems, including the extraction of non-timber forest products, and communitybased 

ecotourism (cf. Vogel 1997), mostly as part of “community based conservation”, 

“Integrated Conservation and Development Projects (ICDPs)” and “sustainable forest 

management projects”. Further practices are the payments for environmental services (PES), 

and bioprospecting. The next chapters describe all these tools in detail and include relevant 

examples of the use of these practices, especially for southern Ecuador. 

2.3.1 Agroforestry, the use of non-timber forest products (NTFPs), and forest restoration 

Agroforestry, involving wild or semi-domesticated plant species, is one of the most common 

systems of sustainable management employed by traditional societies in the tropics (FAO 

1999). According to Pichón (1996b: 42), agroforestry includes a variety of land-use systems 

that can be classified into agrisilviculture (the use of crops and trees, including shrubs and 

vines), silvopastoral systems (combining pastures and trees), and agrosilvopastoral systems 

(involving crops, pastures and trees). The FAO (1999) adds home gardening as a fourth 

system. Thus, traditional home gardens, forest gardens, and boundary plantings or living 

fences are considered to be different configurations of agroforestry systems (Miller & Nair 

2006: 151; Atta-Krah et al. 2004: 183). Such systems are valuable for biodiversity 

conservation as they provide the basis for producing goods and services on farms and, in the 

process, stabilize agricultural landscapes and alleviate pressure on natural ecosystems (cf. 

World Agroforestry Centre 2008). Another relevant aspect of agroforestry is the in situ 

16

conservation of agricultural diversity. In traditional agriculture, the farms are often located in 

remote areas where traditional cultivars are still present and free of commercial varieties (cf. 

González Jiménez 2002). Due to these advantages, improved agroforestry systems have been 

developed and used in research and development projects, offering substantial benefits to 

households and the environment (cf. Franzel et al. 2004). 

As noted by several authors (cf. Bhagwat et al. 2008; Leakey & Simons 1998), increasing the 

quality, number, and diversity of trees that provide non-timber forest products (NTFPs) can 

enhance the capacity of agroforestry to mitigate deforestation and land depletion. Thus, 

NTFPs are very often part of agroforestry systems. According to FAO (1999), NTFPs or nonwood 

forest products (NWFPs) consist of “goods of biological origin other than wood, 

derived from forests, other wooded land and trees outside forests”. Edible fruits and nuts, 

mushrooms, gums, resins, aromatic plants, bush meat or honey, are non-timber forest 

products. They contribute in a significant way to the satisfaction of daily needs of rural 

populations and many of them are of commercial interest (cf. Walter 2002). Moreover, they 

can be used to raise the perceived value of forests and provide economic incentives for their 

sustainable use (cf. Marquette 2006; Ticktin 2004; Ambrose-Oji 2003; Arnold & Ruiz Pérez 

2001; FAO 1999; Chandrasekharan et al. 1996; Clay & Clement 1993). Medicinal plants, 

nuts, cork products, and essential oils are among the most important NTFPs regarding their 

value in international trade (Walter 2002: 3). Their value has recently been estimated by 

Broad (2001, cited in FAO 2007c: 5) at USD 11 billion 5 per year. According to the same 

source, this trade involves high potentials and risks. The main benefit is the high market value 

the products achieve, while high market prices combined with high demands may cause 

unsustainable use since they may lead to over-exploitation or careless harvesting (Marshall & 

Newton 2003: 263). For the purposes of biodiversity conservation, small-scale production 

would be ideal, but not attractive to traders (cf. Leakey & Simons 1998). In addition, higher 

product values may not be shared equally among all stakeholders involved in the utilization of 

NTFPs as a resource. A key problem in assessing the actual sustainability of NTFPs’ 

exploitation is the lack of information on their production, consumption and trade. Moreover, 

there exists almost no monitoring, and there is a deficiency of evaluation systems to properly 

collect and analyze key information related to NTFPs (cf. FAO 2007c; Walter 2002). Even a 

popular approach to NTFPs like the Brazilian Extractive Reserves is controversial. Such 

Reserves are government-owned protected areas designated for the sustainable use and 

marketing of NTFPs like Brazil nuts (Bertholletia excelsa). The protection of these areas is 

viewed as a promising conservation strategy, as it allows for profitable harvest and the 

conservation of forest cover (Wadt et al. 2008; Moegenburg & Levey 2002). However, the 

strategy’s success is linked to the economic viability of the harvested NTFPs and to their 

ecological resilience to exploitation. Studies by Ruiz-Pérez et al. (2005), and Moegenburg & 

Levey (2002) showed the positive effects of those reserves (forest cover conservation, secured 

livelihoods), but also their limits, as intensive NTFP’s management to meet market demands 

can have substantial impacts on biodiversity. Last, but not least, the development of good 

producer manuals and standards, codes of practice and certification could contribute to the 

5 1 US American billion = 1,000 European millions. 

17

sustainable use of NTFPs, (cf. Honnef et al. 2006); the lack of information about the ecology 

of NTFPs can be addressed by recognition and documentation of traditional ecological 

knowledge (cf. Shanley & Stockdale 2008). 

Improved agroforestry systems can include the restoration of degraded forest areas and 

enrichment planting 6 with native species. These lead to secondary forests which might be 

used for timber production. Moreover, they are often appropriate for the semi-domestication 

of a variety of useful NTFPs (Vogel 1997). In this way, reforestation and timber extraction 

can contribute to releasing the pressure on the pristine forests (cf. Mosandl & Günter 2008; 

Stimm et al. 2008). The planting of trees that improve soil fertility also makes the 

rehabilitation of soils possible (Chazdon 2008: 1458). Thus, agroforestry systems, and 

reforestation and enrichment planting with native species can improve biodiversity and 

ecosystem services while providing income for rural livelihoods (cf. Chazdon 2008: 1458; 

Lamb et al. 2005: 310). A tropical landscape containing a matrix of protected primary and 

secondary forest fragments, logged forest and agricultural land could protect most of the 

regional biodiversity (cf. Chazdon 1998). The challenge is to understand how to maximize the 

profitability of such farms without degrading the forest while still offering a viable path for 

agricultural development (cf. Coomes & Burt 1997; Vogel 1997). To be viable, these systems 

require secure land tenure rights, long-term investment, market access, and adequate 

technologies (cf. Pichón 1996b: 34). 

To date, almost no serious efforts have been made in southern Ecuador to take advantage of 

these possibilities as sustainable sources of income for the local population. One of the few 

successful agroforestry projects in southern Ecuador has been the production of native fruits 

and shade-grown organic coffee in the communities close to the Angashcola Communal 

Forest Reserve, (cf. Ch. 3.1.4.4); this demonstrates that it is possible to conduct such 

proposals with a moderate economic support and expertise. The lack of successful 

agroforestry projects in southern Ecuador contrasts with the results of scientific evidence 

shown above. Research results allow an optimistic view if their conclusions are brought into 

practice. In the same line, the positive outcomes of silviculture experiments being conducted 

in the northern Ecuadorian Amazon in the Jatun Sacha Biological Station (cf. Revelo & 

Palacios 2005) could also be used to adopt successful improved agroforestry systems in the 

study area. The richness of non-timber forest products in southern Ecuador (cf. Añazco et al. 

2004; Chapter 5 for plant products) contrasts with the lack of projects for biodiversity 

conservation that include the use of NTFPs. One of the few attempts in the south has been 

conducted by Nature and Culture International (NCI) in partnership the Technical University 

of Loja (UTPL). It deals with the use of the essential oil from the fruit of the Palo Santo tree 

(Bursera graveolens), which grows in the dry forests of Loja Province. The local community 

members harvest the fruit in a sustainable manner instead of felling the trees or collecting too 

many fruits. After extracting the essential oils, they are sold to a Brazilian cosmetics company 

which develops perfumes for the international market. In late 2008, this venture received a 

Certification of Ecological Operation (NCI 2009). Yet, it faces difficulties due to the lack of 

markets (Informant 82M, 2010). The production and successful commercialization of a 

6 Planting target species under canopy gaps or along cleared strips (Lamb et al. 2005: 310). 

18

traditional tea called “horchata lojana” by the Agro-artisanal Association of Producers of 

Dried Medicinal Plants of Ecuador is another relevant exception. This tea is prepared with 28 

plant species (Argüello & Aguilar 2006: 19). However, even this product can be only 

conditionally considered a non-timber forest product, as only two of its ingredients 

(Equisetum bogotense and Oreocallis grandiflora) are wild plants. Nonetheless, the producers 

follow a code of Good Agricultural Practices that includes management plans for these 

species and Good Collection Practices in order to guarantee their sustainable use (cf. Argüello 

& Aguilar 2006). From 1995 to 2005 a pilot project by the Arco Iris Foundation, PROBONA 

and the Swiss Cooperation (COSUDE) in the forest remnants of Uritusinga, Loja, showed the 

potential of honey as a further non-timber forest resource and its production as a tool to 

motivate local people to reforest (Ordoñez & Lalamar 2006: 13). According to Informant 

34M (2007), a beekeeper from Loja, there is a huge sales outlet for honey in local and 

regional markets. Another remarkable project in Loja Province was the use of living fences of 

Opuntia and cochineal crops in 10 communities to rehabilitate and protect sloping land while 

generating an extra income. This project was conducted by the National University of Loja 

(UNL) and was based on the use and exploitation of ancestral skills and traditions (Matallo Jr. 

et al. 2002). 

2.3.2 Ecotourism 

According to the World Travel Tourism Council (WTTC), travel and tourism is one of the 

world's largest industries, employing approximately 231 million people and generating over 

10.4 per cent of world GDP (WTTC 2007). This expanding industry is an important source of 

income for developing countries. In biodiversity-rich regions, the ecotourism sub-sector is 

increasingly being used as a tool for generating revenues (cf. Davenport et al. 2002; Wunder 

2000a; Gössling 1999; Cope 1996; MacGregor 1996). Wunder (2000a: 2) described three 

main rules that may set the conditions for using the term ecotourism: (1) it should minimize 

physical and social impacts on the visited area; (2) it should provide ecological education to 

the tourist; and (3) it should secure a significant economic participation by local resource 

managers. This distinguishes it from nature tourism, which includes visiting natural 

attractions but without any explicit objective of protecting the environment or being socially 

responsible (Kiss 2004: 232). Ecotourism is an option if there is a nearby protected area that 

may be a tourist attraction (Marquette 2006: 403). In community-based tourism local people 

are not only employed but manage the tourism operation through self-administered 

companies, often in collaboration with external operators (Robertson & Wunder 2005: 66). 

Income from ecotourism often motivates locals to protect biodiversity from external threats 

and provide incentives for them to adopt more sustainable land use practices (Robertson & 

Wunder 2005: 67). As Wunder (2000a: 1) pointed out, labor time invested by locals in 

tourism leaves less opportunity for unsustainable activities that may have been practiced in 

the past. Thus, ecotourism is a popular tool for biodiversity conservation that can contribute to 

safeguarding biodiversity and ecosystem functions, even though meeting the requirements for 

ecotourism is in many cases very difficult and requires a durable productive base (cf. Kiss 

19

2004; Van Schaik & Rijksen 2002; Gössling 1999; Wunder 1999; Ellenberg 1997; Barkin 

1996). For instance, ecotourism can gain uncontrollable momentum and lead to undesirable 

side effects. In addition, unregulated ecotourism can provoke degradation of natural areas it 

claims to aid, and is both seasonal and irregular, which can create unstable local economies. 

Moreover, ecotourism in tropical forests is often unsuccessful because wildlife - which is one 

of the main attractions for tourists - is difficult to observe, and dangerous conditions are 

prevalent (Davenport et al. 2002). Therefore, in order to be successfully implemented 

ecotourism requires careful preparation to protect nature by respecting its carrying capacity 

and to preserve local traditional lifestyles and values from acculturation processes (cf. FAO 

1999). 

According to feasibility study of nature and community tourism in southern Ecuador, 

assigned by the Inter-American Development Bank (cf. TYPSA & MHI Turismo 2007), the 

tourism potential of Ecuador is based on its high diversity of cultures, landscapes and 

historical and natural sites. The same factors apply for southern Ecuador, where the study 

highlights certain tourist attractions such as the Saraguro and Shuar ethnic groups, localities 

like Vilcabamba and the Podocarpus National Park and its surroundings, including the Upper 

Nangaritza. However, despite this cultural and natural richness, almost no ecotourism project 

or enterprise has been detected in southern Ecuador. This is surprising, as ecotourism has a 

long tradition in the country and there exists a series of successful ecotouristic enterprises (cf. 

Zeppel 2006; Buckley 2003; Wunder 1999; Amend & Amend 1997). One exception is the 

AVETUR association (Asociación de ecoturismo y gestión ambiental de Vilcabamba), an 

organization that tries to promote ecotourism in the area around Vilcabamba (Hader 2002: 

147). One of its members, Orlando Falco, runs in this village Rumi Wilco, the unique regional 

ecotourism-like lodge and private nature reserve. 

2.3.3 Payments for Environmental Services (PES) 

In contrast to the initiatives described in Chapters 2.3.1 and 2.3.2, the payments for 

environmental services is a tool that provides individuals who represent a threat to 

biodiversity with direct monetary incentives in return for its protection. It is built upon two 

premises: ecosystem services have a quantifiable economic value, and this value can be used 

to stimulate investment in the restoration and maintenance of biodiversity (Forest Trends et al. 

2008). Markets for PES transactions can be voluntary or mandated by law, like the European 

Emissions Trading Scheme. Wunder (2007: 50, 2005: 3) defined PES as follows: “PES is (1) 

a voluntary transaction where (2) a well-defined environmental service (or a land-use likely 

to secure that service) (3) is ‘bought’ by a (minimum of one) buyer (4) from a (minimum of 

one) provider (5) if and only if the provider continuously secures the provision of the service 

(conditionality).” The different PES schemes are interrelated, as all of them are centered on 

biodiversity conservation. For a better understanding, they can be divided into four main 

environmental services areas (cf. Robertson & Wunder 2005; Landell-Mills & Porras 2002): 

20

Payments for biodiversity protection (1) are a well-known environmental service area among 

the PES. The public awareness of biodiversity benefits and threats of loss has induced direct 

payments for biodiversity conservation; governments, non-governmental organizations 

(NGOs) and companies are beginning to finance conservation through direct payments. 

Payment mechanisms differ substantially, ranging from site-specific and intricate deals 

including payments included in larger projects, e.g. ICDPs, to trust funds (cf. Landell-Mills 

2002). Table 1 shows an overview of the different types of payments for biodiversity 

protection. It has been excerpted from Scherr et al. (2004), where a more detailed description 

of all types of PES can be found. 

Table 1: Types of payments for biodiversity protection (Excerpted from: Scherr et al. 2004) 

1: Purchase of High-Value Habitat (Area-based system) 

� Private land acquisition (purchases by private buyers or NGOs explicitly for biodiversity conservation) 

� Public land acquisition (purchases by government agency explicitly for biodiversity conservation) 

2: Payments for Access to Species or Habitat (Area-based system) 

� Bioprospecting rights (rights to collect) 1 

� Research permits (rights to collect specimens and take measurements in designated areas) 

� Hunting, fishing or gathering permits for wild species 

� Ecotourism use (rights to enter the area, observe wildlife, camp, or hike) 

3: Payments for Biodiversity-Conserving Management Practice (Area-based system) 

� Conservation easements (owner is paid to use and manage defined piece of land only for conservation purposes; 

restrictions are usually in perpetuity and transferable upon sale of the land) 

� Conservation land lease (owner is paid to use and manage a defined piece of land for conservation purposes, for a 

defined period of time) 

� Conservation concession (public forest agency is paid to maintain a defined area under conservation uses only; 

comparable to a forest logging concession) 

� Community concession in public protected areas (individuals or communities are allocated use rights to a defined area 

of forest or grassland in return for a commitment to protect the area from practices that harm biodiversity) 

� Management contracts for habitat or species conservation on private farms, forests, or grazing lands (contract that 

details biodiversity management activities, and payments linked to the achievement of specified objectives) 

4: Tradable Rights under Cap & Trade Regulations (Area-based system) 

� Tradable wetland mitigation credits (credits from wetland conservation or restoration that can be used to offset 

obligations of developers to maintain a minimum area of natural wetlands in a defined region) 

� Tradable development rights (rights allocated to develop only a limited total area of natural habitat within a defined 

region) 

� Tradable biodiversity credits (credits representing areas of biodiversity protection or enhancement, which can be 

purchased by developers to ensure they meet a minimum standard of biodiversity protection) 

5: Support Biodiversity-Conserving Businesses (Product-based system) 

� Business shares in enterprises that manage for biodiversity conservation 

� Biodiversity-friendly products (eco-labeling) 

1) The table by Scherr et al. (2004) includes the rights to test and to use genetic material from designated areas. This might be 

correct in some cases. However, seldom mentioned is the fact that bioprospectors are often not interested in species per se 

but in secondary compounds which are not unique to the species and that can be reproduced ex situ. Thus, there exists no 

conditionality, as the buyer would not need a continuous provision of the service by the provider, which is one of the criteria of 

the PES principle according to Wunder (2007: 50, 2005: 3). Furthermore, a control of the rights to test and to use the 

collected genetic materials has been revealed as very difficult. 

The most common type of payment is “area-based systems”, where contracts stipulate land or 

resource-use caps for an accorded area (cf. Table 1, points 1-4). The second type is “productbased 

systems” (cf. Table 1, point 5), where consumers pay extra on top of the market price 

for a production system that is certified to be environmentally friendly (Robertson & Wunder 

2005: 115). 

21

Payments for biodiversity conservation do not exist in the study area, with the exception of 

the permits that researchers have to purchase if they want to work in the Shuar territories of 

the Tayunts association (cf. Ch. 3.1.5.1), and the purchase of land by the non-governmental 

organization Nature and Culture International (NCI) 7 in the San Francisco Valley (cf. Ch. 

3.1.4.4) and other ecologically relevant areas of southern Ecuador. 

According to Landell-Mills & Porras (2002: 153), markets for landscape beauty (2) have the 

longest history among the different PES service areas. Landscape beauty is a critical factor for 

the ecotourism market (Landell-Mills 2002: 8). The valorization of landscape beauty services 

can consist of tourists paying entrance fees to a national park. . These payments are similar to 

the payments for access to species or habitat to protect the cultural values of biodiversity (cf. 

Fig. 1 and Table 1, point 2). Other less direct payments are included as part of broader 

payments for recreational activities and try to make use of tour operators’ willingness to pay, 

as tour agencies play a central role in this PES area. “While consumers will pay for naturebased 

services, intermediary tour operators that provide access to these services have 

frequently been unwilling to pass increased returns on to local land stewards” (Landell-Mills 

& Porras 2002: 154). Tour operators appear as the suppliers of landscape beauty, even though 

they seldom own the land on which they market their services. In this regard, communitybased 

ecotourism projects play an important role; rather than selling access to landscape 

beauty via tour operators, communities are being supported to start their own ecotourism 

businesses and to become better at marketing (cf. Landell-Mills & Porras 2002). 

In southern Ecuador, organized payments for landscape beauty are limited to the entrance fees 

of the existing National Parks (cf. Ch. 3.1.4.2), which are collected at the official park 

entrances by park rangers. Some people who have relevant nature attractions on their own 

properties raise fees to visit them in a more or less organized manner. The most significant 

examples are the fee to visit the Mandango Mountain in Vilcabamba and the fee to enter the 

Laberinto de las mil ilusiones in the Upper Nangaritza (cf. Ch. 6.1.6). These fees are charged 

to the visitors; the tour operators do not pay any fees for entering these areas. 

Carbon sequestration and storage (3) is the most well-established service area among PES. As 

reported by the Fourth Assessment Report of the IPCC (2007), greenhouse gas emissions 

associated with deforestation and forest degradation, primarily in tropical forest, account for 

approximately 17% of global CO2 emissions -more than transportation emissions combined. 

The reduction and prevention of deforestation supposes the mitigation option of carbon 

dioxide emissions with the largest and most immediate carbon stock impact in the short term 

(IPCC 2007). On its part, the Stern review (2006) considers this option to be the most 

economical to stop global warming. The industrialized countries (and the European Union) 

that ratified the Kyoto Protocol of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate 

Change are committed to a net reduction in greenhouse-gas emissions of 5.2% below 1990 

levels by 2008-2012. Under the Treaty, these countries must meet their targets primarily 

through national measures. The Kyoto Protocol offered them an additional means of meeting 

7 For more information about Nature and Culture International visit www.natureandculture.org. The Jocotoco 

Foundation (www.fjocotoco.org) has acquired land and established reserves in southern Ecuador as well, but 

inside the study area. 

22

their targets by way of three market-based mechanisms. One of them is the Clean 

Development Mechanism (CDM), which allows emitters to offset their emissions by 

financing carbon sequestration and storage projects, including afforestation and reforestation 

project activities in areas deforested since 1990 (Karousakis 2007; Robertson & Wunder 

2005; UNFCCC 1998) 8 . However, projects to reduce deforestation or forest degradation are 

currently not eligible for the CDM, which has shown very limited potential 9 . Thus, the 

expected post-Kyoto agreement will in all probability include REDD (Reducing Emissions 

from Deforestation and Forest Degradation) projects. They could provide the seed money for 

biodiversity conservation and sustainable use initiatives. The basic concept of REDD is 

simple: governments, companies, or forest owners in developing countries should be 

rewarded for keeping their forests instead of cutting them down (cf. Springate-Baginski & 

Wollenberg 2010). REDD+ projects go beyond deforestation and forest degradation, and 

include the role of conservation, sustainable management of forests and enhancement of 

forest carbon stocks (UN-REDD Programme 2009). However, REDD remains a controversial 

issue as its current development has so far failed to properly integrate the inhabitants of these 

forests, namely the indigenous peoples and local communities, in the process (cf. REDD- 

Monitor 2010). High opportunity costs of forest conservation and leakage 10 represent further 

problems. 

In Ecuador, the most well-known carbon sequestration and storage project is the Forests 

Absorbing Carbon-dioxide Emissions Forestation Program (PROFAFOR), financed by Dutch 

electricity companies to offset their carbon emissions. This initiative afforests and reforests 

areas with mainly exotic species (Pinus patula) basically in the central highlands (cf. Albán 

and Argüello 2004). The use of exotic species by PROFAFOR has been controversial. These 

species may dry paramo soils and liberate carbon in the process (Wunder & Albán 2008: 

693). PROFAFOR is designing a reforestation project in the municipalities of Saraguro, 

Nabón and Oña, in southern Ecuador (CORDELIM 2009). There exist further reforestation 

initiatives by other agents in Loja and in Zamora Province, including the Cordillera del 

Cóndor area. However, these ventures seem to be at a very early stage (to date they are mainly 

only preliminary studies, see CORDELIM 2009 for details). The most recent and promising 

project in Ecuador is the reforestation of highly degraded pastures, without any expected 

financial return or harvesting in the northern coastal rainforest by Conservation International 

and Jatun Sacha Foundation (Conservation International 2007; Oregon Forest Resources 

Institute 2006). According to the Ecuadorian National Clean Development Mechanism 

Promotion Office CORDELIM (CORDELIM 2009), this is the only land use and forestry 

project in Ecuador with a closed emission reduction negotiation in the frame of the Clean 

8 

The latter two mechanisms are: International Emission Trading: It allows Annex 1 countries (industrialized 

countries) to trade emission permits. The second one is Join Implementation: It allows countries to earn 

Emission Reduction Units through projects in other Annex 1 countries. 

9 

For a better understanding of the reasons that have provoked a limited use of the CDM mechanism see 

Settelmyer & Schlamadinger (2008) and Karousakis (2007). 

10 

Leakage refers to deforestation activities which occur outside the project boundary but are attributable to its 

activities (cf. Karousakis 2007: 11). 

23

Development Mechanism (CDM) of the Kyoto Protocol 11 . The methodology could be used in 


To avoid deforestation, the government has recently started an own REDD alternative, called 

the Socio Bosque Initiative, (Box 5), in spite of the CONFENIAE (Confederation of 

Indigenous Peoples from the Ecuadorian Amazon), rejecting negotiations on forests such as 

REDD projects in a statement in August 2009. They interpreted such initiatives as trying to 

take away the freedom of the indigenous peoples to manage their resources. Moreover, they 

did not consider such initiatives a real solution to climate change; on the contrary, they 

considered that they made it worse. Despite this, according to Jara (2009), PROFAFOR wants 

to launch a project to incorporate REDD mechanisms into sustainable forest management 

activities in the area of the Protective Forest Alto Nangaritza. 

The last area among the PES is watershed protection. According to a study by Robertson & 

Wunder (2005: 34), watershed protection is rapidly becoming the most important type of PES 

in Latin America. Increasing water shortages have provoked the search for alternatives to 

secure water supply. Land use can diminish the ability of a watershed to perform its 

ecological functions, posing risks to habitat conservation and the reliability of water supplies 

of cities outside these areas (cf. Postel & Thompson Jr. 2005). Hydropower plant operators 

are often downstream beneficiaries as well, as they value the provision of clean water and 

water regulation services. To ensure water supply and watershed protection, beneficiaries 

outside the watershed cover upstream-landowners’ lost opportunity costs associated with 

sacrificed income from unsustainable land uses in the watershed (cf. Landell-Mills & Porras 

2002). Payments for watershed protection are closely connected to the conservation 

easements and management contracts (cf. Table 1, point 3). The protection of the ecosystem 

functions in watersheds supports the conservation of biodiversity, as these functions are 

indirect use values of biodiversity (cf. Fig. 1). 

Funds for watershed conservation are the most common system of payments for 

environmental services in Ecuador. Several municipalities in the north of the country 

(Pimampiro, Quito, El Chaco), central Ecuador (Cuenca) and southern Ecuador (Celica, Loja) 

have established such systems (cf. Cordero Camacho 2008; Gobierno del Ecuador 2007; 

Echavarría et al. 2004; Landell-Mill and Porras 2002; Wunder and Albán 2008). More 

recently, different municipalities of Loja Province, (including Celica and Loja) and the 

municipal governments of Zamora and Chinchipe, created a fund - with the technical support 

of NCI - for watershed protection called FORAGUA. After creating watershed development 

programs, these municipalities charge, or will soon begin to charge, an environmental tax to 

all water users, which will be invested in protecting water resources and in compensating for 

environmental services. This NGO has also bought land within relevant watersheds and 

signed loan-for-use agreements with several municipalities. Among other activities these uses 

include the conservation of the natural vegetation cover, reforestation with native forest 

11 This project counts with an approved baseline and monitoring methodology by the CDM Executive board for 

the afforestation and reforestation of land currently under agricultural, pastoral use or abandoned lands 

(UNFCCC 2007). 

24

species, scientific research, monitoring, environmental education, and control of forest fires 

(NCI 2010). 

Box 5: The Socio Bosque Initiative 

In September 2009, the Ecuadorian Government announced a pioneering national forest conservation 

program that is intended to benefit landowners and indigenous communities willing to conserve their 

forests. The program recognizes the vital role of local indigenous communities and farmers in 

protecting these forested areas. It will provide income to local farmers and indigenous communities in 

exchange for their commitment to protect key areas of forest in places where at least 50% of the 

population is below the poverty line and where important ecosystems are not currently included in the 

National Protected Area System. Incentives will be provided by the government when farmers and 

indigenous communities commit to protect their forests. Payments per hectare depend on the size of 

the area put under conservation. Priority is given to areas with high deforestation threat, high 

ecosystem services value and high poverty levels. Monitoring by the National Forestry System and the 

Remote Sensing Information Centre will measure those forests being conserved and this information 

will be used to compensate landowners whose forests qualify for conservation. Additional to the funds 

allocated to Socio Bosque by the Government of Ecuador, the Program seeks complementary 

financial stability through a trust fund specifically created within the National Environmental Fund 

(Fondo Ambiental Nacional, FAN). Through this fund, donations can be received from countries or 

organizations. This initiative tries to avoid deforestation, and by doing so to benefit from the global 

carbon market and qualify it as the first Ecuadorian REDD (Reducing Emissions from Deforestation 

and forest Degradation) program (cf. Ministerio del Ambiente 2009; REDD-Monitor 2010). 

2.3.4 Bioprospecting 

Finally, bioprospecting is a further tool, but distinguished from the other practices as it can be 

considered a delicate and contentious issue. Bioprospecting can be defined as the collection 

and screening of plant and other biological material for commercial and scientific purposes. In 

order to do so, prospectors have used traditional knowledge in their search for new products 

(Petersen 2007, cited in Secretariat of the CBD 2008a: 26). The targeting of plants used in 

traditional medicine frequently provides detailed information used to treat specific diseases, 

helping to save funds and time, as the plant remedies have been tested by generations of 

indigenous people (cf. Lewis 2003; Cox 2000). In the past, when scientific expertise was 

more restricted, natural products were the main source of new medicines (EFPIA 2007:6). A 

study of the sources of anticancer and anti-infective agents showed that over 60% of the drugs 

developed in these areas were of natural origin (Cragg et al. 1996). Newman et al. (2003) 

showed that over 42% of 1,184 new chemical entities that have reached the market over the 

last 25 years had their origins in nature. However, in recent times scientific advances have 

influenced the relevance of bioprospecting and traditional knowledge in the development of 

new products. Although most of the actual pharmaceutics have been derived from natural 

25

products, nowadays the majority of drug companies see the combination of natural and 

synthetic molecules as the most promising way to develop new medication components. Even 

so, the advent of new commercial products that include plant extracts - like botanicals, 

personal care products, cosmetics or fragrances and dietary supplements – is reanimating the 

interest in traditional knowledge and bioprospecting (cf. Secretariat of the CBD 2008a; 

Alexiades & Shanley 2005; Lewis 2003). Perhaps, of even more importance is the potential of 

collecting genetic information from biodiversity for use in agricultural biotechnology and 

genetic medicine (Macilwain 1998). Therefore, bioprospecting could theoretically achieve 

several goals; it could generate profits for corporations and stakeholders, it could bring 

revenue for local communities and protected areas, it could contribute to improving scientific 

knowledge of biodiversity, and promote conservation (cf. Kursar et al. 2007; Weiss & Eisner 

1998). 

However, this is still to come. Until the beginning of the 1990s, it was quite easy for 

researchers to obtain and use samples of plants, animals and other organisms from 

biodiversity rich (but economically poor) nations without permission. They could simply 

arrive, collect samples and take them home, as there was no applicable law. “Take-and-run” 

describes the old approach to collecting” (Gollin 1999). Several cases have been pure biopiracy, 

where Western companies patented products and technologies that made and make use 

of the collected genetic materials and/or knowledge without rewarding local communities. To 

date, many countries have passed laws under the CBD requiring researchers to obtain 

collecting permits and to share the resulting benefits with traditional people and their 

governments (Gollin 2008: 1055) 12 . The payments for permits can be considered payments 

for biodiversity protection (cf. Table 1, point 2). Moreover, many institutions and professional 

organizations have established self-regulations for their members with quasi-legal or 

contractual status, like the Declaration of Belem of the International Society of Ethnobiology 

(Gollin 1999: 921). 

Even so, most companies remain unaware of the new legal and ethical obligations of the CBD 

(cf. Laird & Wynberg 2008). Moreover, the lack of clear national and international 

procedures and bureaucracy, the intricacy of the negotiations, the bad reputation of these 

projects and the emotions involved – as they are suspected of being bio-piracy cases – make 

governments of developing countries wary of such projects. As Tvedt & Young (2007) 

pointed out, “fewer than 11% of CBD Parties have adopted substantive ABS (Access and 

Benefit Sharing) law, and nearly all of these are developing countries, focusing almost 

entirely on the ‘access’ side of the equation. Most of the CBD’s specific ABS obligations, 

however, relate to the other side of the equation – benefit sharing” (cf. Box 4). On their part, 

Barrett & Lybbert (2000: 296) criticized the fact that while the CBD explicitly demands 

equitable benefit sharing between nations it only encourages equitable benefit sharing within 

nations. Benefits are seldom transferred to the inhabitants who live within targeted 

biodiversity areas. 

12 The legal framework for bioprospecting in Ecuador includes the CBD, the Convention 169 of the International 

Labor Organization, the Decision 391 and 486 of the Andean Community, the Political Constitution of 

Ecuador, and the Ecuadorian Environmental Management Act. 

26

The failure in Ecuador of at least two bioprospecting projects (Shaman Pharmaceuticals in 

2001 and the ProBenefit project in 2007) demonstrates the difficulties faced by such ventures. 

Both projects tried to develop a suitable procedure for equitable benefit sharing for the use of 

biological resources and the associated indigenous knowledge in line with the principles of 

the CBD (cf. Ch. 2.2). Shaman Pharmaceuticals failed due to financial problems and to the 

development of new techniques that made their bioprospecting unessential (cf. Clapp & 

Crook 2002). On its part, ProBenefit faced several problems related to the difficulty of 

dealing with local leaders and political interests (Informant 83M, 2007). The complexity of 

the existing legislation and the bad image of bioprospectors among the local indigenous 

groups in Ecuador (Informant 35M, 2005) have probably contributed to the absence of such 

studies. To date, there is no information regarding commercial bioprospecting in the south of 

the country. 

27

3 THE AREA OF STUDY 

3.1 SOUTHERN ECUADOR 

Situated on the equator and covering 283,561 km 2 , Ecuador is the smallest country in the 

Andes region (CIA 2010). Its territory borders Colombia to the north, Peru to the east and 

south, and the Pacific Ocean to the west (Fig. 2 Left); it can be divided into four broad 

geographic regions (from west to east): 

28 

� The volcanic Galapagos Archipelago: It lies 1,000 km to the west of the mainland on 

the equator, covering an area of around 8,000 km 2 . 

� “La Costa” or the Coastal Region: Located between the coast and the Andes 

Mountains, it consists of coastal lowlands, mountains no higher than 1,000 meters, and 

rolling hills that separate river valleys. 

� “La Sierra” or the Highland Region: The Sierra consists of two major Andean 

mountain chains known as the Cordillera Occidental (Western Cordillera) and the 

Cordillera Oriental (Eastern Cordillera), as well as the inter-montane basin between 

these chains. It includes several peaks of volcanic origin, some of them active. Various 

transversal mountain spurs, known as nudos, cut across the plateau. 

� “El Oriente” or the Amazon Region east of the Andes: It consists of the lower parts of 

the Eastern Andean slopes (including the Cordillera del Cóndor) and the Amazonian 

lowlands (cf. Hanratty 1991) and is the westernmost portion of the Amazon River 

Basin. 

Fig. 2: 

Continental 

context of Ecuador 

(Left) and location 

of Loja and 

Zamora Provinces 

(Right). The 

Figure includes 

some relevant 

cities. (Draft: J. 

Kieslinger, S. 

Adler 2010, based 

on Peters 2009, 

modified)

Administratively, southern Ecuador includes the provinces of Loja and Zamora Chinchipe (cf. 

Fig. 2 Right). These Provinces, with an area of about 27,000 km 2 (cf. Municipio de Loja 

2003: 10) are located between 3°20’ and 5°00’ latitude south and 78°20’ and 80°30’ longitude 

west. Loja Province is mainly situated in the Sierra Region, while Zamora Chinchipe 

Province includes part of the Highland Region in the west and part of the Oriente in the east. 

The study sites are located in the latter province. However, both provinces are strongly 

historically, socially and economically bounded. 

Ecuador is one of the world’s ten most biologically diverse countries; this diversity is related 

to various factors, but principally to the confluence of two of the world’s biodiversity 

hotspots, namely the Tumbes-Chocó-Magdalena and the Tropical Andes hotspot 

(Conservation International 2009a). The Andean flank of the Amazon hosts an exceptional 

rate of biodiversity (Malhi et al. 2008). More specifically, southern Ecuador has been 

identified as a centre of endemism and diversity for major groups of organisms (cf. Gradstein 

2008; Werner et al 2008). Biodiversity results not only from biotic factors like plant-animal 

interactions, but also from the combination of specific geographic, topographic factors and 

climatic regimes. As well, for various mountain belts disturbance or human impact may be of 

great relevance (cf. Richter 2008: 17) 13 . Following is an introduction to the main factors that 

determine biodiversity, its use, and its conservation in the study area, including an insight into 

the users of biodiversity and relevant social and economic aspects that determine this use and 

the possible alternatives. 

3.1.1 The physical setting: topography, geology, and geomorphology 

Southern Ecuador shows a very complex topography. The Andean chains are not clearly 

differentiated into the Western and Eastern Cordilleras; they split into different mountain 

systems, extending in south-west, south and south-easterly directions, and forming several 

mountain spurs, basins and valleys. In this region the Andes reach their lowest elevation, 

which has been called the “Andean depression“ or “Huancabamba depression”. Here the 

Andes barely reach 4,000 m above sea level (a.s.l.) and the tree line is as low as 3,000 to 

3,400 m a.s.l. (Bendix et al. 2010) (Fig. 3). In contrast, several peaks to the north reach more 

than 6.000 m, and more than 6,700 m to the south. From the west, eastward altitude varies 

from 700 m to 3,800 m and decreases to 800 m again on the Amazonian side. It is noted that 

in the Andean depression the tree line runs at a lower altitude. Consequently, the different 

vegetation types are usually found at lower elevations there than in the north and south (cf. 

Richter & Moreira Muñoz 2005: 219). 

Southern Ecuador hosts five main watersheds; three of them (Jubones, Puyango and 

Catamayo-Chira) discharge into the Pacific Ocean and are being used intensively for 

irrigation. The latter of these is the most important as it includes almost 65% of the mass that 

13 

For in depth descriptions of the reasons for high biodiversity in tropical mountain forests see Beck and Richter 

(2008d) and Richter (2008). 

29

is Loja Province (López 2005; Morocho & Romero 2003: 5). The other two watersheds, 

namely the Mayo-Chinchipe and Zamora basins, discharge into the Atlantic Ocean and are 

less exploited. The latter shows a peculiar course, as it represents a loop: the Zamora, after 

springing south of Loja on the western slopes of the Eastern Cordillera changes its direction 

and turns eastwards near the town of Jimbilla, where it crosses the Cordillera. From here, it 

joins the Nangaritza and the Namangoza and forms the Santiago, which discharges into the 

Marañón, a main tributary of the Amazon (Hocquenghem 2004: 27; Municipio de Loja 2003: 

14). The Zamora basin is especially relevant for this study, as it hosts all the study sites 

included in this research. 

Fig. 3: Position of the upper 

tree line and lowest glacial 

stands within the 

Neotropical section of the 

Andes (western escarpment 

of the main chain). (Taken 

from Richter & Moreira 

Muñoz 2005: 219) 

The Andes are the result of plate tectonics processes, induced by the subduction of the 

oceanic Nazca Plate beneath the South American continental plate. This process determines 

the Ecuadorian geology as it generates large quantities of magma which is the cause of the 

pronounced volcanism and the dominance of intrusive igneous rock in the region (cf. Sauer 

1971). In southern Ecuador, Tertiary and Quaternary sediments (Baldock 1982, cited in Beck 

et al. 2008a: 4) form the coastal plain, while the Western Cordillera consists of Cretaceous 

and Eocene andesitic volcanics, which are covered by more recent marine sediments and 

volcaniclastic rocks. The inter-montane basin is filled with quaternary sediments and 

pyroclastic deposits (Baldock, 1982, cited in Beck et al. 2008a: 4; Guamán 2004: 81). The 

Eastern Cordillera consists mainly of Palaeozoic metamorphic rocks intruded by early 

Mesozoic granitoids (Guamán 2004: 81). The Eastern Cordillera in southern Ecuador presents 

a large area of more than 200 x 50 km of Mesozoic batholiths (called Zamora batholiths). 

They are formed by hornblendic diorites and hornblendic-biotitic granodiorites (IGM 2004; 

PRODEMINCA 2000, cited in Becking 2004: 89). Finally, the geology of the Oriente is 

composed of a peri-cratonic foreland and a back-arc sedimentary basin, in which marine 

Palaeozoic, Mesozoic and Cenozoic sediments were deposited on the limits of the Guyana 

shield (Beck et al. 2008a: 4). 

30

The geomorphology of south-eastern Ecuador appears complex. The Pleistocene glaciation 

resulted in Quaternary deposits in areas over 3,200 m a.s.l., moraines and tarns like the 

Lagunas del Compadre, lagoons which are situated inside the Podocarpus National Park (cf. 

Fig. 7). Concurrently, superficial Quaternary materials formed alluvial terraces and colluvial 

deposits in the valleys (Beck et al. 2008a: 5; Guamán 2004: 91). 

Recent geomorphologic processes in the highly humid areas of the Eastern Cordillera are 

related to the steepness of slopes, on average around 30° with maxima >60°, promoting a 

remarkable frequency of landslides (Schrumpf et al. 2001: 44). These occur notably where the 

slopes have been altered by human activities such as road construction or agriculture (Beck et 

al. 2008a: 6). However, in the Andes, landslides are frequent even on undisturbed slopes, 

particularly in areas affected by earthquakes (Hagedorn 2001: 83). These landslides further 

increase the high dynamics of the tropical evergreen forests (Liede-Schumann & Breckle 

2008: 8). In the semi-humid to semi-arid western zones of southern Ecuador heavy rains often 

result in gullies and debris transport and result in riverbed changes by overflow and 

sedimentation of the neighboring floodplain. The sediments derive from sheet erosion from 

the slopes, which has been exacerbated by centuries of land use (cf. Beck et al. 2008a). 

The regional diversity of parent materials and of climatic and hydrologic factors provokes a 

high degree of small-scale heterogeneity of soils 14 . The following description has been 

excerpted from the soils description by Beck et al. (2008a), and Schrumpf et al. (2001). 

According to these authors, soils of the drier basins in the west of southern Ecuador often 

present an accumulation of clay and are saturated with exchangeable cations; albic luvisols 

and eutric cambisols frequently occur up to 2,200 m a.s.l. With increasing precipitation and 

altitude (2,000 m to 3200 m a.s.l.) dystric cambisols, dystric planosols and gleysols acquire 

more significance. Histosols and umbric regosols are common above 3000 m. Humic alfisols, 

humic acrisols and dystric leptosols are frequent on the humid eastern side of the Eastern 

Cordillera between 1,000 m and 2,000 m a.s.l. Water saturation between 1,500 m and 2,800 m 

a.s.l. lasting for several months facilitates the presence of terric histosols. In the same region, 

umbric regosols and dystric cambisols are common in landslide areas. In addition, the 

Nangaritza basin west of the Cordillera hosts eutric fluvisols and eutric gleysols in the lower 

parts and inceptisols, arenosols, orthic luvisols and acrisols in the higher areas (cf. CINFA et 

al. 2003; Valarezo Manosalvas et al. 1998). Meanwhile, the deforested valleys of Malacatos 

and Vilcabamba contain nutrient-rich alluvial soils (Beck et al. 2008a: 12). Important soil 

properties are affected by the altitudinal gradient as well. For instance, soil pH varies from 5.5 

in the valleys to 3.0 in the Páramo. The turnover times of the organic material under closed 

forest canopies range between less than eight years in the lower Zamora area and up to more 

than 15 years at higher altitudes. 

14 

In order to allow a better comparison all soil classifications have been adapted to the FAO classification 

system. 

31

3.1.2 The climatic regimes 

Ecuador’s climatic regimes are influenced by its geographical position astride the equator, the 

general circulation of the atmosphere, the movement of the ocean currents and by its 

topography (Neill & Jørgensen 1999: 8). While the Costa is mainly influenced by proximity 

to ocean currents, the climate in the Sierra varies more as a function of altitude and is 

moderately uniform in the Oriente. Thus, the Andes are an unquestionable climate divide in 

Ecuador (Emck 2007: 17). A large variety of climatic regimes is found in Southern Ecuador. 

Climate differs significantly from the coastal plains westwards, and mean annual precipitation 

can vary extraordinarily over short distances. The upper part of the Cordillera Real receives 

more than 6000 mm while 30 km further west rain-shadow conditions with usual sunshine 

and dry katabatic winds result in dry conditions with less than 400 mm per year. (Richter 

2008: 16). The crest line of the Eastern Cordillera is not only an important climate divide 

between the moist Oriente and the dry Sierra but also a water tower for both climate types 

(Richter 2003: 163). The west part of Loja Province shows a unimodal pattern of precipitation 

with one rainy season at the beginning of the year. In contrast, the inter-Andean area reflects 

two different rainy periods, January-April and October-December. In crest areas of the eastern 

Cordilleras stormy winds from the east are responsible for rainy weather between May and 

December. The easterlies providing the Amazon escarpment with rain dominate year-round 

but weaken during the wet season between December and April. Then, cloud walls may cross 

the western Cordillera from the Pacific side towards the east and set foehn winds free into the 

interior valleys. Figure 4 reflects the mentioned precipitation patterns from Alamor in the 

west to the Zamora valley in the east (a distance of about 130 km). 

32 

Fig. 4: W-E transect with data of official weather stations in southern Ecuador (apart from 

Richter data of the DFG station at Cerro de las Antenas). (Taken from Richter 2003: 165)

In the Eastern Cordillera a dry period is restricted to October until April, reaching the highest 

frequency during October and November (Richter 2003: 179). These dry winds can even 

temporarily dehumidify the mountain rainforests in the moist belts (Emck 2007: 20). 

Meanwhile, the rainy season in the Amazonian region on the eastern side of the Cordillera 

Oriental expands throughout the year. According to Beck et al. (2008a: 7), mean air 

temperatures in southern Ecuador vary primarily depending on topography, terrain altitude 

and ocean temperatures off the coast. The mean annual temperature in the interandean valleys 

varies between 19° and 23°C. These values are higher in the western areas of Loja Province 

close to the Pacific Ocean and in the Amazon region east of the Eastern Cordillera. In 

contrast, mean values in the upper parts of the mountain ranges seldom reach more than 9°C. 

Figure 5 shows the thermal differentiation of the area, according to Richter (2003). It begins 

with the “tierra caliente” (hot land = annual temperature average between 25 °C and 19 °C) 

below 1100 m, followed by the “tierra templada” (temperate land) between 1,100–2,200 m 

(19-13 °C), the “tierra fría” (cold land, 13-6 °C) up to 3,800 m, the “tierra helada” (frost 

land, 6-0 °C) and finally the “tierra nevada” at altitudes > 4,800 m a.s.l. (The differentiation 

includes intermediate steps like “tierra subtemplada” and “fresca”). Figure 5 includes the 

locations of the study sites. The Shuar communities are inside the “tierra caliente” belt, while 

the Saraguro settlements are inside the “tierra templada” and “tierra fresca” belt. The 

Mestizo settlements are distributed between the “tierra caliente” and the “tierra fresca” 

zones. 

Fig. 5: Thermal differentiation of southern Ecuador (excerpted from Richter 2003, modified) 

National border 

River 

Town 

Shuar study site 

Saraguro study site 

Mestizo study site 

33

3.1.3 Vegetation in southern Ecuador 

Ecuador has one of the world’s most diverse floras, with almost 16,000 species of vascular 

plants, 4,100 of them endemic (cf. Jørgensen & León Yáñez 1999: 1). This variety of plants 

has attracted naturalists since the late eighteenth-century, when the botanical expeditions of 

Mutis, Ruiz and Pavón, and later Tafalla, Alexander von Humboldt, Bonpland and others set 

out to discover and report on the botany of the region (cf. de la Torre et al. 2006; Cruz 

Cevallos 1991). 

According to Jørgensen & León Yáñez (1999: 95), 3,039 vascular plant species for Loja 

Province and 2,715 species for Zamora-Chinchipe Province have been described. Different 

vegetation classification systems have been proposed to describe the large range of vegetation 

types of Ecuador and more specifically, of southern Ecuador (cf. Homeier et al. 2008; Best & 

Kessler 1995, cited in Van den Eyden 2004; Richter 2003; Harling 1979, cited in Neill 1999; 

Sierra et al. 1999b; Espinosa 1997; Cañadas Cruz 1983). Chosen for the purposes of this 

study is the classification by Homeier et al. (2008), who described the seven major vegetation 

types that occur in the eastern part of southern Ecuador. These are described in Table 2. 

Table 2: The seven vegetation types in the eastern area of southern Ecuador according to Homeier et 

al. (2008: 89-90) 

Vegetation type Altitude (m) Thermal zone Precipitation patterns 

Evergreen premontane rainforest around Zamora 800-1,300 tierra subtemplada 12 humid months 

Evergreen lower montane forest on the eastern 

escarpment of the Cordillera Real 

Evergreen upper montane forest on the eastern 

escarpment above Sabanilla 

Evergreen elfin-forest on the eastern and western 

escarpment of the Cordillera Real up to the timberline 

Shrub and dwarf bamboo paramos in the crest region of 

the Cordillera Real above timberline 

Semideciduous interandean forest in the valley region 

west of the Cordillera Real around Malacatos, 

Vilcabamba and Yangana 

Evergreen upper montane forest on the western 

escarpment above Loja and Yangana 

34 

1,300-2,100 

Tierra subtemplada 

and templada 

12 humid months 

2,100-2,700 Tierra fresca 12 humid months 

2,700-3,100 Tierra fría 12 humid months 

3,100-3,700 Tierra subhelada 12 humid months 

1,400-2,400 

2,400-2,800 

Tierra templada and 

fresca 

Tierra templada and 

fresca 

6-8 humid months 

8-11 humid months 

In southern Ecuador this climax vegetation has been highly altered by human activity over 

centuries. A recent archaeological discovery close to Palanda, in the south of Zamora 

Chinchipe Province, traced human presence in the area back to 4000 years ago (Informant 

72M, 2007). Further archaeological (cf. Guffroy 2006) and palynological studies (cf. 

Niemann 2008; Niemann & Behling 2008) show an intense land use long before the arrival of 

the Inca and the Spanish conquerors. Land use resulted in the alteration of the flora and high 

deforestation rates in southern Ecuador. 

In the dry forests of the southwest, people raise goats and cattle and grow seasonal corn. The 

clearance of land to allow such activities has provoked an enormous rate of deforestation on 

the one hand and the disappearance of juvenescence processes of vegetation in many of the 

remaining forests on the other, as goats eat almost all young plant growth. Furthermore, high

quality timber (like Tabebuia chrysantha) has been logged and sold to Peruvian parquet floor 

factories, while brick factories have largely contributed to deforestation, as they consume high 

amounts of firewood (Informant 73M, 2007). 

Also in the Sierra region, tropical mountain rainforests are fragmented and limited in area. 

The landscape in the valleys and along roads is now dominated by pastures, Eucalyptus 15 

groves, forest patches and secondary vegetation. This conversion of forests into pastures is the 

principal long-term land-use change in the highlands (cf. Wunder 1996b). In addition, as in 

the dry forests, high quality timber species (Cedrela spp., Podocarpus oleifolius, Prumnopitys 

montana, Tabebuia chrysantha) have been exploited selectively for selling, and firewood is 

still commonly used in households. Today, due to the lack of pristine land, and in order to 

sustain their livelihoods, cattle ranchers of the Sierra are forced to use even very steep and 

marginal areas (cf. Pohle & Gerique 2006: 280). The forests on the eastern slopes of the 

Cordillera Real have suffered from land use change as well, mainly due to the expansion of 

cattle ranching, though they are better conserved as the colonization of new land has occurred 

more recently. Relatively intact areas of the local lower premontane forest are increasingly 

restricted to more remote regions like the Upper Nangaritza. This area is, however, coming 

under threat as well. 

3.1.4 Nature reserves and other protected areas 

In order to protect this biodiversity in-situ, the Ecuadorian System of Protected Areas 

(Sistema Nacional de Áreas Protegidas) counts 42 protected natural areas, including 11 

National Parks 16 . Furthermore, the UNESCO has recognized four areas (Galápagos Islands, 

Sumaco, Yasuní and Podocarpus-El Cóndor) as Biosphere Reserves. In all cases, the core area 

is a National Park. Finally, the Sangay National Park and the Galápagos National Park have 

been declared World Heritage Sites. In general, the ecosystems of the north of the country are 

well represented with protected areas while the ecosystems in the south and in the coastal 

areas are poorly represented (cf. Ministerio del Ambiente 2008a; Sierra et al. 2002). The 

Ministry of Environment has overall responsibility for the protection of these areas, although 

it is beginning to share management responsibilities with municipalities and private 

organizations. However, as Kernan & Stern (2006: 12) stated, there exists a great deal of 

overlap between the state protected areas and private and indigenous lands. Many of the 

protected areas were super-imposed on private lands and on traditional indigenous territories. 

As in other parts of the world, national authorities approved park and reserve boundaries that 

were not usually defined by accurate technical studies. These so called “paper parks” have 

15 It was already in 1865 when the Ecuadorian government imported the first seeds of Eucalyptus spp. in order to 

stop and reverse erosion processes in the inter-Andean valleys (Cuvi 2005:32). 

16 The Ecuadorian System of Protected Areas considers 9 different categories of protection: Parque Nacional and 

Parque Binacional (equivalent to IUCN Category II), Reserva Ecológica (equivalent to IUCN Categories Ib or 

VI in dependence of the degree of anthropogenic influence), Reserva Marina (IUCN Category VI), Reserva 

Biológica (IUCN Category IV), Reserva de Producción Faunística (IUCN Categories IV or VI), Reserva 

Geobotánica and Áreas de Recreación (IUCN Category V) and Refugios de Vida Silvestre (IUCN Categories 

I or IV). 

35

een created without systematic evaluation for management (cf. Bonham et al. 2008: 1581; 

Herlihy 1997: 113; Wunder 1996b: 380). The protected areas in southeastern Ecuador face 

these problems as well, especially those concerning the unclear definition of their borders. 

Moreover, a chronic financing shortfall affects the regional administration of the protected 

areas (Informant 77M, 2006). Furthermore, most local inhabitants were neither consulted nor 

informed about the process of land protection, a fact which has provoked several land use 

conflicts and frictions with environmental authorities (cf. Burbano 2008; Gallrapp 2004). 

Beyond protected public land, the Ecuadorian Forestry legislation incorporates the legal 

concept of Protective Forest 17 (Bosque Protector), which includes state and private forests 

that can be used if certain restrictions are respected. According to the Ecuadorian Forestry and 

Natural Areas Conservation Law (Ley Forestal y de Conservación de Áreas Naturales y Vida 

Silvestre), Protective Forest Areas are natural or cultivated vegetal formations in public or 

private lands located in areas of difficult topography, in the upper parts of watersheds or in 

areas that are not appropriate for agriculture or livestock. These areas must be used for 

protective functions, for water, soil, and flora and fauna conservation. Complementarily, and 

with the authorization of the Ministry of the Environment, they can be subject to sustainable 

forestry activities (Corporación de Estudios y Publicaciones 2006: 3). Article 84 explicitly 

bans any unauthorized land use that reduces forest cover inside a protective forest. The 

violation of this law results in the loss of tenure rights and the reversion of the land to the 

state without any compensation (Aguirre Torres 2005: 31). Besides, private and community 

reserves exist. Until now, Ecuadorian laws have not fully incorporated these categories. 

3.1.4.1 The Biosphere Reserve Podocarpus-El Cóndor 

The Podocarpus – El Condor Biosphere Reserve (cf. Ch. 2.3) covers an area of over 

1,140.080 ha and is considered one of the most important sites for biodiversity in the world. 

The Biosphere Reserve was formally recognized by UNESCO in October 2007, and has had 

the support of local public and private institutions, including the Provincial Councils of Loja 

and Zamora Chinchipe, the municipalities of Loja and Zamora, the Ministry of Environment, 

the National University of Loja, the Private Technical University of Loja, and the MAB- 

UNESCO Programme in Ecuador (NCI 2009b). Figure 6 shows an overview of the biosphere 

reserve, including the location of the Podocarpus and Yacuri National Parks, and the 

Protective Forests Corazón de Oro and Alto Nangaritza, which are the core areas and the main 

parts of the buffer zone respectively. 

17 Equivalent to IUCN Category VI. 

36

Fig. 6: The Biosphere Reserve 

Podocarpus-El Cóndor. (Figure by 

Jorge Cueva, NCI 2010, modified) 

3.1.4.2 National Parks of southern Ecuador 

The Podocarpus National Park 

Protective 

Forest 

Corazón de 

Oro 

National boundary 

Buffer zone 

Core area 

Transition zone 

The Podocarpus National Park (cf. Fig. 6 and Fig. 7) was created in 1982 and comprises an 

area of 144,993 ha. It is one of the core areas of the Biosphere Reserve together with the 

National Park Colambo-Yacuri and the Ecological Reserve Mura Nunka. About 85% of the 

park is in the province of Zamora Chinchipe and the remainder in the province of Loja. The 

park shelters the headwaters of four rivers (Catamayo-Chira, Chinchipe, Zamora and 

Nangaritza) which sustain more than half the population of southern Ecuador (Rivera Rossi 

2007: 186). The altitude in the park ranges from 900 to 3,600 meters. The tortured and 

complex geological formations of this part of the Andes and their proximity to the Amazonian 

forest create ecological conditions that support and generate an extremely large biological 

wealth, resulting in a high degree of endemism and extraordinary plant diversity. The park 

ECSF 

Protective 

Forest Alto 

Nangaritza 

37

counts between 3,000 and 4,000 vascular plant species (Madsen 1989, cited in Rahbek et al. 

1995: 117) and includes all the vegetation types described in Table 2. 

For birds, the park is considered the Andean jewel in the crown of the protected areas in 

Ecuador (Rahbek et al. 1995: 113). To date, more than 560 bird species have been registered. 

Rasmussen and Rahbek (1994, cited in BirdLife International 2009) estimated bird diversity 

at more than 800 species. Furthermore, Podocarpus National Park is perhaps the world 

stronghold of the mountain tapir (Tapirus pinchaque) and is very important for the survival of 

the spectacled bear (Tremarctos ornatus) (Rahbek et al. 1995: 117). Today there are no 

settlements inside the park borders. However, there exist serious threats including illegal 

timber logging (mainly of Podocarpus oleifolius), illegal small-scale mining and unresolved 

land tenure issues (Informant 77M, 2007). 

Fig. 7: Lagunas del Compadre, 

Podocarpus National Park. (Photo by 

A. Gerique 2007) 

National Park Colambo-Yacuri 

The 43,000 ha Colambo–Yacuri National Park is the youngest National Park of Ecuador. It 

was created in February 2010 in order to protect local forests and water resources through the 

joint efforts of local NGOs (Nature and Culture International, Arco Iris, Conservation 

International) and farmers’ organizations and municipalities. The area has been already 

Protective Forest since 2002 and is located in the southern part of Loja Province in a region 

that contains the southern extension of the mountain range that shapes Podocarpus National 

Park. It includes paramo vegetation and cloud forests (NCI 2009a), and as the Podocarpus 

National Park, it hosts an important population of spectacled bear and of mountain tapirs. 

Moreover, it includes the presence of deer (Pudu mephistophiles), and a great diversity of 

plant species. In contrast to the other protected areas, this reserve was established with the 

general support of local inhabitants. 

38

3.1.4.3 Protective Forest 

Protective Forest Corazón de Oro 

This reserve was established in 2000. It covers 54,000 ha and is located north of the 

Podocarpus National Park between Loja and Zamora Chinchipe Provinces. It was created at 

the request of a NGO (Amigos de la Amazonía) located in Quito in order to preserve the 

water resources of the city of Loja (Gobierno del Ecuador 2000). In fact, this municipality is 

constructing its main water catchment and a series of aqueducts in the area (UNL et al. 2006a: 

90). The area is crossed by the Zamora and other secondary rivers like the Tambo Blanco, the 

Tibio, and the Cristal, all of them forming very steep valleys. However, during the request 

process local inhabitants were not consulted about the consequences of the establishment of 

the reserve. To this day, most of the inhabitants are against the Protective Forest, as reserve 

legislation frustrates their efforts to legalize land occupied after the establishment of the 

reserve. Many peasants even ignore where the boundaries of the reserve are (Informant 68M, 

2007) 18 . 

Altitude in the reserve ranges between 3,400 m a.s.l. at the Tambo Blanco Peak and 1,360 m 

a.s.l. in La Fragancia sector. According to UNL et al. (2006a: 83), the average temperature 

oscillates between a maximum of 23°C in the lower areas and a minimum of 14°C at the 

Tambo Blanco Peak. The same source has estimated an average minimum rainfall in the 

reserve of approximately 1000 mm per year at Tambo Blanco Peak and a maximum of 2600 

mm in the area near to Sabanilla. The driest months are October and November. Palaeozoic 

metamorphic schist layers are predominant in the area. Sandy loam soils dominate in the 

western sector of the reserve, while cambisols are the most common in the eastern areas 

around El Tibio (cf. Burbano 2008: 18; Morocho & Romero 2003: 63). According to the 

vegetation classification by Homeier et al. (2008), the Protective Reserve includes five 

vegetation types, namely evergreen premontane rainforest, evergreen lower montane forest, 

evergreen upper montane forest, evergreen elfin forest, and shrub and dwarf bamboo paramos 

(cf. Ch. 3.1.3). However, most of the original vegetation has changed. This territory has been 

colonized by Mestizo and Saraguro settlers coming from neighboring regions over the last 80 

years (Informant 8M, 2007). Today, pastures for cattle ranching, small crop fields, home 

gardens and forest patches dominate the landscape. The extension of these pastures, timber 

extraction activities and the construction of roads have resulted in the destruction of most of 

the original rainforests of the area (UNL et al. 2006a: 84). One of these roads connects the 

region with the city of Loja, and bifurcates at Jimbilla: One branch reaches Imbana and El 

Tibio, while the other reaches Los Guabos. Both branches have been finished during the past 

four years. Fire is a further significant regional agent of forest destruction; during the dry 

season peasants often use fire in order to rejuvenate pastures or to expand them. This practice 

causes devastating forest fires by accident, negligence or just by bad faith. Superstition plays 

a role as well; locals believe that smoke from forest fires attracts rainclouds (Informant 50M, 

18 The large number of villages inside the reserve (Jimbilla, Imbana, Los Guabos, La Chonta, El Tambo Blanco, 

El Tibio, El Cristal and others) shows the magnitude of the problem. 

39

2007). Further to its hydrological importance, the Protective Forest Corazón de Oro hosts a 

high biodiversity. According to UNL et al. (2006a: 91), the reserve hosts 52 endemic plant 

species and includes mammals such as the spectacled bear (Tremarctos ornatus) and the 

puma (Puma concolor). The report on which the reserve declaration was based (Fundación 

Amigos de la Amazonía 2000, cited in UNL et al. 2006a) identifies the presence of rare bird 

species such as the Jocotoco (Gralaria jocotoco) and the grey breasted mountain toucan 

(Andigena hypoglauca). 

Protective Forest Alto Nangaritza and Shuar Reserve Mura Nunka 

The Protective Forest Alto Nangaritza was created in 2002 and covers 128,866 ha. It is 

situated between the eastern side of the Podocarpus National Park and the Cordillera del 

Cóndor, which corresponds to the Peruvian border, and includes the whole Upper Nangaritza. 

The Nangaritza constitutes the principal hydraulic feature of the reserve (Fig. 8). The 

Chumbiriatza and Numpatakaime are its principal affluents, and all of them have their source 

in the Podocarpus National Park. The Nangaritza forms a canyon where countless small 

cascades fall over the canyon’s walls, constituting one of the most beautiful landscapes in 

Ecuador (Palacios 1997: 41). 

Altitude in the reserve reaches 3,120 m. a.s.l. in the western area that borders the national 

park. The lowest point is the Nangaritza with an altitude of approximately 870 m a.sl., located 

at Las Orquídeas in the northern limit of the reserve (cf. CINFA et al. 2003 and own 

measurements). Estimated precipitation varies between 2,000 and 3,000 mm per year and the 

driest months are October and November. According to CINFA et al. (2003: 14), the average 

temperature varies between 10 and 20 °C in the highlands and 20 and 24°C in the lowlands, 

without significant differences throughout the year. 

Fig. 8: Left: The Nangaritza River at Shaime in SE direction. Right: View of the Upper Nangaritza in 

SW direction. (Photos by A Gerique 2004 (left) and 2005 (right)) 

The Eastern Cordillera and the Cordillera del Cóndor meet at the Nangaritza valley. Because 

of this, the geological stratum appears complex; Mesozoic batholiths dominate in the western 

side, while superficial quaternary deposits and sandstone cretaceous sedimentary sequences 

40

stretch along the valley. The latter formations shape spectacular tepuy 19 -like plateaus. On the 

eastern side of the reserve, cretaceous volcanic rocks are the predominant geologic formation. 

This heterogeneity is reflected in a large variety of soils and vegetation types (cf. CINFA et 

al. 2003). According to Palacios (1997: 38), this area is an ecotone between the Andean and 

tropical rain forest. While vegetation growing on the alluvial terraces has many floristic 

elements in common with the Ecuadorian Amazon region, above 1300 m there is a mixture of 

species from both tropical and montane zones. Vegetation in the Upper Nangaritza appears to 

be heavily influenced by the presence or absence of sandstone soils, presenting range 

disjunctions and regional endemics of great importance (cf. CINFA et al. 2003; Palacios 

1997). For instance, according to Neill (2005: 21), the dominant tree genera of the sandstone 

forests at about 1000 m elevation correspond to small trees which, though absent from 

anywhere else in the Andes or the sub-Andean cordilleras, closely related to the genera in the 

sandstone areas of the Guyana Shield region. In contrast, the non-sandstone forests are taller 

and more open, and much more diverse with tree genera and species that are typical of 

adjacent areas of the upper Amazon basin. During the past 20 years different botanical 

expeditions have discovered numerous endemic species in the area (cf. Neill 2007, 2005; 

Palacios 1997). The Cordillera del Cóndor (of which the Upper Nangaritza forms a part) 

probably hosts the “richest flora of any similar-sized area anywhere in the New World” 

(Robin Foster, cited in Forsyth 1997: 12; Neill 2005: 21). 

The region is also rich in avifauna, which is largely Amazonian in character. Schulenberg 

(1997: 66) identified 210 species, including a number of threatened or geographically 

restricted bird species such as the orange-throated tanager (Wetmorethraupis sterrhopteron). 

The mammal fauna is Amazonian, with some Andean elements such as the spectacled bear 

(Tremarctos ornatus). At least four monkey species (Aotus cf. vociferans, Ateles belzebuth, 

Cebus albifrons and Alouatta seniculus) have been reported in the area (Albuja 1997). 

However, due to hunting pressure they are found far away from habited areas (Informant 

12M, 2007). Other common mammals are otters (Lutra longicuadis), tapirs, peccaries 

(Tayassu pecari), and different bat species, including vampire bats. Tigrillos (Felis spp.) and 

jaguars (Panthera onca) have also been observed. The existence of caimans in wetlands of the 

Upper Nangaritza has been reported by UNL et al. (2006b: 114) and during interviews with 

the Shuar. Moreover, a rich herpetofauna was sighted during research, including boa and 

other snake species, and numerous frog species. According to Barriga (1997: 86), the 

ictiofauna of the Nangaritza Valley is not very diverse, with 35 identified species. The effects 

of deforestation, mining and over-fishing threaten to reduce this fauna even further (cf. 

Bojsen & Barriga 2002). 

The Shuar are the traditional inhabitants of the area and the most relevant ethnic group, even 

though they did not organize stable communities until 1967. Today, ten different Shuar 

communities exist (cf. Chapter 3.2.1). Some Saraguros have settled down in the area and raise 

cattle. The Mestizo settlers who live in the area base their economy around different activities. 

Besides cultivating some crops and raising cattle, some Mestizos are timber loggers or work 

as middlemen between the Shuar and merchants. 

19 Tepuys or Tepuis are table-top sandstone mountains found in the Guiana Highlands. 

41

Box 6: Conflicts in the Protective Forest Alto Nangaritza 

As in the case of the Protective Forest Corazón de Oro, local inhabitants were neither sufficiently 

informed nor consulted about the declaration of the area as protective forest and its consequences. In 

2004 the situation provoked a revolt of Mestizo settlers against the reserve with the kidnapping and 

maltreatment of some environmentalists who were visiting the Alto Nangaritza (Diario La Hora 2004). 

The arrival of the governor of Zamora Chinchipe and of a large police contingent put a peaceful end to 

the revolt, but not to the tension in the area. The conflict had a dangerous ethnic component as well. 

The Shuar did not completely agree with the establishment of the reserve, as they believed that they 

could lose control over part of their territories to the Ecuadorian environmental authorities. However, 

they reticently supported the establishment of the reserve as a barrier against the Mestizo and 

Saraguro colonists who were invading their territories. Finally, in 2006 the conflict was resolved thanks 

to a mediation process headed by the German Development Service DED and the regional office of 

the environmental department (Informant 42M 2004 and Informant 35M 2006). As a result, one private 

protective forest reserve and a Shuar hunting reserve (30,500 ha) were created inside the existing 

protective reserve (128,867 ha). The private protective forest reserve was divided into two areas, one 

(1,486 ha) managed by the Mestizo association of workers (“Asociación de Trabajadores Autónomos 

San Miguel”) and the other (2.745 ha) by the Shuar association “Tayunts”. The reserve has increased 

the local interest in nature conservation and has improved inter-ethnic relations by dissipating distrust 

and clarifying possession borders. Moreover, a future ecological reserve (equivalent to IUCN Category 

Ib) called Cerro Plateado (cf. Fig. 6) has been planned for the upper part of the valley with the support 

of the Shuar. Finally, settlers who occupied land inside the protective forest before 2002 will be able to 

legalize their land titles (Informant 77M 2007). The Missouri Botanical Garden tries to maintain the 

interest in nature protection of the Mestizo settlers by maintaining research plots and by organizing 

international botanical courses inside the private reserve. These activities present an income 

opportunity for the local inhabitants and motivate them to protect the forest. 

The presence of miners has given rise to serious conflicts as well. On February 26 th 2006, the Shuar 

of the communities of the southern Upper Nangaritza greeted a delegation from a mining enterprise 

that was arriving by boat with a rain of bullets. The incident had no tragic consequences and it has 

been the last attempt of a mining company to establish a mine to date. Shuar people who had 

collaborated with the miners were punished using traditional justice methods: they were rubbed down 

with stinging-nettle leaves (Informant 12M, 2007). However, in September 2010 the police and military 

forces moved illegal miners away from Congüime, another Shuar settlement in the north of the Upper 

Nangaritza. The inhabitants of this area are not against mining; they had leased their land to the 

miners. These antithetic positions between Shuar present a serious threat to social peace and to the 

conservation of forests in the area (cf. Ch. 6.1.7.3). 

The Reserve is the largest one in southern Ecuador and was formed as an initiative of the 

regional environmental NGO Arco Iris, the Municipality of Nangaritza and the Shuar 

“Tayunts” association (Ordoñez-Delgado & Flores 2007: 8). The purpose was to establish a 

National Park buffer zone and to fight the illegal occupation of land. However, other perils 

threaten the exceptional biodiversity and landscape beauty of the Upper Nangaritza. The 

Ecuadorian Government has extended concessions to explore the subsoil of the area, as it 

42

contains rich gold and copper deposits (cf. CINFA et al. 2003: 15). Fierce opposition to 

mining by the Shuar has avoided the establishment of miners in the area (Box 6). The 

construction of a road that will cross the area from north to south in order to connect the 

northern part of the province with its southern part represents the most imminent danger (cf. 

Ch. 6.1.7.3). 

The area known as Cerro Plateado or Mura Nunka (cf. Fig. 6) is almost unexplored. It is 

probably home to numerous new species and its ecological services are of outmost 

importance for the whole Nangaritza valley (cf. Ordoñez Delgado & Flores Rosas 2007). The 

Shuar Tayunts association promoted its protection as a Reserva Ecológica (Ecological 

Reserve 20 ) (Asociación de Centros Shuar Tayunts 2003, cited in Ordoñez Delgado & Flores 

Rosas 2007: 10). However, despite its ecological importance, the process has not been 

completed, and the definitive borders and its category of protection remain unclear. 

3.1.4.4 Other reserves of importance 

Estación Científica San Francisco (ECSF) 

The San Francisco Research Station is a private reserve that belongs to NCI, an 

environmental non-governmental organization that purchased the area for research and 

conservation purposes (cf. Ch. 2.3.3). The station is situated in the San Francisco valley in the 

northern reaches of the Podocarpus National Park at altitudes between 1,800 m and 3,150 m 

a.s.l. and includes 300 ha of evergreen montane rainforest, pastureland, and reforestation 

plots. The station has been the domicile of the DFG multi-disciplinary research program 

(DFG research groups 402 and 816 21 ) in southern Ecuador since 1997. This study has been 

conducted within this framework. 

Angashcola Communal Forest Reserve 

This small reserve of around 1,416 ha close to Amaluza was formed by the local Cochecorral 

Community with the assistance of NCI. The purpose was to protect the regional water supply 

and for the community to benefit from an appropriate management of forest products. NCI 

also assisted the community in the legalization of its territory. At the same time, local farmers 

were trained to manage the reserve and to establish agroforestry systems using species of wild 

native fruits such as the toronche (Carica cf. pubescens). They were also assisted in the 

creation of a company that processes and commercializes the produced native fruits (NCI 

2009c). Its success motivated the existing local Association of Organic Coffee Producers, 

Procafeq (Association of Highland Coffee Producers from Espíndola and Quilanga) to also 

produce native fruits, and cherimoya (Annona cherimola) (cf. NCI 2009c). Their coffee has 

20 Equivalent to IUCN Categories Ib or VI in dependence of the degree of anthropogenic influence. According to 

the Shuar proposal the reserve should be included in the National System of Protected Areas, which depends 

from the Ecuadorian Ministry of Environment. 

21 For further information visit http://www.tropicalmountainforest.org/. 

43

een certified as 100% shade-grown and organic, meaning that it is grown without the use of 

chemical pesticides ensuring that coffee plantations remain a healthy haven for birds and 

other wildlife (cf. Smithsonian Institution 2009). 

3.1.5 Ethnic groups in southern Ecuador 

Ecuadorian society consists of four broad ethnic groups: Mestizo 22 65%, Amerindian 25%, 

Spanish 7% and Afro-Ecuadorian 3% (CIA 2008). However, the data on ethnic groups in 

Ecuador are not considered reliable; e.g., the percentage of Amerindians oscillates between 

15% and 25% (Josse & Barragán 2001). A brief overview of the Amerindian ethnic groups in 

the country follows. According to the Ecuadorian Council of Development of the Ecuadorian 

Nationalities and Peoples CODEMPE (2004), there exist a total of 27 indigenous groups and 

sub-groups in Ecuador. 

Costa: The ethnic groups in the Costa Region are small and some of them are strongly 

acculturated. Groups like the Chachi or the Tsachila have lost most of their ancestral 

territories due to colonization, large-scale agriculture and timber logging. The Awá people 

have retreated to remote areas, where they still practice traditional slash and burn agriculture 

(cf. Josse & Barragán 2001). 

Sierra: The Kichwa or Quechua Indians are the most important group of the Sierra Region. 

They are a multi-ethnic community with a similar cosmology and a common language. Their 

agriculture is well adapted to the different ecological belts along the vertical gradient, but 

their communities face problems derived from land reform failures and overpopulation, which 

has resulted in the expansion of their agricultural area towards the paramo belt (cf. Josse & 

Barragán 2001). This is a topic of ecological concern, as this area affords the storage and 

supply of water for the majority of the population of the Sierra (cf. López Sandoval 2004). 

The most important Quechua groups are the Puruhá, Kitu, Kayambi, Kañari, and Saraguros 

(cf. CODEMPE 2004). 

Oriente: Nine indigenous groups inhabit the Oriente: the Shuar, Achuar, Cofán, Secoya, 

Siona, Waorani, Shiwiar, Zápara and Quechua. The Shuar and the Quechua together represent 

more the 95% of the indigenous population while other groups like the Zápara or Siona count 

less than 400 people (CODENPE 2004; Josse & Barragán 2001). As in the Costa region, all 

local groups have been affected by colonization. In the central and northern area, entire 

22 The category Mestizo is somehow dubious in that it is used by social scientists as an indication of ethnicity, 

but not necessarily by the people themselves (Van den Eyden 2004). Hanratty (1989) makes a very accurate 

description: “The precise criteria for defining ethnic groups (in Ecuador) varied considerably. The vocabulary 

that more prosperous mestizos and whites used in describing ethnic groups mixed social and biological 

characteristics. Typically, higher-status whites considered their own positions as derived from a superior 

racial background. Nonetheless, ethnic affiliation remained dynamic; Indians often became mestizos, and 

prosperous mestizos sought to improve their status sufficiently to be considered whites. Ethnic identity 

reflected numerous characteristics, only one of which was physical appearance; others included dress, 

language, community membership, and self-identification. […] Income and lifestyle also constituted important 

factors; a wealthy mestizo might be called a white, whereas a poorer one would be classified as a mestizo.” 

44

indigenous cultures have been placed in danger of extinction as a result of the oil industry and 

the colonization facilitated by the oil roads (Mecham 2001). A further problem in the Oriente 

has been the creation of a series of protected areas (national parks, ecological reserves) which 

were designed without taking local communities into account (Josse & Barragán 2001). 

The main ethnic groups in southern Ecuador are the Mestizos, the Shuar, and the Saraguros. A 

small, fourth ethnic group is the Afro-Ecuadorian descendants of black slaves who arrived to 

work in mines and on plantations during Colonial times, and the Mulatos, people of black and 

white or Mestizo ancestry. Afro-Ecuadorian and Whites have not been considered in this 

study, as there were no representative communities living in the areas under research. A fuller 

description of the studied ethnic groups follows. The areas of settlement in southern Ecuador 

of the Shuar and the Saraguros are shown in Figure 9. 

3.1.5.1 The Shuar of southern Ecuador 

The Jívaroan or Shuar groups are the traditional inhabitants of the humid premontane forests 

of south-eastern Ecuador and north-west Peru. In Ecuador, the most relevant groups are the 

Shuar (including the Untsuri, Muráya and Pakanmayá Shuar sub-groups) and the Achuar 

(Achua Shuar). The latter group also resides in Peru with the Huambisa (Wampis Shuar) and 

the Aguaruna or Awajun (cf. CODENPE 2005; Kingman 2005; Descola 1994 in Bennett et al. 

2002; Münzel 1977; Harner 1972). All these groups are linguistically related. In the literature 

and on the internet the term “Shuar” is conventionally used to refer only to the first group, as 

is done in this paper, to prevent confusion. 

With an estimated population of 110,000 in 668 communities (CODENPE 2005), the Shuar 

represent one of the most important indigenous cultures in the Amazon Basin and has been 

well documented by anthropologists and missionaries (cf. Kingman 2005; Descola 1994; 

Conde 1988; Seymour-Smith 1988; Costales & Costales 1977; Münzel 1977; Harner 1972; 

Karsten 1935). In the province of Zamora Chinchipe, Shuar are now settling along the valleys 

of the Yacuambi River, Lower Zamora River and Nangaritza River - possibly totaling about 

20,000 (Van den Eyden 2004:13). 

It is supposed that the original Shuar settlements (ca. 1250 BC) were located in Ecuador, 

between the south of the Zamora Chinchipe Province and the south of the Morona Santiago 

Province, in the valleys east of the Andes Mountain Range. From here, they expanded to 

adjacent areas, including the north of the province of Morona Santiago and The Upper 

Marañón River Valley in Peru (Kingman 2005: 22). During the first half of the 15th century, 

the Shuar triumphantly defended themselves against the Inca armies of Túpac Yupanqui, who 

finally considered them indomitable (González-Suarez 1890: 54). The Spaniards began the 

colonization of the Shuar territories in 1541 (Conde 1988:29; Costales & Costales 1977: 3), 

where they established trade relations and exploited extremely rich gold mines, a real “El 

Dorado”. After a short period of cohabitation, their hunger for gold provoked Shuar revolts. 

The general rebellion of 1599 ended with the destruction or abandonment of several Spanish 

cities and settlements. The following numbers of settlers killed helps in understanding the 

magnitude of the uprising; in the city of Logroño 12,000 settlers died, while in Sevilla del Oro 

45

as many as 17.000 inhabitants were annihilated (Conde 1988: 37). Most of the Shuar territory 

was definitively liberated from Spanish rule (cf. Kingman 2005; Conde 1988; Harner 1972). 

In this endeavor, the Shuar were one with the Araucano Indians of Chile, who also revolted in 

1599. They are the only indigenous cultures to have successfully resisted the Spanish Empire 

(Conde 1988: 34). 

During the next three centuries, the Shuar’s contact with the outside world consisted of 

skirmishes with the Spanish punishment expeditions and exchanges with a handful 

missionaries and colonists. It was not until the end of the 19 th century, many decades after the 

independence of Ecuador, that missionaries successfully installed permanent Missions in their 

territory. Settlers who explored the region searching for gold, rubber, and quinine, and who 

succeeded in establishing stable trade relations with the Shuar (cf. Kingman 2005; Conde 

1988; Costales & Costales 1977; Münzel 1977; Harner 1972) followed the missionaries. 

These relations were peaceful because they provided the Shuar with guns and other items that 

could be sold to other Shuar communities in remote areas (Rudel & Horowitz 1996: 82; 

Münzel 1977: 13). It was during this period that the Shuar achieved notoriety outside Ecuador 

through their customary tradition of head shrinking. This practice intrigued European 

collectors who created an economic demand for these tsantsas or shrunken heads 23 . The 

consequence was a sharp increase in the rate of killings and intertribal conflicts in an effort to 

supply demand (Münzel 1977: 248). The Ecuadorian-Peruvian war between 1941 and 1942 

also had consequences for the Shuar and other Jívaroan groups. The new frontier line divided 

ancestral homelands and communities, and accelerated the colonization of the region; a 

populated frontier area was now of military interest, and therefore of national importance for 

the Ecuadorian Government who began to promote new settlements. Meanwhile, most of the 

Peruvian side remained isolated, as it still is, far away from important transportation routes 24 . 

In subsequent decades, poor peasants of the southern Ecuadorian highlands moved into the 

Shuar territories and appropriated or purchased land around the missions. Saraguro Indians 

also became established in Shuar territories in the Yacuambi Valley as well. The land reforms 

of 1964 and 1973, which established programs to colonize unoccupied lands, boosted this 

process (cf. Rudel et al. 2002: 148; Trujillo 1988). The reforms provided 50-hectare parcels to 

settlers who cleared half of their land for farming and ranching, and in most cases the 

indigenous territories were treated as “unoccupied” and available for settlement (cf. Southgate 

et al. 2009: 3). This resulted in a change of land use traditions among the Shuar (cf. Trujillo 

1988). 

The Shuar who wanted to preserve their way of life retreated to remote areas, while others 

began to legalize their territories with the help of the Salesian Missionaries, who advised the 

Shuar to move from their typical solitary households - which were easy to invade for the 

23 Conde (1988: 78) describes the voyage of Franciscan Missionaries to the recently founded hamlet of Zamora 

in 1892. There they met two French who were searching arbitrarily for a Shuar who had enemies in order to 

help him to kill them by poisoning. In return, the Shuar was expected to make tsantsas with the heads. The 

French wanted these heads to sell them in Europe. 

24 Further Ecuadorian-Peruvian wars in 1981 and in 1995 aggravated the isolation of the Peruvian indigenous 

communities who live close to the frontier due to the use of anti-personnel mines to seal the border line. 

46

colonists - to new villages, which were called centros (centers). There they planted pasture, 

raised cattle and lodged legal territorial claims. 

The centros are governed by an elected council, headed by a síndico, and hold global titles to 

the land, although household heads can sell their part of the land to other Shuar or pass it on 

to their children as an inheritance (Informant 42M 2005; Rudel et al. 2002: 148). A group of 

centros forms an asociación (association), which represents them at regional level. The 

asociaciones belong to one of the existing federaciones shuar (Shuar federations), which 

defend Shuar interests at national level (Box 7). 

Box 7: The Shuar organizations 

The Shuar are considered the most highly organized group in Ecuador (Duchelle 2007). In 1964, the 

Salesian missionaries helped the Shuar and the Achuar to establish the Federación Interprovincial de 

Centros Shuar y Achuar FICSHA, which was one of the most powerful indigenous organizations in 

South America. Later on, it split into two organizations (Federación Interprovincial de Centros Shuar 

FICSH and the Federación Interprovincial de la Nacionalidad Achuar del Ecuador FINAI) because the 

Achuar wanted to be represented by their own organization (Morales & Schjellerup 1999; Trujillo 

1988). Other federations followed: the Asociación de Pueblos Shuar del Ecuador AIPSE, the 

Federación Independiente del Pueblo Shuar del Ecuador FIPSE, the Federación Shuar de Zamora 

Chinchipe, FSHZCH, the Organización Independiente Shuar de la Amazonia Ecuatoriana OISAE, the 

Organización Shuar del Ecuador OSHE, the Federación Provincial de la Nacionalidad Shuar de 

Zamora Chinchipe FEPNASH-ZCh, and others. 

This variety of associations highlights a typical Shuar attribute; they are a proud indigenous group with 

a high sense of belonging, but at the same time, they are frequently divided. Rivalry and envy between 

federaciones or between families of the same centro were constant during field research observations. 

Yet, such problems disappeared as soon as the problem (or enemy) came from outside the 

community. 

Today, the Shuar communities try to maintain their own identity and language and most of 

them are still forest dwellers practicing shifting cultivation, mainly in a subsistence economy. 

They also hunt, fish and gather forest products (Pohle & Gerique 2008: 348). Labor is divided 

along gender lines with the men hunting and clearing the forest for forest garden plots. They 

are also responsible for cattle raising and timber extraction since its introduction as new 

activities in recent decades. Women do most of the agricultural tasks and care for children, 

cook and for look after poultry. Polygamy is still practiced in Shuar society, but nowadays it 

is more the exception than the rule. The Shuar have only embraced Catholicism in the 20 th 

and still conserve many of their traditional rituals and myths. A detailed description of their 

plant knowledge, land use practices, and related aspects follows in Chapters 5.2 and 6.1. 

47

3.1.5.2 The Saraguros of southern Ecuador 

The indigenous group of the Saraguros is less well documented than the group of the Shuar 25 . 

Their traditional territory spans the northern Andean highlands of the Province of Loja around 

the towns of San Lucas and Saraguro. Nowadays they form a single ethnic group, but their 

ethnic and geographical origins are uncertain. Many claim (cf. Hocquenghem 2004; 

Gonzalez-Suarez 1890) that Saraguros descend from mitimae (populations transferred by the 

Incas from one conquered territory to another, in this case from what is now Peru and Bolivia 

to Ecuador, in order to control population). However, Belote & Belote (1999), and Belote 

(1998) argued that archaeological, toponymic patronymic and documentary evidence also 

indicates a mixed ancestry from Cañari and other highland ethnic groups of the Ecuadorian 

Andes. 

During the Colonial Period, the Saraguros were able to retain control and ownership of their 

territories; the road between Cuenca and Loja – two important colonial cities - crossed the 

Saraguro dominion. The Spaniards were apparently more interested in keeping this road in 

good order and condition than in colonizing a remote area, and hence the colonial mandatory 

public service (mita) forced the Saraguros to take care of the service and maintenance of the 

road. This fact was decisive in keeping the land under their control: “In legal documents 

Saraguros argued, apparently successfully, that in order to render tribute to the state and 

provide support for the tambo 26 (food, shelter, guide service, pack and riding stock, forage), 

they must keep their lands” (Belote & Belote 1999). Therefore, with the important exceptions 

of Catholicism and the use of Spanish as the main language – in many communities the use of 

Quechua has almost disappeared - they were only moderately influenced by Spanish culture 

and maintain a very strong cultural identity up today. Their profound catholic beliefs and 

practices probably helped them to gain the support and respect of the Catholic Church and to 

maintain their independence: “Among the Indians, where is it possible to find better people, 

more cultivated, religious, and literate and of better character than the Saraguros? (Conde 

1988: 158)”. According to Belote (1998), until the beginning of the 20th century, the 

Saraguros were independent, relatively self-sufficient agro-pastoralists who had enough land 

to cover their needs and for producing and selling cattle and milk products. They were – and 

most of them still are - engaged in agro-pastoral activities that combine market economy 

(cattle ranching) and subsistence economy (horticulture and crop production). The division of 

labor along gender lines has been generally flexible and men and women have always shared 

or interchanged tasks. 

Livestock was their key into the market economy (Belote 1998: 181); economic success and 

an increase in their population gave rise to a shortage of pastureland and led to deforestation. 

Consequently, the Saraguros colonized new territories to increase their pastures, and 

expanded their territories toward the eastern regions, even into the Amazonian areas of the 

province of Zamora Chinchipe. While the people of Saraguro colonized land in the Yacuambi 

25 Belote (1998) published an impressive ethnological research study covering almost all aspects of the Saraguro 

culture. His publication has been the main source of information for this chapter. No further serious research 

studies about the Saraguros have been found. 

26 Tambo: Roadhouse, service area. 

48

Valley, the people of San Lucas settled down in areas along the upper Zamora River Valley 

(Informant 16M 2006). 

The Franciscan Father, Tomas Conde, on his way to Zamora in 1916, left an opportune 

description of the Saraguro’s skills as ranchers and of their colonization impetus: “All the way 

is inhabited by people of Paquizhapa 27 and Indians of Saraguro who hold land where they 

raise such an improved cattle, that it is as good as the foreign one, which is so difficult and 

expensive to import. These inhabitants are colonizing by their own hands and impulse, even 

though in a rustic way, those regions of Zamora” (Conde 1988: 159). The colonization of the 

Yacuambi Valley sparked conflict between the Saraguros and the Shuar, who are the 

traditional inhabitants of the area. Even after almost one century of colonization, conflict still 

exists in some areas of the valley 28 . Nowadays some groups of Saraguros are settling down 

along the Nangaritza and the Zamora River. However, they are facing problems finding free 

land; many Mestizo settlers before them, and even more importantly, the Shuar are now better 

organized to defend their interests. 

During the last Ecuadorian economic crisis some Saraguros opted for a new way; they left 

Ecuador to seek work elsewhere, especially in Spain. Most of them found it in the agricultural 

sector. The actual population of Saraguro Indians has been estimated between 22,000 and 

60,000, living in approximately 183 communities (cf. Belote & Belote 1999; CODEMPE 

1998). They participate widely in Ecuadorian Society and have developed organizations in 

Loja and Zamora Chinchipe to defend their socio-economic and political interests at regional 

and national level. 

3.1.5.3 The Mestizos of southern Ecuador 

The history of the Mestizos of the provinces of Loja and Zamora is a history of migration. 

The Spaniards conquered the territories, now known as southern Ecuador, during the 16th 

century. The city of Loja was definitively established in 1548, while the city of Zamora was 

established one or two years later in the Yacuambi Valley area, but due to Shuar pressure it 

changed its original location several times until it was grounded in its current position at the 

end of the 19th century (cf. Arias Benavides 2004). 

The Spaniards implemented a new social order to control and exploit the territory, in which 

the Indians were required to pay a tribute or to work in gold mines and haciendas 29 in return 

for protection and religious instruction. However, the little respect that Europeans had for 

indigenous people helped to corrupt the system quickly. “So, what was supposed to assist in 

the evangelization of the Natives and in the creation of a stable society became a blatant tool 

of oppression” (Scott 1989). Most of the Indians of southern Ecuador who survived the forced 

labor and the new diseases brought by the Europeans abandoned their villages and lost their 

ethnic identity and. By the end of the 16th century, the Mestizos were the main ethnic group 

27 A village located in the Saraguro region. 

28 During the research I witnessed this conflict. The Shuar of the Yacuambi Valley killed a cow which was 

property of the Saraguros of El Cristal arguing that they were invading their territory. To date, no clear limits 

between communities exist. 

29 In Latin America, the haciendas are large landed estates. 

49

in southern Ecuador. Only the Saraguros, who complied with their forced labor in an isolated 

territory, and the Shuar, who successfully defended themselves from Spanish invasion, 

preserved their ethnic identity (Hocquenghem 2004: 36). For centuries, the economy of Loja 

Province was based on the feudal hacienda system with a severe social class segregation, 

whereby a handful of owners, the terratenientes, controlled land and capital, and ruled over a 

poor rural Mestizo majority who depended upon the haciendas for survival (cf. Paladines 

Paladines 2006; Chiriboga 1988; IERAC 1986). Those haciendas represented a very archaic 

model even in the Ecuadorian context; they were administered superficially and the owners 

mainly sought revenues from the production and from the rents paid by the arrimados 

(Fauroux 1988: 112) (cf. Box 8). This improper management of land led to a chronic oversupply 

of labor and the migration of about 10 % of the population of Loja Province to other 

provinces between 1948 and 1962 (Temme 1972: 74). 

Box 8: The Hacienda system in southern Ecuador 

The first agrarian census of Ecuador dates from 1954. In this year, 0.3 % of the haciendas of the 

Sierra region controlled 48.3 % of the farmland (Francescutti 2002: 3). As an example, Galarza Zavala 

(1973, cited in Paladines Paladines 2006: 247) mentions the case of the three most important 

terrateniente families of Loja - Eguiguren, Burneo and Valdivieso, who owned 28 haciendas. Sixteen 

of them comprised 55,235 ha, and 14 of them had 1,009 arrimados. The arrimados were peasants 

who were allowed to use a piece of land in exchange for money, part of their harvest or free labor, but 

who did not have any hereditary rights over land. As small farmers, they were completely dependent 

on the hacienda (cf. Paladines Paladines 2006: 254). Below is the transcription of an interview with a 

former arrimado: 

“[…] We moved here (to Sabanilla) because they banished us from the hacienda. The hacienda was in 

a site called Sevilla, near the old road to Cuenca. […] It was the Carrión Hacienda. He sold it when the 

reform arrived. We were arrimados of a sir called Jorge Castillo Carrión, and one year before the 

arrival of the agrarian reform “the rich” said: I need my land […]*. All the others stayed and bought 

their land, but we had to leave before that. He took it us away. Those times were times of slavery. We 

paid the leasehold with money. However “that rich” let others pay it with free labor. Every Monday, if 

the piece of land was small, they had to work for “the rich”. If the piece of land was big, they had to 

work Mondays and Tuesdays for him. And if they were one week in delay, if they got sick, they were in 

trouble. In such a case, they had to work one month for free, obligatory. We did not need to do so, 

because we paid with money. This is how law was. […] “. Taken from an interview with Enrique 

Ramón, Sabanilla, December 2006. 

*According to Temme (1972: 197), some terratenientes who were informed about the coming Agrarian Reform banished most of 

their arrimados before the passage of the pertinent law. 

The construction of the Loja-Zamora road in 1962 facilitated the later migration flow in a 

west-east direction and the colonization of the Amazonian Province of Zamora Chinchipe 30 , 

30 This province – predominantly a Shuar territory and part of Loja Province until its division in 1953 - had 

already been the goal of Mestizos and Saraguro settlers since the beginning of the 20th century. While the 

50

mainly of the area around the new town of Yantzaza, in the Lower Nangaritza Valley. Even 

though the IERAC had organized a colonization plan for Zamora Chinchipe Province, most of 

the process was the result of spontaneous colonization by small farmers, mainly due to the 

lack of administrative resources (Temme 1972: 203). Moreover, this colonization process got 

decisive support from an unforeseen event; the 1960s had been very dry years in Loja 

Province, and water scarcity culminated in the severe drought of 1968, which affected 18,000 

families -one third of the population - (Hocquenghem 2004: 40; Temme 1972: 349) and 

resulted in the migration of thousands of ruined Mestizo small farmers. This huge migration 

flow had decisive consequences for the colonization and the ethnic composition of Zamora 

Chinchipe. Between 1962 and 1974 its population showed an annual growth rate of 9.55%, 

more than three times the average growth of Ecuador (3.1%) and about six times the growth 

of Loja Province (Pohle 2008a: 34; INEC 1974). According to Temme (1972), other 

destinations were Santo Domingo de los Colorados (Santo Domingo de Tsáchilas Province, a 

territory in Pichincha Province until 2007) and El Oro Province, where flourishing plantations 

existed 31 . The second agrarian reform in 1973, an increased national demand for romerillo 

timber (cf. Ch. 6.2.1), and the discovery of gold around the settlement of Nambija resulted in 

more migration into Zamora Chinchipe Province. Data from Guzmán (1994, cited in Plan 

Migración, Comunicación y Desarrollo 2004: 2) and Pohle (2008) show the magnitude of the 

migration outflux; Guzmán points out that by 1990 about 33% of the total population had left 

Loja Province. Pohle (2008: 34) raises this percentage to about 47.7%. However, with the 

chronic breakdown of the Ecuadorian economy during the 1990s, migration of Lojanos 32 to 

foreign countries – mainly to Spain – took place (Cáritas Española et al. 2004: 3). This flow 

ended abruptly in 2003 with the introduction of visa requirements for Ecuadorian citizens 

entering the European Union. 

The current world economic crisis and the related high unemployment rates in traditional 

destination countries make further migration waves improbable in the short term. However, 

emigrants living abroad play a key role in Ecuador’s socio-economy. In 2007 their 

remittances accounted for the second source of national income after oil sales (Cámara de 

Industriales de Pichincha 2008). 

Saraguros had colonized some valleys in the region in order to increase their pasture land, most of the 

Mestizos had until then been soldiers, missionaries or adventurers who were more interested in finding gold or 

Quina trees than in settling down. There were only significant Mestizo settlements in the south of the 

Province, along the Chinchipe Valley, where an access route already existed (Temme 1972: 68). 

31 

Parallel to these fluxes internal migration from rural to urban areas has provoked an enormous growth of the 

latter, in particular of the city Loja. In 1950, it had 15,399 inhabitants. Twelve years later it counted 26,785 

and in 1972 there were already about 35,000 citizens living there. According to Castillo Vivanco (2003) Loja 

has nowadays an estimated population of 160,000. 

32 

The migrants from Loja living in Spain are mainly Mestizos, but some Saraguros have also left Ecuador to 

work in Spain. 

51

3.1.6 Socio-economic structure of southern Ecuador 

3.1.6.1 Population in southern Ecuador 

In 2008, the population of Ecuador was estimated to be 13,927,650 inhabitants (CIA 2009). 

Most of them live in the Sierra in cities like the capital Quito, Cuenca or Loja. However, the 

largest city, Guayaquil, is located in the coastal region (cf. Fig. 2). In Southern Ecuador, the 

intramontane valleys and basins have constituted areas of settlement for different cultures for 

centuries. According to data of the last Ecuadorian population census (INEC 33 2003), the 

province of Loja counts 404,835 inhabitants and the province of Zamora Chinchipe 76,601. 

With a similar area (12,000 km 2 vs. 15,000 km 2 ), the population density of Loja is far higher 

than that of Zamora Chinchipe (Table 3), but it has changed only a little between 1962 and 

2001 (31 inhabitants/km 2 versus 36.8 inhabitants/km 2 ). In contrast, the population of Zamora 

Chinchipe increased widely during the same period (0.5 inhabitants/km 2 vs. 7.3 

inhabitants/km 2 ). However, both provinces show lower densities than the Ecuadorian national 

mean. 

Table 3: Demography of the provinces of southern Ecuador and of Ecuador 

52 

Province of Loja Province of Zamora Chinchipe Ecuador 34 

Population 2001 404,835 76,601 12,156,608 

Area in km 2 2001 10,995 10,456 256,370 

Population density 2001 

(inhabitants/ km 2 ) 

Source: INEC 2003, 2007 

36.8 7.3 47.4 

3.1.6.2 Society and economy in southern Ecuador 

Ecuador’s economy is substantially dependent on the petroleum resources of its north- 

Amazonian provinces and on the export of agricultural products such as bananas and prawns 

from the coastal plains. Ornamental plants produced in the Sierra valleys around Quito are 

also a significant export product (cf. CIA 2009). In contrast, even though southern Ecuador is 

a region rich in natural resources, it does not play an important role in Ecuador’s economy (cf. 

Hocquenghem 2004: 47). 

Long periods of political instability since independence from Spain in 1822 reflect the sharp 

internal geographic, economic, and social divisions in the country. The most serious 

economic crisis occurred in 1999/2000, when the banking system collapsed and poverty 

increased notably. The Dollarization stabilized the economy, and positive growth returned in 

the years that followed, helped by high oil and other commodity prices and the remittances 

from Ecuadorian migrants living in the USA and Europe (cf. CIA 2009). However, most 

Ecuadorians lost their faith in the Ecuadorian banking sector and in governmental institutions. 

33 The INEC is the National Ecuadorian Institute of Statistics. It conducts a population census approximately 

every 10 years. The new census is expected in 2012. According to an extrapolation of its own data (INEC 

2007) Loja province had 431.077 inhabitants in 2006, and Zamora Chinchipe 84,629. The total for Ecuador 

was 13,408,270. 

34 In comparison, the average population density of Germany is 230 inhabitants/km 2 .

Moreover, the ongoing international finance crisis makes the future of the Ecuadorian 

economy uncertain. 

From an economic and historical perspective, southern Ecuador has always been more closely 

linked to northern Peru than to the rest of the country, mainly due to the lack of good roads to 

the north (cf. Guerrero Carrión 2002: 50). This has not been the only regional handicap. Quite 

contrary to other Ecuadorian provinces, the Hacienda system (cf. Ch. 3.1.5.3 and Box 8), 

which dominated the regional economy until the sixties, did not invest any financial capital in 

the region after it dissolved. Money flew to other regions or was invested in commerce or in 

the banking system, but not in regional productive enterprises (Garcia Carrión 2002: 65). 

According to Guerrero Carrión (2002: 80), the top of the social regional pyramid of Loja 

Province is headed by a small [White and Mestizo] industrial, agricultural, commercial and 

financial bourgeoisie which drives the local economy and policy. The agricultural bourgeoisie 

is spread throughout the province, and its favorite activity is extensive cattle ranching. 

However, it does not invest in technology or in the modernization of its techniques. There are 

no data about the even smaller bourgeoisie of Zamora Chinchipe Province; nonetheless, the 

phenomenon can be extrapolated to this province as well. Table 4 shows the regional poverty 

levels in rural and urban areas. Rural poverty lies above the Ecuadorian national mean. 

Table 4: Poverty levels in rural and urban areas of the Provinces of Loja and Zamora Chinchipe 

Poverty 

Province of Loja Province of Zamora Chinchipe Ecuador 

(NBI Index)* Rural Areas Urban Areas Rural Areas Urban Areas Rural Areas Urban Areas 

Poverty 92.2 % 39.3 % 92.0 % 48.9 % 86.9% 43.9% 

Extreme Poverty 67.0 % 12.2 % 55.7 % 14.4 % 53.2 % 14.7 % 

*NBI: Necesidades Básicas Insatisfechas: Unsatisfied Basic Needs. Methodology used to quantify poverty levels. It represents 

the percentage of inhabitants who live in a household with persistent deprivation of basic needs, including residence, health, 

education and employment (DIPECHO 2007). 

Source: Own calculations based on data of “Censo de Población y Vivienda 2001 (INEC 2003) and SIISE (Sistema Integrado 

de Indicadores Sociales del Ecuador”, cited in DIPECHO 2007 

Among the peasants, Guerrero Carrión (2002: 83) differentiates three social classes, namely 

the poor, a medium class and the rich. The peasants in the first class possess less than 10 ha of 

land, have almost no financial resources and depend on their labor. They often have to 

migrate to other regions in order to find employment. The medium class owns between 10 and 

50 ha and has a small savings capacity, but not enough to employ other peasants for 

agricultural tasks. Finally, the rich peasant class owns over 50 ha and uses his productive 

work and employs wage earners. The same author describes a similar structure among the 

Saraguros: a wealthy Saraguro upper class bases its wealth on cattle ranching and employs 

other, less prosperous Saraguros. The poor class must sell its labor to survive. Many of them 

do not hold any land and work as day laborers in Loja and in the Oriente (Guerrero Carrión 

2002: 88). In contrast, the Shuar of Zamora Chinchipe are described as a one class society 

which bases its livelihood on an agrarian subsistence-like economy (cf. Arias Benavides 

2004: 16; CINFA et al. 2003: 30). It should be noted that the above-mentioned poor classes 

represent a majority among the population of southern Ecuador. 

The city of Loja counts with two important Universities: the Universidad Nacional de Loja 

UNL, with almost 18,000 students, and the Universidad Técnica Particular de Loja UTPL, 

53

with more than 14,000 students 35 . Both institutions maintain secondary establishments in 

different locations of Zamora Chinchipe Province. Other universities hold small offices in 

Loja as well (Municipio de Loja 2003: 94). The rate of illiteracy in Loja and Zamora 

Chinchipe provinces is lower than the Ecuadorian mean (cf. Table 5). 

Table 5: Illiteracy rates in Loja and Zamora Chinchipe Provinces and in Ecuador 

54 

Illiteracy Province of Loja Province of Zamora Chinchipe Ecuador 

Mean 7.9% 8.2% 9.0% 

Men 6.9% 6.5% 7.7% 

Women 8.8% 10.0% 10.3% 

Source: SIISE (Sistema Integrado de Indicadores Sociales del Ecuador”, cited in TYPSA & MHI Turismo 2007 

Loja Province produces only certain agricultural products and a few industrial commodities, 

which forces the importation of most goods, thus generating a dangerous dependence and 

regional economic stagnation (Guerrero Carrión 2002: 80). With the exception of the 

economic impact of mining, the situation in Zamora Chinchipe Province appears similar. 

Following is a brief description of the main economic sectors. 

Agriculture 

In southern Ecuador agriculture continues to be the main economic activity; in Loja 

Province, 44% of the economically active population works in agriculture, and in Zamora 

Chinchipe as much as 57.9% of it works in this sector (INEC 2001, cited in Pohle 2008a: 35). 

Agricultural land occupies 994,854 ha in Loja Province and 446,903 ha in Zamora Chinchipe 

Province, while the number of farming units totals 65,625 and 9,006 respectively (Pohle 

2008a: 36). However, the region does not meet its own food demands and has to import goods 

from other regions (García Carrión 2002: 71). In the provinces of Loja and Zamora Chinchipe 

small amounts of cash crops are grown by small-scale farmers alongside subsistence crops. 

By observing the cultivated area of the main agricultural products (MAGAP 2002) only four 

crops play a relevant role in the south of the country, namely peas (Pisum sativum), corn (Zea 

mays), coffee (Coffea arabica) and sugar cane (Saccharum officinalis) cultivated for uses 

other than sugar (e.g. alcoholic drinks). 

Table 6 shows an overview of livestock in Southern Ecuador, according to data of the 

Ecuadorian Department of Agriculture. Cattle and milk products play an important role in the 

highlands and to some extent in the Amazon region, while in the dry areas of the province of 

Loja goats contribute to local household income. Aguirre & Maldonado (2004: 144) present 

different data for cattle in Zamora Chinchipe Province. According to these authors, the 

Province counts more cows, namely 158,000 head of cattle (0.7 units per pasture hectare). Of 

them, around 24,000 are milking cows. The production of milk is low, around 91,000 liters, 

with an average of four liters per cow. The production of sheep wool is also of significance in 

the area around Saraguro (Municipio de Loja 2003: 86). Pig and sheep products often 

complement the income of rural inhabitants. The rough terrain and the lack of roads combined 

35 Several students and alumni of the UNL have collaborated in this project.

with rural poverty explain the importance of horses and mules in Loja and Zamora Chinchipe, 

where they provide the main means of transportation in many rural areas (cf. Municipio de 

Loja 2003: 87). 

Table 6: Livestock statistics of Loja and Zamora Chinchipe Provinces and Ecuador 

Province of Loja Province of Zamora Chinchipe Ecuador 

Cattle 361,455 130,677 4,486,020 

Pigs 137,902 14,791 1,527,114 

Sheep 52,565 2,780 1,127,468 

Goats 110,395 128 178,367 

Asses 37,696 1,218 176,390 

Horses 30,769 8,384 375,760 

Mules 16,562 5,260 130,091 

Guinea pigs 342,243 53,278 5,067,049 

Source: MAGAP 2002. III Censo Agropecuario 

Industry 

The lack of infrastructure and capital has constrained the development of a solid industrial 

sector in southern Ecuador (Municipio de Loja 2003: 89). The few existing companies are 

concentrated in Loja Province. According to Guerrero Carrión (2002: 73), the most important 

industries in 2002 were CAFRILOSA (Compañía Camal Frigorífico de Loja S.A.), INAPESA 

(Industria Agrícola Pecuaria S.A.), COMPROLACSA (Compañía de Productos Lácteos del 

Sur S.A.) (dairy products), MALCA (Monterrey Azucarera Lojana), ILELSA (Industria 

Licorera Embotelladora de Loja S.A.), ILE (Industria Lojana de Especierías), ARCIMEGO 

CIA LTDA (non metallic mineral products) and NOVIMUELBE (a furniture producer). The 

Technical University of Loja UTPL also has a dairy products (milk, cheese, butter, cream) 

factory (ECOLAC) and a factory for the production of ceramics among other small 

enterprises (cf. Municipio de Loja 2003: 90). 

With the exception of the latter factory, of the furniture factory and of ARCIMEGO CIA 

LTDA, all other enterprises are foodstuff producers that produce meat (2), dairy products (2), 

spices and teas (1), sugar (1) and alcoholic beverages (1). Both dairy products factories buy 

milk in Loja and Zamora Chinchipe province. According to data of the Loja Chamber of 

Commerce (Guerrero Carrión 2002: 73), in 2000 there existed 127 small enterprises in Loja 

Province. Of them, 33% produced foodstuffs and 18% produced wood products and furniture. 

Mining 

Different gypsum deposits are exploited and used for the production of cement in Malacatos, 

Loja Province. In Zamora Chinchipe Province there exist important silicon dioxide deposits 

that are being mined and exported to Colombia via Guayaquil (Becking 2004: 48; Municipio 

de Loja 2003: 88). 

In addition, southern Ecuador is well known for its gold deposits. The Nambija mineral 

district in Zamora Chinchipe Province has been an important gold provider since colonial and 

55

pre-colonial times. After a mining boom in the 80s, intensive artisanal gold mining activity 

has been developed, resulting in quicksilver contamination of soils and watersheds (cf. 

Ramírez Requelme et al. 2003: 372). Unofficial mining of gold deposits is broadly dispersed 

throughout southern Ecuador. 

In recent times, illegal miners were expelled from the Podocarpus National Park by the 

Ecuadorian army (Informant 77M, 2007) and, as pointed out in Box 6 and in Chapter 6.1.7.3, 

from a Shuar settlement in the Upper Nangaritza. Kinross Aurelian 36 , a Canadian mining 

company, has developed a large–scale gold and copper mining project in a Shuar area in the 

northeast of Zamora Chinchipe Province. This venture has sparked social conflict between its 

advocates and opponents (cf. CONFENIAE 2007; Mining Watch Canada 2007). The latter 

include the artisanal miners of Zamora Province, as they see their existence threatened by 

such large companies, and the Shuar, who are afraid of the anticipated environmental impacts 

(Informant 12M, 2007). 

Commerce and services, including tourism 

The lack of a strong agricultural and industrial sector is reflected in the high number of small 

family-run telephone booths, internet cafés, and small shops that sell foodstuffs and alcoholic 

drinks, electrical equipment or illegal music CDs and movies (cf. Guerrero Carrión 2002: 72). 

Apparently, many of these small shops have been financed with the cash remittances from 

Ecuadorians who migrated overseas. The tourist sector is one of the most important economic 

sectors in Ecuador, after oil extraction and banana production. However, southern Ecuador 

has not developed a strong tourist industry. Thus, tourism represents a sector with high 

economic potential, but a lack of infrastructure retards its growth (TYPSA & MHI Turismo 

2007: 7; Guerrero Carrión 2002: 78). 

The marketing plan of Ecuador’s Ministry of Tourism (2003) identified only Vilcabamba and 

the city of Loja as representative destinations of southern Ecuador (MINTUR 2003 cited in 

TYPSA & MHI Turismo 2007: 10). However, ecotourism in and around the Podocarpus 

National Park represents a nascent and very attractive tourist activity. In addition, a feasibility 

study of nature tourism in southern Ecuador (cf. TYPSA & MHI Turismo 2007) identified the 

importance of the Zamora - Upper Nangaritza corridor as a further tourist destination with 

high potential. 

36 The company was known as Ecuacorrientes at the beginning of the conflict. 

56

3.2 STUDY SITES 

This research has been conducted in different areas. Figure 9 shows the studied settlements as 

well as the areas of study along the road between Loja and Zamora. In addition, as noted 

already in Chapter 3.1.5, the same Figure highlights the area of settlement of the Shuar and 

the Saraguros in southern Ecuador. 

Fig. 9: Study sites and areas of settlement of the different ethnic groups around 

the Podocarpus National Park, Ecuador 

57

The selection of the study sites was done in accordance with the following criteria; they had 

to be: 

58 

� representative settlements of the different ethnic groups, including a high degree of 

ethnic homogeneity among the inhabitants; 

� areas that host forest or that are potential forest sites; 

� settlements inside or close to a Protective Reserve or the Podocarpus National Park; 

� settlements along the altitudinal gradient, as this was a main topic of the DFG research 

groups 412 and 816; 

� settlements not too far from the ECSF station, which has been the base camp of the 

project. 

Beyond that, aspects such as the willingness of local people to collaborate and the existence 

of helpful previous research projects which facilitated access to the communities were taken 

into account (cf. the studies by Pohle & Reinhardt (2004) in Napints and by Schneider (2000) 

along the Zamora valley). With the exception of the fincas along the road between Loja and 

Zamora, all study sites are inside the Protective Forest Corazón de Oro or Alto Nangaritza (cf. 

Ch. 3.1.4.3). 

3.2.1 The Shuar communities of Shaime (including Shamatak), Chumpias and Napints 

The settlements of Shaime, Chumpias and Napints are located in Zamora Chinchipe Province 

inside the Alto Nangaritza Forest Reserve in the upper Nangaritza valley, where ten Shuar 

communities exist. Administratively they all belong to the “Asociación Tayunts”, which was 

founded in 1992 and which represents their interests integrated in the FEPNASH-ZCh (cf. 

Box 7). The Tayunts association was officially registered in 2000 (Zhingri Camacho 2003a: 

2). 

According to CINFA (2003: 22), dense premontane and montane forests predominate in the 

area, though there are some dense and low forests in upper parts on sandstone soils as well. 

However, vast areas have been altered by shifting cultivation and by cattle ranching, 

especially where the soils are fertile and flat, e.g. on the left bank of the Nangaritza and on 

both riversides of the Chumbiriatza. A mosaic of disturbed primary forests, secondary forests, 

forest gardens, pastures and fallows cover the areas close to the settlements. 

Shaime 

Shaime is the oldest and largest Centro Shuar 37 in the area (cf. Box 9). It was created in 1967 

by 21 families in order to defend their land from the arrival of settlers from Loja Province. 

Two years later, they constructed the first primary school with the aid of the Ecuadorian 

37 For Centro Shuar see Chapter 3.1.4.1.

Army, and received help from the catholic priest of Guayzimi to get the first motorboat. Later, 

the American Peace Corps helped them to delimit their territories (Informant 12M 2007). 

Shaime is situated at 4°20’55’’ latitude south and 78°39’58’’ longitude west 38 on the left bank 

of the Nangaritza, at an elevation of 920 to 1,000 m a.s.l. 

Box 9: The first Shuar of the Upper Nangaritza 

According to local informants, a Shuar called José Antonio was the first person to settle down in the 

area. José Antonio was an Awajun (Shuar from Peru) who arrived from Achiume, on the eastern side 

of the Cordillera del Cóndor. He was fleeing with his family after having problems with one shaman, 

who apparently had killed one of his babies (another version says that he flew after having trouble 

because of a woman). This occurred around 1910. After 20 years, he went back to Peru, but his 

children came back and colonized the area (Extracted from interviews with Miguel Kukush (2004) and 

Bartolomé Kukush (2007, 2004). 

However, in a description of the construction of a path between Loja and Zamora Father Tomás 

Conde cited the existence of Shuar in the Nangaritza Valley as early as 1892: “They promised to call 

the jíbaros (Shuar) who live in the Nangaritza banks, an affluent of the Zamora, and the jíbaros 

logroños, who live close to the Marañón, as well […]” (Tomás Conde 1988: 79). In any case, the 

interviews conducted by Serrano Calderón de Ayala (1995) with David Samaniego Shunaula, a former 

gold miner, confirmed the presence of Shuar on the banks of the Chumbiriatza in the 1930s. This area 

is very close to Shaime, Chumpias, and Napints. 

According to Bartolomé Kukush (Personal communication, 2004), the Shuar who live in the Upper 

Nangaritza were in the past not related to the Shuar in the Yacuambi or in the lower Nangaritza. The 

latter Shuar colonized the region after escaping from the pressure of settlers in Morona Santiago 

Province. Only in recent times have the Shuar of the upper Nangaritza established familiar 

relationships with Shuar from Morona Santiago through marriage. 

The settlement and its fluvial harbor are about one hour by boat from Las Orquídeas, a 

Mestizo settlement that hosts the next bus stop, and two and a half to three hours (around one 

and half hours by boat and one and a half by bus) from Guayzimi, which is the main town and 

the administrative centre of the region. Shaime has approximately 13.000 ha and includes 

primary and secondary forests, fields, pasture land, several creeks, and inhabited areas. By the 

end of 2006, Shaime numbered around 60 households with a total of 380 inhabitants, of 

which 168 were over 18 years of age. Sixty of them were active members of the Asociación 

Tayunts”. 

Shaime hosts a community centre with a radio transmitter, a small medical aid post (which is 

attended sporadically by physicians paid by the Ecuadorian authorities), a small shop that 

offers basic products (like soap, matches, candles, batteries, pasta, rice, canned tuna, biscuits, 

salt and beer) and a chapel, which is sometimes visited by the priest of Guayzimi. Electricity 

38 IGM 1996, Map 3881 II Centro Shaime. 

59

arrived in Shaime in 2005. However, there is no potable water or regulated waste disposal and 

sanitation is suboptimal. The settlement has been constructed along a main path (cf. Fig. 10) 

and most buildings have been built using timber for the walls and tin for the roofs in the 

Mestizo settler’s typical design, which has been called “rectangular urban style” by Morales 

& Schjellerup (1999: 90). 

Fig. 10: Centro Shaime: Main path. 

(Photo by A. Gerique 2007) 

Until 2005, Shaime had a small cottage for tourists, which had been paid for by the Programa 

Podocarpus, a regional development project financed by the Dutch government. This building 

had a traditional oval structure and a roof made of palm leaves. However, it collapsed, as 

nobody felt responsible for its maintenance. Nowadays, Shaime has one secondary 39 bilingual 

school (Shuar and Spanish) and four primary bilingual schools, one of which is in Shamatak 

and another in San Carlos (Informant 12M 2007). These hamlets belong to Shaime. Shamatak 

(4°22’53’’ S and 78°40’06”W) is about one hour’s walk to the south, following the 

Nangaritza, while San Carlos is closer, about 30 minutes in the same direction. 

Ethnobotanical research was conducted in Shamatak as well. 

Chumpias 

According to Informant 1M (personal communication 2004), Pedro Tentets was the first 

Shuar to settle down in the area in 1973. He arrived from Kurintsa, a Centro Shuar in Morona 

Santiago Province, looking for new land as it had become scarce in Kurintsa due to new 

settler pressure. The Centro was not officially established until 1990 and titles were not 

officially recognized until 2006. 

39 The volleyball field of the secondary school in Shaime plays an important social role among adults, as it is 

used daily as a meeting point. Almost every evening, many Shuar men play ecuavolley or soccer there, while 

some women and children attend the game. Ecuavolley is a very popular Ecuadorian version of volleyball, 

which is played with a high net and only three players on each side. 

60

Chumpias is situated at around 4°22’36’’ latitude south and 78°43’36’’ longitude west 40 at an 

elevation of 1,000 to 1,200 m a.s.l. This Centro Shuar extends over 2,778 ha and is located on 

the left bank of the Chumbiriatza, a non-navigable tributary of the Nangaritza. From 

Chumpias it takes about five and a half hours by foot and about two and a half hours by mule 

to reach Shaime. Figure 11 shows the bridge over the Chumbiriatza on the way to Shaime. 

Fig. 11: The bridge over the 

Chumbiriatza on the way to 

Chumpias. (Photo by A. Gerique 

2004) 

Abandoned coffee plantations, pastures, secondary vegetation and fallows dominate the flat 

areas around the Chumbiriatza. The higher reaches of the Centro are covered by disturbed 

primary forest. The settlement counts about 26 inhabitants (cf. Zhingri Camacho 2003a: 8). It 

has a bilingual primary school, which is attended by children from Chumpias and Napints. 

There is a small community centre as well, equipped with a small solar panel that provides 

energy for the radio transmitter and some hours of electric light. The structure of Chumpias is 

a mixture of the traditional highly dispersed Shuar settlement (cf. Münzel 1977). 

As in Shaime, there is no potable water or regulated waste disposal and people use river water 

or water from creeks. Moreover, there is no health centre or surgeon; here, the inhabitants rely 

on traditional medicinal practices (Zhingri Camacho 2003a: 9). Nor there is there a shop, and 

the inhabitants must leave the settlement and spend several hours acquiring basic products in 

Shaime, or even more than one day if they want to buy or sell something in Las Orquídeas or 

Guayzimi (cf. Park 2004: 27). 

Napints 

Agustín Antún founded Napints in 1973. He originally came from Gualaquiza (Morona 

Santiago Province) to Shaime in the 1950s. After living in Shamatak, he looked together with 

Pedro Tentets (the founder of Chumpias) for new land on which to settle down. The Centro 

40 IGM 1996, Map 3881 II Centro Shaime. 

61

was officially established in 2003 (Informant 1M 2004). Nevertheless, its land titles were not 

recognized until 2006. 

Fig. 12: Centro Napints: View of a 

traditional Shuar house. (Photo by A. 

Gerique 2004) 

This Centro is located approximately at 4°22’49’’ latitude south and 78°43’08’’ longitude 

west 3 on the right bank of the Chumbiriatza, at about 950 m a.s.l. The quickest way to arrive 

at or to leave Napints is to cross this river by canoe and to follow the path that connects 

Chumpias with Shaime. As in Shaime and Chumpias, the Shuar use the flat and fertile areas 

along the river for agriculture. With the exception of the mentioned riparian areas and areas 

close to the houses the original vegetation appears well conserved in this Centro. 

Like Chumpias, Napints counts about 28 inhabitants (cf. Zhingri Camacho 2003b: 8). 

However, it has no school. Local children must cross the Chumbiriatza every morning in 

order to attend the school at Chumpias. Since 2004, Napints has had a small community 

centre, but it faces the same infrastructure problems as Chumpias; there is no health centre, 

shops, physician, or potable water. The settlement has a very traditional highly dispersed 

structure. In contrast to the other Centros studied, most buildings are built with traditional 

materials in the traditional oval style (cf. Fig. 12). 

3.2.2 The Saraguro communities of El Tibio and El Cristal 

The Saraguro communities of El Tibio and El Cristal are situated inside the Protective Forest 

Corazón de Oro, an area where the original tropical mountain rainforest has been highly 

modified. In these settlements, most inhabitants are Saraguro settlers who arrived from San 

Lucas, the second largest Saraguro village in the highlands of Loja Province. However, a few 

62

Mestizos live close to these settlements as well. Both settlements are located in Zamora 

Chinchipe Province. 

El Tibio 

El Tibio was established during the 1950s by around 10 Saraguro families who arrived from 

San Lucas searching for new pastureland. Asunción Lozano is considered the founder of El 

Tibio (Informant 68M 2006, 2005; Informant16M 2006). This community is located at 3° 52’ 

56’ latitude south and 79°05’20” longitude west 41 at 1,780 m a.s.l. on a steep slope above the 

El Tibio river, a tributary of the Zamora (cf. Fig. 13). 

Fig. 13 El Tibio: Main view from the opposite slope in N direction. (Photo by A. Gerique 2005) 

Forest remnants and secondary vegetation, pastures, small fields and other open areas 

dominate the landscape. The community is about two and a half hours away by car from Loja; 

the road between Imbana and El Tibio being completed in December 2005. However, this 

road is often blocked due to landslides. In such cases, it takes more than 5 hours to reach Loja 

for business matters and more than eight hours to reach Zamora for administrative affairs (the 

settlement belongs to Zamora Chinchipe Province). 

41 IGM 1994, Map 3782 II Loja Norte. 

63

Today, El Tibio counts 152 inhabitants (cf. Martina Park 2008, personal communication). 

Some Mestizos own land in El Tibio, however, only a few live there. Most houses are located 

along what was the main path. The area around the old chapel hosts several buildings as well. 

However, today El Tibio is split into two quarters, El Tibio Bajo and El Tibio Alto. 

Dissension among community members led to this division, which is a very sensitive issue 

and which has made research difficult at times. El Tibio Bajo has one community building 

(the former school building), one primary school, and a new chapel 42 . El Tibio Alto has one 

primary bilingual school (Spanish and Quechua) and its inhabitants keep the old chapel in 

use. Close to the chapel, there is a small provisions shop with a public telephone. The 

inhabitants of El Tibio Alto are planning the construction of their own community centre 

(Martina Park, personal communication 2009). 

With the exception of the schools and the chapels, all buildings have been made using timber 

or tapia. The latter material always marks the oldest buildings, as this technique has now been 

abandoned. During recent years important changes have occurred in El Tibio; electricity 

arrived in 1999, telephone connections in 2003, and mobile phone coverage in 2009 

(Informant 68M, 2007). However, there is no potable water. Water tanks in the upper parts of 

the settlement supply the houses via PVC-tubes. There is no regulated waste disposal; the 

inhabitants throw organic waste into home gardens, mainly where the bananas grow. 

El Cristal 

El Cristal was founded in the 1970s during the timber boom by two Saraguro families who 

arrived from San Lucas, and by one Mestizo family 43 . Other inhabitants arrived later from El 

Tibio. This village is about five kilometers north east from of El Tibio, at 3° 51’ 35” latitude 

south and 79°03’18” 4 longitude west, on the top of an elevated deforested plain at 1,980 m 

a.s.l. 

It takes about three and a half hours on foot from El Tibio to reach this settlement. From 

there, two paths lead to the Yacuambi valley, which is about eight hours away by mule. El 

Cristal can be considered a pioneer frontier area. The borders of the settlement are covered 

with non-colonized disturbed primary forest on very steep, almost unreachable slopes (cf. Fig. 

14). 

By contrast, deforested land covers the landscape around the settlement, and small fields and 

home gardens occupy flat fertile areas. The settlement counts 40 inhabitants, including 13 

children (Informant 15M 2007). Some Saraguros of El Tibio own land in the area and visit it 

42 

The bishop of Zamora, as an attempt to reunify the community, financed this new chapel. Unfortunately, the 

construction and the location of this building led to conflict within the community. To date, El Tibio Alto uses 

the old chapel, which represents a risk for the users, as it has been dangerously damaged by a structural 

collapse induced by a landslide. 

43 

The first school (the actual school was built later to substitute the first one) was built in 1979. I.e. the 

settlement is at least 30 years old. 

64

egularly. In El Cristal there is one primary school, a chapel and 10 houses, half of them 

situated close to the school. All buildings were constructed using timber. 

Fig. 14: General 

view of El Cristal. 

(Photo by A. 

Gerique 2007) 

3.2.3 The Mestizo communities along the Upper Zamora 

Among the Mestizos, two different areas of settlement were studied, both along the Zamora 

valley. The upper area comprises Los Guabos, a hamlet about 3 kilometers west of El Tibio 44 . 

The second area is located downstream along the road, which connects Loja and Zamora, and 

includes 12 fincas (farms) and the hamlet of Sabanilla. 

Los Guabos 

This settlement is located at 1,870 m a.s.l. on a slope on the left bank of the Zamora at 3° 53’ 

39” latitude south and 79°06’18” longitude west, about three kilometers west of El Tibio (cf. 

Fig. 15). For locals, it takes about two and a half hours to reach Loja from this settlement 

using a shared taxi. As in the case of El Tibio, landslides often block the road. Until 2006, 

there was only a path between Los Guabos and Jimbilla, the next significant town on the road 

to Loja, and it took more than five hours to travel to the latter destination. 

44 The plant list in Annex 1 includes a few plant species collected in the hamlets of El Limón and La Chonta, 

which are very close to Los Guabos. Inhabitants of the latter settlement provided the information about these 

plants. On one occasion, on the way to El Tibio and Los Guabos, we visited Sevilla de Oro, another hamlet on 

the road to Loja, situated at 2,100 m a.s.l., at 3°53’11” and 79°13’12”. A Mestizo informant showed us some 

useful plants that have been included in the mentioned plant list as well. All these species have been included 

in the total computation but not in the “Useful Mestizo Plants” statistics (cf. Ch. 5.1). 

65

Los Guabos counts 85 inhabitants (Martina Park, personal communication 2008). As in El 

Tibio, not all land owners live in the settlement; at least one owner raises cattle but lives 

abroad. In the settlement, there is a primary school, a chapel and a small provisions shop. The 

houses are mainly situated along the road (previously the main path) and close to the chapel 

and the school. It has not been possible to establish the foundation date of Los Guabos. 

Fig. 15 Main view of Los Guabos from the opposite slope. (Photo A. Gerique 2007) 

However, it is surely one of the oldest settlements in the area. According to data mentioned in 

Arias Benavides (2004: 115) and the information extracted from an interview with Informant 

8M (2007), who is the oldest inhabitant of the settlement, the first settlers arrived at the end of 

the nineteenth century or at the beginning of the twentieth century. They bought plots of land 

from a rich woman who owned a vast expanse of territory and who sold plots of land to poor 

farmers. In any case, there are very old signs of land occupation and land use in this section of 

the valley, where the slopes are less steep than is usual. 

The area is characterized by the existence of dozens of old terraces, and several tombs and 

archaeological artifacts have been found by local peasants. These discoveries are probably of 

pre-Hispanic origin (cf. Hocquenghem et al. 2009; Guffroy 2006). The inhabitants of Los 

Guabos have reused some of these terraces to cultivate corn. 

66

The fincas along the road between Loja to Zamora 

For the purposes of this study 12 different fincas where chosen. They are located downstream, 

in three different sections of the road which connects Loja and Zamora, and which follows the 

altitudinal gradient. 

The first section, which has been called Sabanilla (S), is the highest (2,200 m – 1,600 m) and 

comprises fincas between the ECSF and the area around Sabanilla, a small town of 16 

households. Most inhabitants of Sabanilla are not farmers but work as daily laborers, as 

unskilled workers in the ECSF or run small shops or restaurants on the roadside. Truck 

drivers often make a stopover in Sabanilla for lunch. Close to Sabanilla (and the ECSF) there 

is an old hydroelectric power plant built during the 1950s. Its construction boosted the 

colonization of the area, which had commenced a few years before. Until then, Sabanilla had 

been the point where the postal workers and traders stayed overnight on their way by mule to 

the settlement of Zamora 45 . 

The next section covers fincas around the area known as El Retorno (R), a hamlet where the 

new road meets the old, which takes at this point a course to the other (left) riverside over a 

bridge. The elevation varies between 1,600 m and 1,500 m at the lower part of the fincas. The 

last section includes fincas around the area known as La Fragancia (F), a point close to the 

city of Zamora (1,500 m – 1,100 m at the lower finca limits). 

By using meteorological data of the ECSF and of official weather stations, rainfall along the 

valley has been estimated at approximately 2,200 mm per year in the Sabanilla area and about 

2,000 mm in the Fragancia area (cf. Schneider 2000: 7). Mean annual temperature ranges 

between 15,5 °C in lower finca limits of the upper area (S) and 22°C in the lower parts of the 

lowest area (F) (cf. Richter 2003: 166). 

Figure 16 shows some of the studied fincas. As in the Protective Forest Corazón the Oro (cf. 

Ch. 3.1.4.3) the landscape along the Zamora Valley is dominated by steep slopes where forest 

alternates with pastures and wasteland. According to the classification of Homeier et al. 

(2008), the vegetation types vary along the fincas and the valley between evergreen 

premontane rainforest (in La Fragancia), and evergreen upper montane forest (in the Upper 

parts of Sabanilla). Patches of evergreen lower montane forest are present in all fincas. 

Several schools along the new road between Loja and Zamora (in Sabanilla, Naciones Unidas, 

and La Fragancia, among other places) guarantee primary education locally. The road allows 

a good bus connection with Loja and Zamora. All fincas obtain their water supply from creeks 

using PVC-tubes. The municipality of Zamora established a waste disposal service that 

collects waste from containers situated along the new road between Loja and Zamora. Further 

data about the location, inhabitants, size, land tenure, and infrastructure of the fincas are 

summarized in Table 7 and Table 8. 

45 The first road between Loja and Zamora was constructed in 1962; until then only a small path existed. Thirty 

years later a second road was constructed. Both roads split at El Retorno, and each road follows a different 

riverside until they meet again in La Fragancia, close to Zamora. 

67

Fig. 16: (A): Front, view of the Finca 1. Back, the Finca 2, close to the ECSF and Sabanilla. (B): The 

hamlet of Sabanilla and its surroundings. (C): Finca 6. in El Retorno. (D): Deforested slopes in El 

Retorno. (E): Protected and tolerated trees in the pastures of Finca 12, La Fragancia. (F): View of the 

city of Zamora from the Finca 11. (Photos by A. Gerique (a, c, f) 2005, (b, e) 2006, (d) 2007) 

68 

A B 

C D 

E F

Table 7: Location, area, and distance to road of the studied fincas according to own data 

Finca Position Elevation Extension Orientation 

Finca 1. Sabanilla 




Finca 5. El Retorno 



Finca 8. El Retrono 

Finca 9. La Fragancia 



79°4’46” W 

3°58’24” S 

79°4’32” W 

3°58’12” S 

79°3’54” W 

3°56’53” S 

79°3’20” W 

3°57’19” S 

79°2’14” W 

3°57 49” S 

79° 2’ 1” W 

3° 57’16” S 

79°1’37” W 

3°57’38” S 

79°0’52W 

3°58’41” S 

79°1’19” W 

4°0’34” S 

79°0’77” W 

4°0’57” S 

79°0’56” W 

4°01’26” S 

Distance to 

road 

1,865 m – 2,000 m 40 ha S-SW 0 min 

2,000 m – 2,205 m 20 ha SW 30 min 

1,600 m – 1,959 m 40 ha NE 60 min 

1,800 m -2,000 m > 70 ha (est.*) NW 35 min 

1,600 m – 2,200 m 150 ha NE 0 min 

1,590 m- 1,930 m 100 - 150 ha S -SW 30 min 

1,594 m- 1,960 m 30 – 40 ha N -NE 0 min 

1,500 m- 1,934 m 20 ha W 0 min 

1,484 m-1,724 m 20 - 25 ha E 0 min 

1,189 m – 1,425 m 120 ha SW 0 min 

1,120 m – 2,000 m 48 ha W 0 min 

78° 59’ 17” W 


1,100 m – 1,595 m 150 ha SW 10 min 

4°2’45” S 

*est. = estimate. The informant did not mention the area of the finca. In addition, a further home garden in El Retorno was 

included in the ethnobotanical research 

Table 8: Inhabitants and equipment in the fincas according to own data 

Finca Owned 

since 

Inhabitants Fuel used for 

cooking 

Electricity Car 

Finca 1. 1988 They come every day from Loja Firewood No No 

Finca 2. 1990 3 part-time (Tuesdays to Saturdays) Firewood No No 

Finca 3. 1990 4 Gas Yes No 

Finca 4. 1950s 6. The owner lives in Loja. A cowboy and 

his family take care of the finca 

Gas, firewood No The owner 

has a car 

Finca 5. 1994 4 Firewood Yes No 

Finca 6. 1995 3 Gas Yes Only 

week-ends 

Finca 7. ~1985 3 Gas Yes No 

Finca 8. 1980 1 + 2 part-time (week-ends) Gas Yes No 

Finca 9. 1983 3 + 2 part-time Gas Yes Yes 

Finca 10. 1991 1 Gas Yes Yes 

Finca 11. ~1970 4 Gas Yes Yes 

Finca12. 1991 8 Gas, firewood Yes No 

In addition, a further home garden in El Retorno was included in the ethnobotanical research 

69

4 METHODS APPLIED 

As pointed out in Chapter 1.3, the first objective of this research was to document the 

ethnobotany of the different ethnic groups who live in the area of study, and the second 

objective was to describe and analyze current land use. The guiding questions to these 

objectives were “which plant species are being used?”, “what are their uses?” (Objective 1), 

and “what does the land use of the different ethnic groups look like?, ”are these uses 

endangering forest biodiversity?” (Objective 2). In order to fulfil these targets and to answer 

these questions intensive field research was required. To gather information, interviews were 

the main method used during research. Plant use and land use data are very much related and 

have been, as a rule, studied using the same interview types, and working with the same 

informants. In addition, the identification of useful plant species required the collection and 

processing of plant vouchers, while the evaluation of plant use entailed descriptive statistical 

analyses. The analysis of land use included the establishment of sample plots, area 

estimations, and the design of drafts. The last objective (Objective 3) – “to identify 

sustainable use alternatives that fit in the area” and the last guiding question “if the actual 

uses jeopardize the forests and the biodiversity therein, what alternatives fit in the area?” - 

involved expert interviews and an accurate literature survey of published and unpublished 

work (including books, journals, newspapers, conference proceedings, dissertations, masters’ 

theses, government publications and statistical reports) on the use of agroforestry, ecotourism, 

payments for environmental services, and bioprospecting in Ecuador. Furthermore, due to the 

lack of statistical records of ecotourism in southern Ecuador, standardized interviews were 

used to collect data on the origin, preferences, and destinations of national and international 

tourists who were visiting the area. 

The following chapters describe the methodology in detail; Chapter 4.1 includes methods 

used during field research, and Chapter 4.2 describes the methodologies that have been 

followed for processing the information gained in the field. Finally, Chapter 4.3 explains the 

statistical methods used for the analysis of plant use. 

4.1 FIELD RESEARCH 

Methods used to describe the local ethnobotany and current land use are time-consuming, 

making it impossible to apply all in a single period of fieldwork. For this reason, time was 

divided between visits in the field and time spent analyzing the data and transcribing the 

interviews (cf. Martin 2007: 2). Where possible, we worked as a team of 2-3 persons, where 

1-2 of us were responsible for the interviews and a third took care of the collection and 

preparation of plant specimens. The main assistant was Eduardo Tapia, an Ecuadorian 

cartographer and tourist guide with excellent social skills. Furthermore, several foresters and 

botanists (Carlos Chimbo, Wilson Quizhpe, Holger Salas and Darío Veintimilla, among 

70

others) of the herbarium of the Universidad Nacional of Loja collaborated in the collection 

and identification of plant species. We also had the assistance of the ECSF staff who kindly 

helped us in some interviews and who frequently transported us and our equipment in allterrain 

vehicles. 

Fieldwork was carried out between March 2004 and November 2010, totaling nine visits to 

Ecuador 46 and around 19 months of field research (during the months of February, March, 

September, October, November and December). Our field experience coincided with the 

observations by Alexiades (1996: 57), who noted that the best information is obtained over 

extended periods, where mutual trust and understanding can develop, enabling a 

crosschecking of the recorded data 47 . In order to avoid misunderstandings, the first step of 

field research was to inform the inhabitants of the communities about the objectives and 

methods of the project. As part of the DFG research units 402 and 816, the study fulfilled all 

legal research requirements of the Ecuadorian national authorities. Permission to work in 

Shuar territory was granted by the Shuar local authorities of the Tayunts Association, which 

represents Shuar interests in the Upper Nangaritza. The Saraguros and the Mestizos are not 

represented by one central authority, thus individual permission for each investigated 

household was required. In Shuar communities, we also sought the permission of individual 

owners when collecting plant specimens near houses or on cultivated land. 

4.1.1 Interview techniques 

A total of 94 interview sessions of unstructured and semi-structured inquiry about 

ethnobotany were conducted among 67 male and female informants. This included at least 

one expert informant in each community, chosen on the recommendations of villagers. 

Information about the historical development, settlement patterns, local land use, and 

alternatives was collected through semi-structured interviews and field observations. Most 

informants were the same as those interviewed for obtaining plant uses data. A further 15 

semi-structured expert interviews were conducted with 15 professionals from different fields 

of activity (Ecuadorian officials, members of Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs), tour 

operators, archaeologists, beekeepers) in order to get a broad overview of current land use and 

to discuss the feasibility of alternative land use and conservation options. A list of all 

interviewed people can be found in Annex. In order to respect informant’s right to anonymity 

their names have been substituted by a code consisting of a number and a “M” for male 

informants and a “F” for female informants. For instance, an informant called Perico Palotes 

is converted to informant number 1M and his wife Susanita to 2F (cf. Martin 2007). 

46 Two field work periods were carried out in spring and fall 2004, 2005, 2006, one in fall 2007 and 2009. A 

final field trip took place in fall 2010 in order to exhibit the results in some communities. 

47 Effectively, the long period of field research allowed us to make very good friends in almost all the 

communities studied. The best example was our local assistant Eduardo Tapia, who was named godfather of 

one of the sons of a Saraguro of El Tibio. 

71

All interviews were conducted in Spanish, and informants ranged in age from approximately 

13 to 75 years. An audio mini-cassette recorder and a digital voice recorder were used for 

recording information in those cases where the informants agreed to be recorded. 

In this study, we interviewed no Shaman or Curandero. Therefore, regarding the 

ethnobotanical data, the information recorded represents the average traditional plant 

knowledge and not the special knowledge of local plant experts. The ethnobotanical 

inventories of wild and cultivated plants included information about their location, botanical 

and local names, habitat, habit, uses, and the name of the informant. All plant names in Shuar, 

Spanish and Quechua were recorded, irrespective of how often they were mentioned by the 

informants 48 . Shuar informants have revised the Shuar orthography. 

The lack of regional data on tourism trends and figures made a rapid tourist appraisal 

necessary. We conducted structured interviews among tourists in the main tourist village of 

southern Ecuador, Vilcabamba, during November and December 2006. For these, 

questionnaires in English and Spanish were prepared. They included 10 questions about 

nationality, origin, and destination of the tourists, their reasons for visiting southern Ecuador, 

the places they had visited or they would like to visit, the fees they would agree to pay to visit 

a nature reserve, and which activities they would like to experience in southern Ecuador. 

Meanwhile, eight hotels and lodges of Vilcabamba were selected and asked for cooperation. 

However, only four of them collaborated, namely Hostería Izhcayluma, Hostal Rendezvous, 

the eco-lodge Rumi-Wilco and Hostal Las Margaritas. The questionnaires were distributed in 

the hotel lobbies and rooms, and tourists were invited to complete them if they so wished. A 

total of 106 tourists collaborated in the survey. A copy of the original questionnaires can be 

found in Annex 4. Information about historical development, settlement patterns, and land use 

was collected through semi-structured interviews and field observations. 

During field research the “field interview-technique” was the main procedure used. 

Crosschecking was done with “artifact-interviews”, “participant observation”, and “group 

interviews”; the latter interviews developed spontaneously. We conducted “Plant interviews” 

using color photographs and plant specimens (fresh, not dried), and “checklist interviews” in 

order to complete ethnobotanical field information and information about land use. Although 

the “participant observation” technique was applied as well, the results of the survey are 

based on the known and reported plant uses and land use practices and not solely on the daily 

practiced uses/practices, which, as pointed out by Campos & Ehringhaus (2003: 342), would 

require a non-affordable long-term study of participatory observation. A summary of these 

ethnobotanical techniques is presented in Box 10, while a closer description of these inquiry 

techniques can be found in Martin (2007; 1995), Cunningham (2001), Alexiades (1996), and 

Cotton (1996). On one occasion, we tested a further interview technique that we called the 

“writer technique”. We gave a trustworthy informant a field notebook and asked him to write 

about the history and customs of Shaime and more specifically, about the Shuar land use. The 

result, after a few days, was a very accurate document of the history, economy, and land use 

of this settlement from a Shuar point of view. 

48 

In one case we recorded a plant name in English (king grass). Thus, the name has been indicated as English 

“En”. 

72

Box 10: Techniques of ethnobotanical inquiry (Excerpted from Alexiades 1996, pp. 64-68, modified) 

Field interview: This technique is also known as ethnobotanical-inventory-technique. It consists of 

walking in the study area with an informant, collecting and taking notes on plants, their uses and/or 

their cultivation. The selection of plants may be decided upon by the informant, by the researcher, or 

by both, depending on the degree of control the ethnobotanist wishes to exert over the choice of 

plants and subjects discussed. The technique has been used to gather information about cattle 

ranching and the use of forest resources. 

Artifact-interview: Informants are asked which plants or animals are employed in the manufacture or 

preparation of one or more artefacts, like the house walls or baskets. 

Participant observation: This technique is based on observing human-plant interactions. The 

researcher accompanies the people, often directly participating during such tasks as gathering fruits, 

hunting, and farming. During this time, the researcher may record observations, ask questions and 

collect voucher specimens. This technique has also been used to describe land use practices. 

Group interviews: Group discussions can produce a wealth of data and lead to discovery of new topics 

and questions. Some people will be willing to share and “open up” in a group environment, others, less 

so. These kinds of interviews have been used at the beginning of research in order to identify potential 

experts and at the end of investigations in order to find answers to existing doubts. 

Plant interviews: Plants are collected in the field, brought back to the village, and presented to 

informants. Pressed plant specimens and good quality photographs can also be used in this way (cf. 

Thomas et al. 2007). 

Checklist interviews: Informants may also be presented with a checklist of plant names or needs and 

asked for plant uses or how to fulfill the specific needs. The technique was used for cross checking. 

4.1.2 Sample plots and area estimation 

During the research work in Shaime, it became possible to gather information about 

secondary vegetation growing in pasture and forest gardens after 15 years of fallow. In order 

to make a draft of their profiles, we established two sample plots, one 50 x 50m plot in the 

abandoned forest garden (consisting of five 10 x 10 m sub-plots) and one 30 x 30m plot in the 

abandoned pasture. These sizes were chosen for practical reasons; the 50 x 50m plot covered 

the whole former forest garden, while the approximately 30 x 30 m was the largest size that 

the slope, vegetation and the circumstances allowed 49 . All trees > 10 cm dbh 50 and the main 

understory species were described, and voucher specimens and photographs were taken. 

In addition, estimations of the surface area of selected pasture paddocks in the different study 

sites and of forest gardens of the Shuar were made using GPS-trackers, and drafts were 

sketched. The measurements were often hindered by the steep slopes and by the forest itself, 

49 

Another limitation was the high presence of snakes in the abandoned pasture. The Shuar informant refused to 

work there. 

50 

Dbh: Diameter at breast height. 

73

which hindered the sight and therefore, the evaluations. Nevertheless, the goal of the appraisal 

was to get approximate surface area data, and not to measure precisely the land under use. 

4.1.3 Collection of plant specimens 

Plant specimens were collected using pruning shears and extendable tree pruners. We carried 

the collected voucher specimens in plastic bags and pressed them in the field. Sterile 

specimens were only collected if a fertile specimen could not be located. On a few occasions, 

mainly during long field periods, plant specimens were soaked in an alcohol solution in order 

to preserve them. We collected at least two duplicates of each specimen whenever possible. 

Maps of the area, GPS-trackers and a barometric altimeter were used to establish the 

coordinates and the altitude of the different study and collection sites. In some cases it was 

not possible to obtain permission from local people to collect plant specimens. In addition, 

specimens of very common crops and ornamental species were not collected for practical 

reasons (to save time and money), while some plants that had apparently no use but that had 

been collected (to be used in plant interviews) were included in the collection. As Bennett et 

al. (2002: 23) pointed out, it may be as important to know that a plant is not used as to know 

that it is used. In order to provide a permanent record of information, photographs of most 

plant species were taken. As in the case of the interview techniques, further information about 

collection techniques can be found in Martin (2007, 1995), Cunningham (2001), Alexiades 

(1996), and Cotton (1996). 

4.2 DATA PROCESSING AND CLASSIFICATION 

4.2.1 Plant processing and identification 

Plant specimens were first pressed and dried. After that they were then identified with the 

help of local botanists. Occasionally, Dr. David Neill, at that time curator of the Missouri 

Botanical Garden in St. Louis, and Dr. Florian Werner and Dr. Jürgen Homeier from the 

University of Göttingen, kindly collaborated in the identification of species. No plant material 

was exported in any form whatsoever. 

The final project collection includes 460 vouchers. We followed the local standard procedure, 

which corresponds to the methods found in the literature (cf. Martin 2007, 1995; Cunningham 

2001; Alexiades 1996; Cotton 1996). Plant specimens were deposited in Loja at the 

Herbarium Reinaldo Espinosa of the Universidad Nacional (LOJA), while the existing 

duplicates will be deposited in the Herbarium of the Pontificia Universidad Católica del 

Ecuador (PUCE) in Quito and registered under the collection series “AG”. All vouchers 

74

include herbarium labels with information about family, genus, species and author, project 

title, specialist and date of collection and determination, habitat, habit and location. 

Identifications were primarily done by comparing the specimens with existing collections in 

the Herbarium Reinaldo Espinosa of the Universidad Nacional de Loja (LOJA), in the 

Herbarium of the San Francisco Research Station (ECSF) and in different electronic data 

bases (cf. www.efloras.org, www.tropicos.org, www.tropicalforages.info, www.visualplants.de). 

Additionally, the “Catalogue of the vascular plants of Ecuador” (Jørgensen & León Yáñez 

1999), “Cinco años de adiciones a la flora del Ecuador” (Ulloa & Neill 2005), Flowering 

plants of the Neotropics (Smith et al. 2004), El Género Inga en el Ecuador (Pennington & 

Revelo 1997), “Manual to the palms of Ecuador” (Borchenius et al. 1998) and the ”Catálogo 

de las angiospermas y gimnospermas del Perú” (Brako & Zarucchi 1993) were used to 

support plant identification. The identification of ornamental plant species included the use of 

the above-mentioned publications and databases, plus Cheers (2003), Phillips & Rix (1991) 

and additional popular science electronic data bases (http://fichas.infojardin.com/listas and 

http://www.arbolesornamentales.es; the latter base was used to check the KALANCHOE, 

BRUGMANSIA, CTENANTHE, and SANSEVIERA families). 

The nomenclature of plant families, genera and species follows the “Catalogue of vascular 

plants of Ecuador” (Jørgensen & León Yáñez 1999). The etymology of vernacular names was 

checked using the information included in the Dictionary of the Royal Academy of the 

Spanish Language (www.rae.es), “Mundo Shuar” (1977), and by consulting Markham 

(1864), and the online dictionary of the Association of Investigators of the Quechua language 

(www.adilq.com.ar). The works by Van den Eyden et al. (2004), Bennett et al. (2002), 

Bennett (1992b), and Elleman (1990) include detailed indigenous nomenclature that was 

taken into consideration. 

4.2.2 Data compilation and format 

The recorded interviews were transcribed using Express Scribe version 4.8 free software. This 

process proved to be extraordinarily time-consuming, confirming the words of Bernard (1988, 

cited in Alexiades 1996: 69), who wrote that at least six hours of transcription for every hour 

of tape is needed. For easier processing and use of the transcribed data, the interviews were 

formatted in MS Word documents. The written standard interviews of the rapid tourist 

appraisal were processed using MS Excel sheets. Ethnobotanical field notes were compiled 

and species characteristics were listed in a first data draft using a MS Excel matrix, which 

contained all recorded useful species as rows and their characteristics as columns, including a 

detailed description of the uses in Spanish and the name of the informants. The results have 

been presented in tables. 

For statistical analysis the recorded plant information was listed in a second MS Excel matrix. 

This data matrix contains qualitative presence (1) or absence (0) data, with plant species as 

rows and their characteristics as columns. The resulting matrix includes 747 plant species as 

rows and 65 variables as columns (including code and plant family, Spanish, Shuar Saraguro 

75

name, wild or cultivated status, ethnic groups, location, uses, habit, plant parts used and other 

characteristics like the presence of plant pictures or vouchers). The data have been presented 

in table form as well. If the information was not available, e.g. the informant did not know the 

answer or he/she did not give some information, the data have been presented as “unknown”. 

Relevant land use data about the evolution of the pioneer frontier, the origin of the settlers and 

the history of the settlements, cultivation and cattle raising techniques, the equipment of the 

fincas, and alternative land use options were extracted from the interviews and questionnaires. 

In order to facilitate an analysis of the results they were also compiled in tables. Figures 

showing land use types and land use change have been drafted. 

4.2.3 Classification of ethnobotanical data 

Plant species were divided into two main categories: “wild plant species” and “cultivated 

plant species” depending on the form and the intensity of management they receive. “Wild 

plant species” applies to species that grow spontaneously in self-maintaining populations in 

natural or semi-natural ecosystems and which can exist independently of human action (cf. 

FAO 1999). Included in this category are transplanted and protected species in pastures, forest 

gardens and home gardens. “Cultivated species” includes species that have arisen through 

human action (excluding transplanted species). Most of them are domesticated species and 

depend on management for their existence; a few cultivated species grow wild as well. This 

division was undertaken to highlight the significance of the forest products on the one hand 

and the biodiversity of the home gardens on the other. However, in practice, the distinction 

was not easy to make, as there is a wide spectrum between completely wild and completely 

domesticated species. In such cases, the category indicated by the informants was accepted. 

Hence, the categories are not exclusive. In order to highlight the importance of forests as the 

place where the ethnic groups get plant resources, wild species have been divided into two 

subjective sub-categories, namely wild species collected in secondary and mature forests 

(“Gathered in the forest Wf”) and wild species harvested predominantly in fields, gardens, 

pastures and other ruderal areas (“Gathered in other areas Wn”). On the one hand, forest 

species protected during forest clearing have been considered “wild species gathered in forest 

(Wf)”, even if the forest has disappeared. On the other hand, native pioneer species that 

develop in disturbed environments after clearing have been considered “wild species gathered 

in other areas (Wn)”. 

To quantify ethnobotanical data, the “use totalled method” was chosen. This method is the 

fastest and more straightforward method for compilations of uses in large extensions of land 

such as in this study (cf. Toledo et al 1992, cited in Phillips 1996; Bye 1995). The number of 

uses was totalled by category of plant use, without evaluating the relative importance of each 

use. As pointed out in Bennett et al. (2002: 18), a widely accepted classification of useful 

plants does not exist. As they did, we devised our own. The use categories were established 

according to the main uses recorded and to the number of useful plant species with the same 

use among one ethnic group. At least five different plant species with the same use within the 

76

same ethnic group had to be recorded to establish a new use category. The categories are nonexclusive; 

one species can be represented in more than one use category if it has more than 

one use. In the “Food” category (FOO), edible fruits, stems or leaves eaten raw or cooked or 

used for preparing beverages, or leaves and fruits used to prepare food and spices were listed. 

The “Medicinal” category (MED) included all species with organic or psychosomatic 

therapeutic value. In this context, it should be noted that illness refers to the personal and 

social experience of being ill, a social construct which, unlike disease, is not necessarily 

recognizable from a biomedical perspective (cf. Pelto & Pelto 1990, cited in Alexiades 1996: 

72; Eisenberg 1977). The studied communities may have illness categories with no direct 

translation in Western terms. As Alexiades pointed out (1996: 73), confusion arises when 

informants use biomedical terms such as cancer, or rheumatism to describe ailments, or liver 

to refer to organs. It is not possible to assume a priori that there is a direct correspondence 

between local and medical disease categories. For instance, kidney and liver ailments can 

correspond to lower backache, gastrointestinal disorders, kidney stones, or other ailments. 

The category excluded those plants used in order to detect illnesses via hallucinations. We 

listed these plants under “Ritual & Mythical” (R/M) together with plants used in ceremonies 

and plants cultivated close to the houses because of their power against maledictions. 

“Construction” (CON) was the category for plant species, which provide the Shuar, the 

Saraguros and the Mestizos with timber, and materials for the production of furniture, boats or 

buildings. The “Fuel” category (FUE) included firewood and resins from plants used for 

cooking, lighting or heating. The “Fodder” category (FOD) contained plants consumed by 

animals. In the case of the Shuar, it included wild plants eaten by game, as they considered 

such plants to be fodder. Plants used for ornamental purposes such as the decoration of 

verandas and local chapels were listed under the “Ornamental” category (ORN), while plants 

used by the Saraguros and Mestizos to fence off pastures or home gardens were included in 

the “Living fence” category (FEN). “Hunting/Fishing” (H/F) included plants used as fish 

poison or for making nets, traps or dart airfoils. The “Crafts” category (CRA) comprises 

bracelets, necklaces, dance accessories, musical instruments and toys. The “Tools & 

Containers” category (T/C) included plants from which daily use items, such as baskets, 

tools, brooms, roast pits, plough handles, brushes, blowpipes, arrows, lances, and other 

articles were manufactured. The “Paint/Dye/Varnish” category (PDV) encompassed species 

known by the Shuar to produce paints, dyes and varnish from the sap, resin, fruits or seeds. 

The “Veterinary” category (VET) included plants used to heal domestic animals, mainly 

dogs, poultry and cattle, or to improve the bravery of dogs. Tree species selectively protected 

when clearing land or planted to offer shade for cattle were listed under the “Shade” category 

(SHA). The “Fibers” category (FIB) comprised species used by the Shuar for cords, straps or 

leads. Plant fibers used to make more sophisticated artefacts such as traps, nets or baskets 

have been included in the “Tools & Containers” category. “Beetle breeding” (BEE) included 

plant species protected by the Shuar to breed edible beetle larvae. As pointed out above, all 

use categories with less than five species within an ethnic group were pooled in the “Other” 

category (OTH). For this reason, plant species belonging to the category “Living fences” 

among the Shuar and to the categories “Paint/Dye/Varnish”, “Veterinary”, "Ritual/Mythical" 

and “Fibres” among the Saraguros and Mestizos were positioned in the “Other” category. 

77

Lists of all categories containing the respective plant species, their main origin (C, Wn, and 

Wf), habit, the parts used and the uses have been included in Chapter 5. 

A complete ethnobotanical description of all recorded species has been listed in Annex. The 

layout is inspired by the data format chosen by Bennett et al. (2002). It includes the scientific 

name of the plant species (botanical division, class, family, genus and species), and the 

vernacular name in Shuar (Sh), Quechua (Qu) and Spanish (Sp). Moreover, the description of 

the plant species includes the locations where the species were found (Shaime, Shamatak, 

Chumpias, Napints, El Tibio, El Cristal, Los Guabos, Sabanilla, El Retorno, La Fragancia, El 

Limón, La Chonta, Sevilla de Oro), its uses, and a description of these uses and plant 

preparation, the name of the informants, the code of the vouchers and/or of the plant pictures, 

and the name of the specialist who determined the species. Plants without any reported use 

were listed as well, as this information was considered significant. 

4.3 STATISTICAL DATA ANALYSES 

4.3.1 Family Importance Value Index 

This method allows the identification of the botanical families with many useful species and a 

high number of useful species, but not necessarily the most culturally significant plants, 

which were identified by asking this specific question in interviews. The ethnobotanical 

importance of each botanical family was calculated using a simple index, designed for this 

purpose by Báez and Borgtoft (Báez 1999: 121): the Family Importance Value Index (FIVI 1) 

= Usp1 + Usp2 + Usp3 + …Uspn. “U” represents the number of uses of the species in question 

according to use categories. If a species has several uses within the same use category it only 

counts as one use. In this way, the FIVI summarizes both the number of useful species in the 

family and the number of uses of each individual species. This method considers all uses of 

equal value. 

4.3.2 Similarity and dissimilarity analyses 

These analyses allow the determination of similarities and dissimilarities in the use of plant 

resources between the different ethnic groups (cf. Ch 5.5.5). In order to do so, we first created 

four groups of settlements in accordance with the ethnicity of their inhabitants: Shuar 

(Shaime, Shamatak, Chumpias, Napints), Saraguros (El Tibio, El Cristal), and Mestizos (Los 

Guabos, Sabanilla, El Retorno, La Fragancia). The similarity of species found in each area 

was analyzed by calculating the Dice similarity coefficient 51 . This coefficient indicates 

51 The Dice similarity index is identical to the Sørensen index. 

78

similarity for each pair of groups, comparing presence or absence (used = present = 1; not 

used = absent = 0), of plant species used in the data matrix (cf. Schachtel & Hermann 2005; 

Krebs 1985, cited in Cerón 2003: 285). The absence of data recording the use of a species in 

one location does not necessarily mean that this species is not used there. Other factors, like 

the plant knowledge of the informants or the extension of the settlement area, could be more 

decisive. Because of this, the Dice index appears as an appropriate similarity index to 

compare the use of plant species between two locations, as it minimizes the importance of the 

absences (it does not include double absences) and emphasizes the importance of species used 

in both locations (cf. Leyer & Wesche 2008: 49). Dice (in %) is defined as follows (cf. 

Backhaus et al. 2003: 485): 100 x 2a / (2a + (b+ c)) whereby 

Ethnic group 2 

Ethnic group 1 cell a: both ethnic groups use the same plant species 

a b 

c 

cell b: only ethnic group 1 uses the plant species 

cell c: only ethnic group 2 uses the plant species 

Inspired by the study by Van den Eyden (2004), a graphic representation of the dissimilarity 

between the study sites of the plant species used was provided. A hierarchical clustering 

analysis using the cluster package “amap” for R- software (version 2.8.1.) was conducted 

(http://www.r-project.org/). In contrast to the Dice index, this hierarchical clustering analysis 

classifies plant species that are being used in the different research sites into homogeneous 

groups, based on dissimilarities 52 . It calculates the distances between two variables 

(settlements) based on the objects (plant species). The chosen distance measure within R is 

called “binary”, which is the standard method for nominal scaled variables. The vectors are 

regarded as binary objects, so non-zero elements are “on” and zero elements are “off”. The 

distance is the proportion of objects (plant species) in which only one is on amongst those in 

which at least one is on: (b + c) / (a + b + c), whereby 

Settlement 2 

Settlement 1 cell a: both settlements (ethnic groups) use the same 

species 

a b 

cell b: only settlement (ethnic group) 1 uses the species 

c 

cell c: only settlement (ethnic group) 2 uses the species 

For computing, three different clustering analyses were chosen in line with Leyer & Wesche 

(2008). The first one was the single-linkage or nearest neighbor, which links a new item to the 

most similar item in the group. The second analysis was the average method or unweighted 

pair group method using arithmetic means (UPGMA). This analysis links a new item to the 

arithmetic average of the group. The last analysis was the complete linkage or farthest 

neighbor, which links a new item to the most dissimilar one in the group. The goodness of fit 

of the resulting cluster trees was tested (using R-software) by calculating their cophenetic 

52 It must be commented that it makes no difference if the similarities are being maximized or the dissimilarities 

are being minimized. The Dice index considers the similarities, while the cluster analysis minimizes the 

differences. 

79

correlation coefficient (CPCC). The cophenetic correlation for a cluster tree is defined as the 

linear correlation coefficient between the cophenetic distances obtained from the tree, and the 

original distances (or dissimilarities) used to construct the tree. Thus, it is a measure of how 

truly the tree represents the dissimilarities among observations. It varies between zero and 

one, whereby one corresponds to a perfect fit. Accordingly, the graphic representation of the 

cluster tree with the highest cophenetic correlation coefficient was chosen (cf. Handl 2002: 

380; www.mathworks.com). 

80

5 THE ETHNOBOTANICAL SURVEY 

5.1 THE ETHNOBOTANICAL SURVEY, GENERAL FACTS 

The inventory encompasses 748 species. All of them were identified to family, 725 (96.8%) 

to genus and 466 (62.2%) to species or species affinity. The collections represent 132 families 

and 440 genera. Of the total number of species collected, the largest botanical families are 

ASTERACEAE (37), SOLANACEAE (36), and POACEAE (30) (Table 9, left side). As noted 

already, only flowering plants have been included in the inventory. However, during the 

Shuar ethnobotanical survey the use of ten fungi was recorded. They are listed separately in 

Table 35. 

Table 9: Most important plant families 

Families with the highest number of collected species Families with the highest number of species used* 

ASTERACEAE (37) ASTERACEAE (36) 

SOLANACEAE (36) SOLANACEAE (32) 

POACEAE (30) POACEAE (30) 

FABACEAE (28) EUPHORBIACEAE (22) 

RUBIACEAE (28) FABACEAE (22) 

PIPERACEAE (25) ARACEAE (21) 

EUPHORBIACEAE (24) PIPERACEAE(20) 

ARACEAE (23) LAMIACEAE (20) 

LAMIACEAE (21) LAURACEAE (15) 

MELASTOMATACEAE (20) MELASTOMATACEAE (15) 

LAURACEAE (16) ARECACEAE (14) 

MIMOSACEAE (16) MIMOSACEAE (14) 

ROSACEAE (15) MORACEAE (14) 

ARECACEAE (14) RUBIACEAE (14) 

CLUSIACEAE (14) AMARANTHACEAE (13) 

MORACEAE (14) ROSACEAE (13) 

ORCHIDACEAE (14) CLUSIACEAE (12) 

*The total of species per family appears in brackets 

The described species are distributed among seven life forms. In case of doubt, the life forms 

were established in accordance with the Catalogue of Vascular Plants of Ecuador (cf. 

Jørgensen and León Yáñez 1999). Herbs (282), trees and treelets (275), shrubs (104), 

epiphytes and hemi-epiphytes (42), and vines (34) were the most common, ferns (7) and 

lianas (4) the rarest. Among the species used, the most common life forms were herbs (246), 

trees, and treelets (244), shrubs (85), vines (31), epiphytes, and hemi-epiphytes (29). Once 

again, ferns (5) and lianas (4) were the rarest. Table 10 shows the total distribution of life 

forms and the distribution among used species. 

According to the Catalogue of Vascular Plants of Ecuador (cf. Jørgensen & León Yáñez 

1999), of the 466 species identified to species or species affinity, 324 (69.5%) species are 

native, 129 (27.7%) are introduced, and 13 (2.8%) species are endemic (Table 11). Of the 

81

latter species, 12 species 53 (92.3%) are found in study sites above 1,500 m a.s.l., which is in 

line with Jørgensen & León Yáñez (1999), who pointed out that, in general, the highest 

percentages of endemism for the Ecuadorian vascular plant flora are found in the Andean 

forests above this altitude. 

Table 10: Life form distribution of the plant species of the inventory 

Life form Total of species Total of species used 

Herb 282 246 

Tree/Treelet 275 244 

Shrub 104 85 

Epiphyte/Hemi-Epiphyte 42 29 

Vine 34 31 

Fern 7 5 

Liana 4 4 

Total species 748 644 

The botanical inventory includes 644 useful species with at least one use. Of these species, 

627 (97.4%) have been identified to genus and 419 (65.1%) to species or species affinity, 

representing 130 families and 398 genera. Among the useful plant species, large cosmopolitan 

families (ASTERACEAE, SOLANACEAE, POACEAE, FABACEAE, LAMIACEAE) and large tropical 

families (EUPHORBIACEAE, ARACEAE, PIPERACEAE, LAURACEAE, MELASTOMATACEAE) are the 

most frequent (Table 9, right side). 

Table 11: Endemic species recorded during the ethnobotanical survey 

Family Scientific name Location Users 

ACTINIDIACEAE Saurauia cf. harlingii El Tibio No use reported 

ACTINIDIACEAE Saurauia laxiflora El Tibio Saraguros 

ANNONACEAE Rollinia dolichopetala Shaime Shuar 

ARIALACEAE Oreopanax rosei Los Guabos Mestizos 

ARECACEAE Wettinia aequatorialis El Tibio Saraguros 

BOMBACACEAE Spirotheca rimbachii El Tibio, Los Guabos Saraguros, Mestizos 

LORANTHACEAE Psittacanthus truncatus Napints No use reported 

MELASTOMATACEAE Brachyotum confertum Sabanilla No use reported 

MELASTOMATACEAE Miconia cf. rivetii El Tibio Saraguros 

MELASTOMATACEAE Tibouchina oroensis El Tibio, El Cristal No use reported 

MIMOSACEAE Inga extra-nodis Sabanilla, El Retorno Mestizos 

ONAGRACEAE Fuchsia lehmannii El Tibio, El Cristal, Los Guabos Saraguros, Mestizos 

PIPERACEAE Peperomia cf. scutelariifolia El Retorno No use reported 

The reported 644 useful species include six species collected in Sevilla de Oro, La Chonta, 

and El Limón. However, these are Mestizo settlements outside the area of study and therefore 

the species have not been included in the statistics, but are listed and described in Annex. 

The number of species recorded per village ranges from 212 in Shaime (Shuar) to 59 in 

Shamatak (Shuar). Specifically, the inventory includes 210 in El Tibio (Saraguros), 167 in 

53 The exception was Psittacanthus truncatus. 

82

Los Guabos (Mestizos), 138 in El Retorno (Mestizos), 137 in Napints (Shuar), 104 in La 

Fragancia (Mestizos), 103 in Sabanilla (Mestizos), 84 in El Cristal (Saraguros), and 78 in 

Chumpias (Shuar). It must be noted that research in the latter settlement could not be 

completely finished due to the opposition of some inhabitants. 

The following chapters describe the use of plant diversity among the different ethnic groups 

of southern Ecuador. In total, the survey determined 16 main use categories, namely 

Medicinal (219 species), Food (194), Construction (112), Ornamental (107), Fodder (71), 

Fuel (47), Tools/Containers (35), Ritual/Mythical (20), Veterinary (19), Fishing/Hunting (18), 

Shade (16), Crafts (14), Fibers (10), and Other (29). At least five different plant species with 

the same use within the same ethnic group had to be recorded to establish a new use category. 

However, smaller use categories have been included in Table 67. The categories are nonexclusive; 

one species can be represented in more than one use category if it has more than 

one use. A detailed description of the classification of data and the division of species into 

different categories in accordance with their uses and the place of collection by the different 

ethnic groups can be found in Chapter 4.2.3. 

Existing ethnobotanical studies conducted among Shuar, Saraguros and Mestizos in southern 

Ecuador have been examined and compared with own investigations in the following 

chapters. Most surveys conducted in southern Ecuador have focused on one-use categories 

and not on the different ethnic groups individually. Significant surveys have studied edible 

plants, and in particular, medicinal plants. The results show the impressive ethnobotanical 

knowledge of the inhabitants of southern Ecuador. A comparison with the findings of this 

research highlights this plant knowledge. Van den Eyden (2004) described 354 edible noncrop 

species among Mestizos and Shuar. The present study describes 191 edible species; of 

them only 82 (23.2%) are included in the study by Van den Eyden. On their part, Aguirre et 

al. (2000) counted 221 species used in medicine, Béjar et al. (2001) 140, Bussmann & Sharon 

(2006) 215 species, and Tene et al. (2007), 274. This research describes 221 medicinal 

species. Of them, only 66 species (29.9%) have been described as medicinal plants by Aguirre 

et al. (2000), 60 (27.1%) by Béjar et al. (2001), 56 (25.3%) by Bussmann & Sharon (2006), 

and 104 (49.5 %) by Tene et al. (2007) 54 . Furthermore, this inventory comprises at least 64 

species that are not included in The Encyclopedia of the Useful plants of Ecuador (de la Torre 

et al. 2008) 55 . Ten of these species are used by the Shuar, 27 by the Saraguros and 41 by the 

Mestizos. Half of these species (32) are ornamental plants and 16 have medicinal uses. Other 

uses are construction (10) and food (7). They are listed in Annex. 

54 

The compared lists included species only identified to genus. Thus, these comparisons are only orientative and 

show only the maximum of coincidences. 

55 

The list of new useful species includes only species that have been identified to species or species affinity. A 

few species identified only to genus have been included as well, but only if the genus was new to the useful 

plants listed in the Encyclopedia of Useful Plants of Ecuador. 

83

5.2 RESULTS OF THE SURVEY IN SHUAR COMMUNITIES 

5.2.1 General aspects of Shuar plant use 

The Shuar of Chumpias, Napints, and Shaime have a vast knowledge of plants and their uses. 

Within the present inventory, 316 different plant species with a total of 493 uses have been 

recorded (cf. Table 68). Among the species, 211 are wild plants and 113 are cultivated plants, 

with eight species being represented in both categories. Of the recorded useful specimens, 305 

(96.5%) have been indentified to genus, and 188 (59.5%) to species or species affinity. These 

are distributed among 84 families and 211 genera. The family, which includes the most useful 

species, is SOLANACEAE with 19 species, followed by ARACEAE with 17, PIPERACEAE with 15 

and POACEAE and FABACEAE with 14 species each (Table 12). 

Table 12: Families with the highest number of species used by the Shuar and FIVI* values 

84 

Families with the greatest number of species Families with the highest FIVI values 

Families Nr. of species Families FIVI values** 

SOLANACEAE 19 ARECACEAE 32 (11) 

ARACEAE 17 SOLANACEAE 28 (19) 

PIPERACEAE 15 ARACEAE 22 (17) 

POACEAE 14 FABACEAE 20 (14) 

FABACEAE 14 PIPERACEAE 20 (15) 

ARECACEAE 11 EUPHORBIACEAE 19 (11) 

ASTERACEAE 11 POACEAE 18 (14) 

EUPHORBIACEAE 11 CLUSIACEAE 17 (9) 

RUBIACEAE 11 MELIACEAE 16 (6) 

MELASTOMATACEAE 10 RUBIACEAE 16 (11) 

MORACEAE 9 ASTERACEAE 15 (11) 

CLUSIACEAE 9 MIMOSACEAE 15 (6) 

LAMIACEAE 8 MELASTOMATACEAE 13 (10) 

AMARANTHACEAE 7 LAMIACEAE 10 (8) 

* FIVI: Family Importance Value Index (FIVI) by Báez & Borgtoft (Báez 1999) 

**The value in brackets shows the total of species in the respective botanical family 

The Family Importance Value Index (FIVI) by Báez & Borgtoft (cf. Báez 1999) rates 

ARECACEAE (32), SOLANACEAE (28), ARACEAE (22), FABACEAE (20), and PIPERACEAE (20) as 

the most important ethnobotanical families among the Shuar of Shaime, Chumpias, and 

Napints (Table 12). A study by Báez (1999) among the Shuar of Makuma and Mutints, in 

Morona Santiago Province, shows similar results. ARECACEAE, FABACEAE, ARACEAE, and 

PIPERACEAE were identified as the families with the highest FIVI (after Báez & Borgtoft 

1999). SOLANACEAE appear in their study as the sixth most important family. Other studies of 

the ethnobotany of the Shuar of the Nangaritza Valley including collections (allowing a 

comparison of the voucher specimens, cf. Byg 2004, Santín 2004, and Van den Eyden 2004) 

and the study of the Shuar in Morona Santiago by Bennett et al. (2002) also identified the

importance of the ARECACEAE as well. Palms are one of the most important forest resources 

for indigenous peoples throughout the Amazon region (cf. Byg & Balslev 2006; Henderson 

1995, cited in Putsche 2000). 

Most of the 316 species used by the Shuar, namely 206, have one use (65.2%), while 60 have 

two (19%), 33 have three (10.4%) and 13 have four uses (4.1%). In accordance with the 

identified use categories, three wild growing tree species, Oenocarpus bataua, Guarea 

guidonia and Heliocarpus americanus have five uses (0.9%), and one species, Iriartea 

deltoidea, has six uses (0.3%). These results show an average of 1.6 uses per plant species. 

Table 13: Life form distribution of the plant species used by the Shuar 

Life form Total Wild species Cultivated species 

Herb 97 (30.7%) 46 (21.8%) 54 (47.8%) 

Tree/Treelet 136 (43.0%) 111 (52.6%) 28 (24.8%) 

Shrub 40 (12.7%) 21 (10.0%) 20 (17.7%) 

Epiphyte/Hemi-Epiphyte 16 (5.1%) 16 (7.6) 0 (0%) 

Vine 22 (7.0%) 13 (6.2%) 9 (8.0%) 

Fern 1 (0.3%) 1 (0.5%) 0 (0%) 

Liana 4 (1.3%) 3 (1.4%) 1 (0.9%) 

Total species 316 (100%) 211 (100%) 113 (100%) 

Note: Cultivated and wild species are non-exclusive categories 

Table 13 shows the life form distribution of the species used by the Shuar. In order to cover 

their needs they use mainly trees and treelets (136 species, 43.0%), and herbs (97, 30.7%). 

Among the wild plant species, trees and treelets represent more than half of the life forms 

used (111, 52.6%), followed by herbs (46, 21.8%). The opposite happens among the 

cultivated plant species, where herbs are the most used life form (54 species, 47.8%), 

followed by trees and treelets (28, 24.8%). Lianas are seldom used and represent less than 

1.5% in all categories. Shrubs take an intermediate position, varying between almost 10% 

among the wild plants and 17.7% among the cultivated plants (being 12.7% of the total life 

forms, 40 species). Epiphytes, hemi-epiphytes and ferns are only found among the wild 

species with 7.6% (16) and 0.5% (1) respectively (representing 5.1% and 0.3% of the total 

life forms used). Bennett et al. (2002) 56 reported similar results for the total of useful species. 

In their study, trees and herbs were the most abundant, with respectively 37.2% (215 species) 

and 30.7% (157) of the useful species. Shrubs (21.1%, 107 species), epiphytes, hemiepiphytes 

and parasitic plants (7.4%, 38 species), vines (6.9%, 40 species) and lianas (4.1%, 

21 species) followed. An even higher number of wild useful tree species (63 tree species or 

60.6% of 104 useful wild species) was reported by Duchelle (2007: 15). She found an overall 

high percentage of wild useful tree species in forest sites in the Shuar community of Warints 

in Morona Santiago Province. A very high number of herbs among the cultivated plants is 

also found in other studies (cf. Pohle & Reinhardt 2004; Morales Males & Schjellerup 1999). 

56 The percentages were calculated using the data of Table X in Bennett et al. (2002: 27). Their study did not 

present data for wild and cultivated species separately. 

85

Table 14 shows the main plant parts used by the Shuar. Most species are used for their fruits 

(96 species, 30.4%) and for their trunks, stems and branches (91 species, 28.8%), followed by 

species used for their leaves (79, 25%). Very often the whole plant is used (58 species, 

18.4%); this includes the use of the stem and leaves and other aerial plant parts. Among the 

wild species, trunks, stems, and branches are the most used plant parts (75 species, 35.5%); 

mainly due to their use for construction and fuel (cf. Tables 19 and 21). Fruits represent 

around one third of the plant parts used of the wild (29.9%) and the cultivated (32.7%) 

species, and are used mainly for food. In the category cultivated plant species, 28 species are 

used for their leaves (24.8%). and 32 (28.3%) for the whole plant. Roots and bulbs clearly 

play a more important role among the cultivated species than among the wild species (17 vs. 9 

or 15% vs. 4.3%). These plant parts are commonly used for food. Hearts and sprouts, 

inflorescences and barks are seldom used (each less than 3%). 

Table 14: Plant parts used by the Shuar 

Plant part Total Wild species Cultivated species 

Leaves 79 (25.0%) 56 (26.5%) 28 (24.8%) 

Roots/Bulbs 27 (8.5%) 9 (4.3%) 17 (15.0%) 

Heart/Sprout 8 (2.5%) 7 (3.3%) 4 (3.5%) 

Inflorescences 9 (2.8%) 5 (2.4%) 4 (3.5%) 

Trunk/Stem/Brunches 91 (28.8%) 75 (35.5%) 15 (13.3%) 

Fruits 96 (30.4%) 63 (29.9%) 37 (32.7%) 

Seeds 15 (4.7%) 9 (4.3%) 7 (6.2%) 

Bark 9 (2.8%) 7 (3.3%) 2 (1.8%) 

Sap/Resin/Latex 32 (10.1%) 31 (14.7%) 1 (0.9%) 

Whole plant 58 (18.4%) 27 (12.8%) 32 (28.3%) 

Unknown 6 (1.9%) 5 (2.4%) 1 (0.9%) 

Note: The categories are non-exclusive. The percentages are based on 316 species, 211 wild species, and 113 cultivated 

species. “Unknown” refers to incomplete information about the plant parts used. One species can have more than one useful 

plant part. 

By comparison with the existing ethnobotanical studies of the Shuar (including vouchers) 

listed in Ríos (2008), and in de la Torre et al. (2006), this study is the second research of 

Shuar ethnobotany in terms of the number of described species after the research by Bennett 

et al. (2002), who identified 577 species in Morona Santiago Province. Other studies in the 

latter Province are by Báez (1999), who identified 162 wild species and 63 cultivated crops, 

Duchelle (2007), who described 104 wild species, and Cerón (1991), who indentified 78 

species (wild and cultivated). Among the studies in the Nangaritza Valley in Zamora 

Chinchipe Province, Santín (2004) identified 135 species and five major use categories, 

including a few used by Mestizo settlers. Van den Eyden (2004) described 85 edible plant 

species used by the Shuar. 

86

5.2.2 The ethnobotanical use categories among the Shuar 

By using the “use totalled method” to group the plant uses of the Shuar, sixteen categories 

with five or more uses appear (cf. Ch. 4.2.3 for classification criteria). The number of species 

in each use category ranges from five to 105. Medicinal (105), food (100) and construction 

(67) contain the greatest number of species, followed by fodder (45) and plants used for fuel 

(30), ornamental (22), tools and baskets (22), hunting and fishing (17), crafts (15), ritual and 

mythical (15), veterinary (15), paint, dye and varnish (9), fibers (7), breeding of beetle larvae 

(5) and “other” uses (14). All use categories are represented in Figure 17. The bars are 

divided according to the origin of the plant species (cultivated or wild) and in accordance with 

their main place of harvesting (cultivated species in home gardens or forest gardens, 

cultivated species in pastures, and wild growing species in forest areas or disturbed sites). 

These divisions relate to plant management, which is discussed in Chapter 5.5. Following is a 

detailed description of the species listed in each use category and of the plant uses. The use 

categories are ranked in order of the number of plant species in each category. 

Fig. 17: Shuar use categories with at least five species 

The bars have been divided according to their origin (cultivated or wild) and, in the case of wild species, in accordance with their 

main place of harvesting. 

Note: The categories are non-exclusive; one species with more than one use will be represented in more than one category. 

The category “Shade” has been excluded as species in this category are used only indirectly. Plant species with more than one 

use within the category “Other” have been listed only once. Table 68 shows a more detailed classification of uses. 

87

5.2.2.1 Medicinal plants of the Shuar (MED) 

This is the largest use category and encompasses 105 species and 48 families. PIPERACEAE 

(11), SOLANACEAE (9), AND LAMIACEAE (8) are the families with the highest number of 

species used, followed by AMARANTHACEAE, ARACEAE and ASTERACEAE with five uses each. 

In total, 74 species used for medicine are wild plants; 37 of them are usually collected in the 

forest, and 37 are harvested in disturbed sites (swidden fallows and pastures). The other 31 

species are cultivated in home gardens; three of them (Dicliptera sp., Hylocereus polyrhizus, 

and Piper aduncum) are considered cultivated species but are also collected in the forest. Over 

one third of the cultivated species (11) are being raised exclusively for their medicinal 

properties. Most medicinal plants are herbaceous species (43), tree species (21), or shrubs 

(17). Herbaceous plants are the most common life form for medicinals among the inhabitants 

of tropical rainforest areas (cf. Bennett et al. 2002; Stepp & Moerman 2001; Voeks 1996). 

The investigations underline the Shuar’s vast knowledge of medicinal plants, their specific 

application, and preparation. This could be a consequence of the difficulties that the Shuar 

face in accessing the formal health care system (cf. Pohle & Reinhardt 2004). There were no 

healers or shamans in the Shuar communities under study; nevertheless, the heads of families 

and their wives use several medicinal plants to treat very different health problems, illnesses, 

and diseases. 

The main ailments treated are listed in Table 15. In total, the Shuar use 24 plants to heal 

digestive diseases or problems that are probably caused by the bad quality of drinking water 

and by parasites. As Bennett et al. (2002: 68) reported, gastrointestinal ailments are 

ubiquitous among lowland forest inhabitants. Skin disorders and swellings are healed with 

nine and six species respectively. In this study by Bennett et al. (op. cit.), this category was 

the second most important category after gastrointestinal ailments. Its importance is probably 

related to the harsh outside working conditions in the fields and in forests. In addition, hepatic 

ailments (including liver and kidney problems) are treated with 14 species. As pointed out in 

Chapter 4.2.3, it is not possible to assume a priori that there is a direct correspondence 

between local and medical disease categories. Hepatic ailments could correspond to lower 

backache, gastrointestinal disorders, kidney stones, or other causes. 

Table 15: Main ailments treated with medicinal plants by the Shuar, and total of species used 

Gastrointestinal ailments 24 Hair treatments 5 

Cutaneous problems and swellings 15 Toothache, Mal de Holanda 4 

Hepatic ailments 14 Espanto 3 

Snake bites 10 Kidney ailments 3 

Respiratory diseases 9 Menstrual ailments 3 

Headache 7 Fever 3 

Mal aire, aire fuerte 6 Rheumatism 3 

Ten species are used to treat snakebites. In the past, if the victim survived the attack of a 

poisonous snake, the treatment included a specific 24 hour ritual called “fiesta de la culebra” 

or snake festival, wherein the whole community celebrated the recovery of the patient 

88

(Informant 12M 2007, citing Juan Ankuash). Respiratory diseases are treated with nine 

species. As Bussmann & Sharon (2006: 44) noted, the smoke of cooking stoves causes a large 

variety of respiratory problems. Seven species are used for the treatment of headache. At least 

six plant species are used to heal mal aire. This ailment has no direct translation in Western 

terms. However, mal aire is a common disorder in the traditional medicine of Latin America. 

The symptoms are diverse and include headache, fever and other ailments, and its presence is 

linked to contact with evil spirits (cf. Bennett et al. 2002: 12; Knipper 2001: 294; Granger 

1976: 196). Another traditional ethnomedical concept widely recognized in the folk medicine 

of Hispanic America that does not have a translation to modern medicine is susto (fright) or 

espanto (sudden great fear). It is caused by exposure to danger and results in a pathological 

response that affects the organism through diarrhea, nausea, depression, fever, and loss of 

appetite, and causes the loss of the soul, or vital force (cf. Bourbonnais-Spear et al. 2007: 380; 

Chevalier & Sánchez Bain 2003: 117; Tousignant 1979). This ailment often affects children 

(Bennett et al. 2002: 12; León 1962, cited in Tousignant 1974: 349). The Shuar use at least 

three different species to treat espanto. 

Fig. 18: Left: A shuar holding Tsemtsem (Peperomia sp.), a medicinal and ritual/mythical plant. Right: 

A shuar with leaves of Puntilanza morada (Columnea tessmanii) (Left) and Puntilanza blanca 

(Columnea ericae) (Right). Both plants are used to treat menstrual irregularities. (Photos by A. 

Gerique 2004 (Left), 2005 (Right) 

Other ailments treated with medicinal plants include hair fall (3) and dandruff (2), menstrual 

ailments (3) (cf. Fig. 18, Right), pregnancy pains (Brugmansia sp. 2) and delivery pains (2). 

Buccal ailments like toothache and mal de Holanda or Dutch evil, which is an undisclosed 

buccal infection, are treated with four species. Further plant species are used to counteract 

fever (3), rheumatism (3), insect bites and stings (2), ocular problems (2), heart problems 

(Hyptis sp. 1), bone fractures (1), hangovers (Gouania sp. 2), and heat stroke (Siparuna cf. 

harlingii). At least one species, Ficus sp., is used as an abortive. Other medicinal plants are 

used to strengthen the immune system of babies (Peperomia sp., cf. Fig. 18, Left), treat tired 

feet (Witheringia solanacea), gain weight (Cyperus sp. 1), and even to help babies to begin to 

speak (Anthurium rubrinervium). The Shuar of Shaime have relatives in Peru who use 

Uncaria tomentosa to treat cancer, but Shaime Shuar do not do so. Several species have 

multiple medicinal uses. Most notable are two species, Croton cf. lechleri, a forest tree, and 

89

Solanum americanum, a common weed. The latex of the first species is used to kill internal 

parasites. The Shuar also apply it to treat wounds, skin ulcers, pimples, blackheads and spots, 

and to treat menstrual ailments and snakebites. The latter species is used to treat influenza, 

colds, headaches, infections, measles, pox, espanto, and eye diseases. According to Bennett et 

al. (2002: 68), the Shuar’s pharmacopeia is not unique and is used by other indigenous 

people; among other plant species, Brugmansia spp., Fittonia albivenis, Mentha sp., 

Cymbopogon citratus, Piper aduncum, and Verbena litoralis, are used among indigenous 

people throughout the northwestern Amazon. Also, Bennett & Husby (2008: 429) report that 

several Cyperus species are widely employed medicinally in the Amazon. These results 

suggest an exchange of knowledge with other Amazonian peoples (cf. Ch. 5.5.4). 

The main plant part used is the leaves (53 of the ailments) followed by latex and sap (18), 

probably because leaves often contain medicinally relevant bioactive compounds - such as 

alkaloids – as a defense against herbivores. This is especially true for herbaceous species (cf. 

Stepp 2004), which, as noted already, are the most common life form in this category. Most 

intriguing is the use of the rhizomes of Cyperus spp., as these observations are in line with the 

description by Bennett & Husby (2008: 429), who reported that their medicinal use is 

associated with an ergot-like fungus that is responsible for their biological activity. In most 

cases, the Shuar ingest the remedy raw or prepare and drink an infusion or decoction. In other 

cases, the patient is washed with the decoction. The Shuar apply decoctions as drops to treat 

eye disorders or earache, or inhale them to treat nose haemorrhages. Poultices are another way 

of treating the patient topically. All medicinal plants and their preparation to treat ailments are 

listed in Table 16. 

90

Table 16: Medicinal plants of the Shuar 

Family Species Life 

form 

Gathered in Parts used Problems treated (and properties) Preparation Other uses 

ACANTHACEAE Dicliptera sp. H (Wf), C Leaves Unknown Rubbed raw (topical) H/F 

ACANTHACEAE Fittonia albivenis H Wf Leaves Liver pain Poultice (raw) VET 

AMARANTHACEAE Aerva sanguinolenta H C Leaves Fever (antipyretic), influenza Infusion (oral) FOO 

AMARANTHACEAE Alternanthera sp. 1 H C Leaves Bronchitis, Cold Poultice (leaves chewed & spat) 

Leaves Bronchitis Infusion (oral) 

AMARANTHACEAE Amaranthus sp. 2 H C Unknown Unknown Unknown 

AMARANTHACEAE Iresine sp. 1 H C Leaves Cold, influenza Infusion (oral) 

AMARANTHACEAE Iresine sp. 2 H Wn Leaves Cough (antitussive) Raw (oral) 

ANACARDIACEAE Mauria sp. T Wf Resin Toothache Raw (oral but not ingested) CON, FOD, FUE 

APIACEAE Arracacia cf. xanthorriza H C Roots, Stem Liver ailments Cooked (oral) FOO 

APOCYNACEAE Tabernaemontana 

sananho 

H Wf Fruits, latex Diarrhea Dilution (oral) FOO, VET 

Bark Nose haemorrhage Decoction (inhaled) 

ARACEAE Anthurium rubrinervium H Wf Leaves To help babies begin to speak Raw (oral) VET 

ARACEAE Philodendron sp. 2 E Wf Roots Snake bites Bandage 

ARACEAE Rhodospatha sp. 2 E Wf Roots Snake bites Unknown FIB 

ARACEAE Genus indet. 1 H Wf Sap Snake bites Unknown 

ARACEAE Genus indet. 2 H Wf Tuber Parasites (vomitive) Raw (oral) 

ARECACEAE Prestoea acuminata T Wf Leaves Liver ailments Poultice(raw) 

ASTERACEAE Adenostemma lavenia H Wf Leaves Snake bites Poultice (raw) 

ASTERACEAE Ageratum conyzoides H Wn Whole plant Diarrhea Infusion (oral) 

ASTERACEAE Centratherum punctatum H C Inflorescences Infections Infusion (oral) 

ASTERACEAE Heliopsis oppositifolia H Wn Unknown Relapses Unknown 

ASTERACEAE Vernonanthura patens T Wn Trunk Anxiety, Espanto* Ashes (rubbed, topical) CON, FUE, OTH 

BEGONIACEAE Begonia cf. fischeri H Wn Whole plant Intumescences Alcohol extract (topical) 

BIXACEAE Bixa orellana T C Seeds Dermatitis Rubbed raw (topical) FOO, PDV, R/M 

CACTACEAE Hylocereus polyrhizus E (Wf), C Latex Burns Rubbed raw (topical) 

CAESALPINACEAE Caesalpinia pulcherrima T C Roots Dandruff, hair loss Herb bath PDV, OTH 

CAPRIFOLIACEAE Sambucus nigra S C Leaves Influenza Infusion (oral) 

Leaves Swellings Rubbed raw (topical) 

CARYOPHYLLACEAE Drymaria cordata H Wn Unknown Unknown Unknown 

CHENOPODIACEAE Chenopodium 

ambrosioides 

H C Whole plant Toothache Infusion (oral) 

CLUSIACEAE Chrysochlamys sp. 1 T Wf Fruits Kidney ailments Oral raw, Infusion (oral) FOD, PDV 

91

92 

Table 16: Medicinal plants of the Shuar (continued) 


form 


CONVOLVULACEAE Ipomoea sp. 2 V Wn Leaves Aire fuerte* (colds, influenza) Rubbed raw (topical) OTH 

COSTACEAE Costus sp. 1 H Wn Stem Stomach ache Oral (chewed) 

COSTACEAE Costus sp. 3 H Wn Stem Stomach ache Decoction (oral) 

CUCURBITACEAE Fevillea cordifolia V Wf Seeds Liver ailments, wounds Topical (oil) FUE 

CYCLANTHACEAE Asplundia sp. H Wf Stem Snake bites Oral (raw) FOO 

CYPERACEAE Cyperus sp. 1 H C Rhizome Weight gain Oral (raw), Infusion (herb bath) 

Rhizome Delivery pain (analgesic) Unknown 

CYPERACEAE Cyperus sp. 2 H C Rhizome Liver pain Rubbed raw (topical) R/M 

CYPERACEAE Cyperus sp. 3 H C Rhizome Snake bites Rubbed raw (topical) 

EUPHORBIACEAE Alchornea glandulosa T Wf Leaves Infections Infusion (herb bath) CON, FOD, FUE 

EUPHORBIACEAE Croton cf. lechleri T Wf Latex Parasites (anthelmintic) Raw (oral) FUE 

Latex Wounds and skin problems Rubbed raw (topical) & dilution 

(oral) 

Latex Menstrual ailments Dilution (oral) 

Latex Snake bites Unknown 

FABACEAE Mucuna sp. 2 V Wn Seeds Snake bites Unknown CRA, T/C 

GESNERIACEAE Columnea ericae H Wf Leaves Menstrual irregularities Unknown 

GESNERIACEAE Columnea tessmannii E Wf Leaves Menstrual irregularities Unknown 

IRIDACEAE Cypella sp. H C Bulb juice Haemorrhages Rubbed raw (topical) CON 

LAMIACEAE Hyptis cf. obtusifolia H Wn Unknown Unknown Unknown 

LAMIACEAE Hyptis pectinata H Wn Stem sap Haemorrhages Rubbed raw (topical) 

Whole plant Pimples & other skin problems Infusion (herb bath) 

LAMIACEAE Hyptis sidifolia H Wn Whole plant Rheumatism Infusion (herb bath) 

LAMIACEAE Hyptis sp. 1 H Wn Whole plant Liver and heart problems Infusion (unknown) 

LAMIACEAE Melissa officinalis H C Whole plant Colds, espanto* Infusion (unknown) 

LAMIACEAE Mentha x piperita H C Whole plant Colds Infusion (oral) 

Insect bites Infusion (herb bath) 

LAMIACEAE Ocimum basilicum H C Leaves Headache, stomach ache Infusion (oral) FOO 

LAMIACEAE Salvia sp. 1 H Wn Whole plant Labor pain, pimples infusion (herb bath) 

LAURACEAE Persea americana T C Leaves Snake bites Poultice (raw), infusion (herb bath) FOO, CON, FUE 

LECYTHIDACEAE Grias peruviana T Wf Unknown Snake bites Unknown FOO, FUE 

LORANTHACEAE Phthirusa pyrifolia S Wn Leaves, stem Liver pain Poultice (boiled) FOD 

MELASTOMATACEAE Arthrostema ciliatum H Wn Petals Stomach swelling Raw (oral) FOO 

MELASTOMATACEAE Monolena primulaeflora H Wf Leaves & stem 

sap 

Mumps Rubbed raw (topical)



form 


MELIACEAE Guarea guidonia T Wf Flowers, bark Liver pain Poultice (raw) CON, FOO, FOD, 

SHA 

MELIACEAE Guarea Kunthiana T Wf Leaves Diarrhea, cough, swellings Unknown CON, FOD 

Stem sap Liver pain Rubbed raw (topical) 

MENISPERMACEAE Cissampelas pareira V Wn Leaves Mal aire* Rubbed raw and inhaled (raw) 

MIMOSACEAE Inga edulis T C Fruits Diarrhea, cough Raw (oral) FOO, FUE, OTH 

MONIMIACEAE Siparuna cf. harlingii T (Wf), Wn Leaves Swellings Poultice (of leaves, warmed up) 

T Leaves Heat stroke Infusion (herb bath) 

Leaves Mal aire* Mixed with other herbs, prep. 

unknown 

MONIMIACEAE Siparuna schimpfii T (Wf), Wn Leaves Mal aire* Poultice (of leaves, warmed up) 

MORACEAE Ficus sp. 1 E Wf Latex Abortive Raw (oral) CON, FUE 

Latex Ocular problems Collyrium (raw) 

MORACEAE Genus indet. 2 E Wf Latex Ocular problems Collyrium (raw) 

MORACEAE Genus indet. 3 T Wf Latex Stomach parasites Dilution (oral) SHA 

MYRISTICACEAE Otoba glycicarpa T Wf Leaves Cough Infusion (oral) CON, FUE 

Seeds Abscesses Unknown 

Sap Mal de Holanda* Raw (oral, but not ingested) 

PHYTOLACCACEAE Phytolacca rivinoides S Wn Fruits Dandruff, hair fall Shampoo OTH, FOD 

PIPERACEAE Manekia sydowii H Wf Leaves Rheumatism, body pain, headache Infusion (herb bath) 

PIPERACEAE Manekia sp. H Wf Whole plant Liver pain Infusion (oral) with sugar 

PIPERACEAE Peperomia sp. H C Sap of leaves Strengthen the immune system of 

babies 

Raw (previously chewed) R/M 

Leaves Kidney & liver pain Infusion (unknown) 

PIPERACEAE Piper aduncum S (Wf), C Leaves Wounds (antiseptic), headache Infusion (herb bath) 

PIPERACEAE Piper peltatum S Wn Leaves Swellings Poultice (raw) FOO 

PIPERACEAE Piper umbellatum S Wf Leaves Swellings Poultice (raw) FOO 

Leaves Mal aire* Rubbed raw (topical) 

Leaves Diarrhea Infusion (herb bath) 

PIPERACEAE Piper cf. xanthostachyum E Wf Unknown Unknown Unknown FOO 

PIPERACEAE Piper sp. 1 S Wn Leaves Stomachache & parasites Infusion (oral) H/F 

Leaves Wounds (antiseptic) Infusion (herb bath) 

PIPERACEAE Piper sp. 2 S Wf Unknown Fever & headache Infusion (herb bath) 

PIPERACEAE Piper sp. 7 S Wf Leaves Liver pain Poultice (of heated leaves) 

PIPERACEAE Piper sp. 8 S Wf Root Diarrhea & colic Syrup 

93

94 



form 


POACEAE Cymbopogon citratus H C Leaves Diarrhea Infusion (oral) FOO 

POLYGALACEAE Polygala paniculata H Wn Leaves Diarrhea Infusion (with other species, oral) 

RHAMNACEAE Gouania sp. 1 V Wf Fruits Stomachache Raw (juice, oral) FOO 

RHAMNACEAE Gouania sp. 2 V Wn Fruits Hangovers Raw (juice, oral) BEE 

ROSACEAE Rubus sp. S Wf Fruits Diarrhea Raw (oral) FOO 

RUBIACEAE Genipa americana T C Fruits Dandruff Rubbed raw (topical) PDV, R/M 

RUBIACEAE Uncaria tomentosa L Wf Bark Gastritis & cancer Decoction (unknown) H/F 

RUBIACEAE Genus indet. 1 S Wf Latex Toothache Raw (oral but not ingested) 

RUBIACEAE Genus indet. 3 T Wf Fruit Kidney infections Raw (oral) 

SCROPHULARIACEAE Scoparia dulcis H Wn Leaves Fever, diarrhea Infusion (oral) T/C 

SIMAROUBACEAE Picramnia sellowii T Wn Leaves Skin diseases Poultice PDV, VET 

SOLANACEAE Brugmansia sp. 1 S C Bark Bone fractures Decoction (oral & topical) R/M, ORN 

SOLANACEAE Brugmansia sp. 2 S C Bark Insect stings Unknown VET 

Leaves Pregnancy pains Rubbed raw (topical) 

SOLANACEAE Cestrum sp. T C Leaves Mal aire* Infusion (herb bath) 

SOLANACEAE Larnax peruviana S Wn Leaves Skin diseases Rubbed raw (topical) 

Leaves Diarrhea Infusion (oral) 

SOLANACEAE Lycianthes sp. H C Fruits Measles, varicella 

Dilution (oral) FOO 

SOLANACEAE Nicotiana tabacum H C Sap Influenza Unknown R/M 

SOLANACEAE Physalis peruviana S Wn Juice of stem & 

roots 

Diarrhea Dilution (oral) FOO, FOD 

SOLANACEAE Solanum americanum H Wn Whole plant Influenza, cold, headache, 

infections, pox & measles 

Infusion (oral) 

Leaves & flowers Espanto*, anxiety Infusion (oral) 

Fruits ? Eye diseases Collyrium (raw) 

SOLANACEAE Witheringia solanacea S Wn Leaves Swellings, pimples Rubbed raw & ashes (rubbed, 

topical) 

Leaves Tired feet Infusion (herb bath) 

URTICACEAE Urera caracasana S Wn Roots Hair loss Infusion (herb bath) T/C 

URTICACEAE Urtica sp. 1 H Wn Leaves Rheumatism, muscle pain Rubbed raw (topical) 

URTICACEAE Urtica sp. 2 H Wn Leaves Swellings Rubbed raw (topical) 

VERBENACEAE Verbena litoralis H Wn Leaves & stem Liver pain, vomits and nausea Infusion (oral) 

ZINGIBERACEAE Renealmia sp. 1 H (Wf), Wn Stem sap Headache Unknown FOO 

Stem sap Colds Inhaled (raw)



form 


ZINGIBERACEAE Renealmia sp. 2 H (Wf), Wn Tubers Headache Poultice (alcohol solution) FOO 

ZINGIBERACEAE Zingiber officinale H C Whole plant Diarrhea Unknown R/M 

Leaves Influenza Raw (chopped, oral) 

Leaves Bronchitis Infusion (oral) 

Unknown Liver ailments Unknown 

E: Epiphyte/Hemi-epiphyte, H: Herb, L: Liana, S: Shrub, T: Treelet/tree, V: Vine, C: Cultivated species, Wf: Wild species gathered in the forest and in forest remnants, Wn: Wild species gathered in 

other areas. The brackets indicate a secondary gathering place. *See glossary of local terms. BEE: Beetle larvae breeding, CON: Construction, CRA: Crafts, H/F: Hunting/Fishing, FIB: Fibers, 

FOD: Fodder, FOO: Food, FUE: Fuel, ORN: Ornamental, OTH: Other uses, R/M: Ritual/Mythical, SHA: Shade, PDV: Paint/Dye/Varnish, T/C: Tools/Containers, VET: Veterinary 

95

5.2.2.2 Edible plants of the Shuar (FOO) 

The second most important use category is “Food” with 100 plant species (Table 18). 

PIPERACEAE, with eight species, and SOLANACEAE and ARECACEAE with seven species each, 

are the most represented botanical families in this category. Plants cultivated in forest gardens 

provide most of the calorific intake of the Shuar, while other species cultivated in gardens and 

collected in the forest allow for dietary variety. The main plant parts consumed are usually the 

fruits (55), followed by the leaves (21) which are important for preparing ayampakus 57 and as 

condiments. 

Although 50 cultivated food species have been recorded, the Shuar’s diet mainly consists of a 

few cultivated crops - Manihot esculenta, Musa x paradisiaca, Colocasia esculenta, 

Xanthosoma spp., Ipomoea batatas, Dioscorea trifida, and Cucurbita spp. The typical chicha, 

made mainly from the roots of Manihot esculenta (manioc or cassava), is drunk daily, 

sometimes even as a substitute for a main meal. Manioc is the most important crop of the 

Shuar (cf. Duchelle 2007; Bennett et al. 2002; Cerón 1991; Münzel 1977). 

Table 17 shows the high number of manioc breeds (22) found in a single forest garden. As 

early as the 16th century, the Spanish priests who visited the Zamora Valley (Salinas de 

Loyola 1965, cited in Estrella 1986: 148) described the importance of this species among the 

Shuar. The chicha of Manihot esculenta is often prepared mixed with Ipomoea batatas or is 

made from the fruit of Bactris gasipaes, a palm that is much prized. They celebrate its harvest 

in February with the “fiesta de la chonta” or “chonta festival” (Informant 12M 2004). 

According to Bennett et al. (2002: 112), all other indigenous groups in Amazonian Ecuador 

revere this palm. 

Table 17: Different Manihot esculenta varieties found in one Shuar forest garden of Shaime 

Shuar name and variety color (in accordance with Carlota Sukonga) 

Ipiakmar Yellow Kau mama Yellow Jiruam White 

Nantipiar Yellow Ukurpipi (1) Yellow Nakaimbi White 

Puanchar mama Yellow Tsamá mama Yellow Puembrembush White 

Tunyik Yellow Nan mama Yellow Yambismar White 

Wuampaimsh Yellow Kampanak Yellow Paandam shutute White 

Yuwí mama Yellow Umáma Yellow Shinwi mama White 

Tsápak mama Yellow Yuca morada Red Ukurpipi (2) White 

96 

Tsiki mama White 

This basic Shuar diet is complemented by other crops such as corn (Zea mays), naranjilla 

(Solanum quitoense), diverse Citrus spp., papaya (Carica papaya), avocado (Persea 

americana), pineapple (Ananas comosus), beans (Phaseolus cf. vulgaris) and peanuts 

(Arachis hypogaea). Figure 19 (Left) shows two examples of edible fruits cultivated in 

Napints, namely Bactris gasipaes and Ananas comosus. A further 50 species are consumed 

from the forest. Wild species such as Dacryodes peruviana, Pourouma spp., or Herrania sp. 

57 Ayampakus or ayampaco is the Shuar term for typical packages of a few leaves - filled with fish, meat, cassava 

(Manihot esculenta) or palm stems - cooked in an open fire.

(Fig. 19 Right) supply the Shuar with fruit, while different palms provide them with fruits and 

palm hearts. Several wild growing ARACEAE and PIPERACEAE supply the Shuar with edible 

leaves for ayampakus and spices. Leaves also serve as plates and as tops for pots. Poultry, 

guinea pigs, game, and fish complete their diet. Occasionally, the Shuar eat the larvae of palm 

weevils (cf. Table 30) and fried ants 58 . 

Fig. 19: Left: A basket with fruits of uwí, the chonta palm (Bactris gasipaes), and two pineapples 

(Ananas comosus), Napints. Right: Inflorescences of kushíkiam (Herrania sp.), a protected tree with 

edible fruits, Shamatak. (Photos by A. Gerique 2004 (Left), 2007 (Right)) 

Table 18: Shuar food plants 

Family Species 

Life 

form 

Gathered in Parts used Preparation Other uses 

ACTINIDIACEAE Saurauia sp. 1 T Wf Fruits Raw 

ALLIACEAE Allium cepa H C Bulb Raw, cooked 

AMARANTHACEAE Aerva 

sanguinolenta 

H C Leaves Infusion MED 

ANNONACEAE Annona muricata T C Fruits Raw 

ANNONACEAE Rollinia 

dolichopetala 

T Wf, (Wn) Fruits Raw 

APIACEAE Arracacia cf. 

xanthorriza 

H C Root Raw, cooked MED 


sananho 

H Wf Fruits Raw MED, VET 

ARACEAE Anthurium cf. 

breviscapum 

E Wf Leaves Cooked, ayampaku* 

ARACEAE Anthurium 

E Wf Leaves Cooked, ayampaku*, 

triphyllum 

condiment 

ARACEAE Colocasia 

esculenta 

H C Tubers Cooked 

ARACEAE Monstera sp. E Wf Leaves Ayampaku* T/C 

ARACEAE Rhodospatha cf. 

latifolia 

H Wf Leaves Ayampaku* 

ARACEAE Xanthosoma cf. 

sagittifolium 


ARACEAE Xanthosoma sp. H C Tubers Cooked 

ARECACEAE Bactris gasipaes T (Wf), (Wn), 

C 

Fruits Cooked, roasted, 

fermented (chicha*) 

Palm heart Cooked, raw 

CON, BEE 

58 The ants are captured at the end of October during their reproductive flights. Báez (1999: 108) observed the 

same custom in the Shuar communities of Makuma and Mutints, Morona Santiago Province. 

97

Table 18: Shuar food plants (continued) 


Life 

form 


ARECACEAE Iriartea deltoidea T (Wf), Wn Fruits Raw CON, T/C, FUE, 

BEE 


ARECACEAE Mauritia flexuosa T C Fruits Cooked T/C, BEE 


ARECACEAE Oenocarpus bataua T (Wf), C Fruits Boiled CON, H/F, T/C, 

BEE 


ARECACEAE Prestoea 

schultzeana 

T (Wf), Wn Palm heart Cooked, raw CON 

ARECACEAE Socratea exorrhiza T (Wf), Wn Palm heart Cooked, raw CON, FUE 

ARECACEAE Wettinia maynensis T (Wf), Wn Palm heart Cooked, raw CON, T/C, FUE 

BIXACEAE Bixa orellana T C Seeds Condiment MED, DPV, R/M 

BROMELIACEAE Ananas comosus H C Fruit Raw 

BURSERACEAE Dacryodes 

peruviana 

T Wf Fruits Soaked, warmed up CON, FUE 

BURSERACEAE Protium sp. T Wf Fruits Unknown CON, FUE 

CANNACEAE Canna indica H C Rhizome Cooked CRA, OTH 

Leaves Ayampaku* 

CARICACEAE Carica microcarpa T Wf Fruits Raw 

CARICACEAE Carica papaya T C Fruits Raw 

CECROPIACEAE Pourouma 

cecropiifolia 

T Wf Fruits Raw 

CECROPIACEAE Pourouma 

guianensis 

T Wf Fruits Raw FUE 

CONVOLVULACEAE Ipomoea batatas V C Roots Cooked, fermented 

(chicha*) 

CUCURBITACEAE Cucurbita sp. V C Fruits Raw, cooked 

CUCURBITACEAE Sicana odorifera V C Fruits Raw, cooked 

CYCLANTHACEAE Asplundia sp. H Wf Leaves Ayampaku* MED 

CYCLANTHACEAE Carludovica 

H (C), Wf Apical Raw, cooked CON, H/F, T/C 

palmata 

meristem 

DIOSCOREACEAE Dioscorea trifida V C Tuber Cooked 

EUPHORBIACEAE Caryodendron 

orinocense 

T Wf Seeds Cooked, roasted FOD, FUE 

EUPHORBIACEAE Manihot esculenta S C Roots Cooked, fermented 

(chicha*) 

FABACEAE Arachis hypogaea H C Seeds Roasted 

FABACEAE Pachyrhizus 

tuberosus 

V C Root Cooked 

FABACEAE Parkia sp. T Wf Fruits Unknown CON, FOD 

FABACEAE Phaseolus cf. 

vulgaris 

V C Beans Cooked 

HELICONIACEAE Heliconia sp. 2 H Wn Leaves Ayampaku* 

LAMIACEAE Ocimum basilicum H C Leaves Condiment MED 

LAURACEAE Persea americana T C Fruits Raw CON, FUE, MED 

LAURACEAE Genus indet. 2 T Wf Fruits Raw 

LECYTHIDACEAE Grias peruviana T Wf Fruits Raw MED, FUE 

LECYTHIDACEAE Gustavia 

macarenensis 


MARANTACEAE Calathea sp. H Wf Leaves Ayampaku* 

MARANTACEAE Ischnosiphon 

annulatus 

T Wf Fruits Unknown T/C, H/F 

MARANTACEAE Maranta ruiziana H C Tubers Cooked 

MELASTOMATACEAE Arthrostema 

ciliatum 

H Wn Petals Raw MED 

MELIACEAE Guarea guidonia T (Wf), Wn Fruits Raw CON, MED, 

FOD, SHA 

98



Life 

form 


MIMOSACEAE Inga edulis T C Fruits Raw MED, FUE, OTH 

MIMOSACEAE Inga nobilis T Wn Fruits Raw 

MIMOSACEAE Inga punctata T (Wf), Wn Fruits Raw CON, FUE, SHA 

MIMOSACEAE Inga spectabilis T C Fruits Raw 

MIMOSACEAE Inga sp. 1 T C Fruits Raw 

MORACEAE Batocarpus 

orinocensis 

T (Wf), Wn Seeds Cooked 

MORACEAE Helicostylis cf. 

tomentosa 

T Wf Fruits Raw CON, FOD 

MORACEAE Trophis racemosa T Wf Seeds Cooked 

MUSACEAE Musa x paradisiaca H C Fruits Raw, cooked FOD 

MYRTACEAE Psidium guajava T C, (Wn) Fruits Raw FOD 

MYRTACEAE Syzygium jambos T C Fruits Raw 

ORCHIDACEAE Genus indet. 5 E Wf Fruit Condiment OTH 

PASSIFLORACEAE Passiflora edulis V C Fruits Raw 

PASSIFLORACEAE Passiflora 

pergrandis 

V C, (Wf) Fruits Raw 

PIPERACEAE Piper heterophyllum S Wf Leaves Raw 

PIPERACEAE Piper immutatum S Wf Leaves Condiment 

PIPERACEAE Piper peltatum S Wn Leaves Ayampaku* MED 

PIPERACEAE Piper umbellatum S Wf Leaves Ayampaku* MED 

PIPERACEAE Piper cf. 

xanthostachyum 

E Wf Leaves Ayampaku* MED 

PIPERACEAE Piper sp. 3 H Wf Leaves Cooked 

PIPERACEAE Piper sp. 6 S Wf Leaves Unknown 

POACEAE Cymbopogon 

citratus 

H C Leaves Infusion MED 

POACEAE Saccharum 

officinarum 

H C Stem Raw 

POACEAE Zea mays H C Corn Cooked, roasted FOD 

RHAMNACEAE Gouania sp. 1 V Wf Fruits Cooked MED 

ROSACEAE Rubus sp. S Wn Fruits Raw MED 

RUBIACEAE Coffea arabica S C Beans Raw, infusion 

RUBIACEAE Coussarea 

brevicaulis 


RUBIACEAE Elaeagia sp. T Wf Fruits Raw 

RUTACEAE Citrus maxima T C Fruits Raw, juice 

RUTACEAE Citrus medica T C Fruits Diluted, juice 

RUTACEAE Citrus reticulata T C Fruits Raw 

SAPOTACEAE Pouteria caimito T C Fruits Raw CON, FUE 

SOLANACEAE Capsicum cf. 

annuum 

S C Fruits Condiment H/F 

SOLANACEAE Lycianthes sp. H C Fruits Condiment MED 

SOLANACEAE Physalis peruviana S Wn Fruits Raw MED, FOD 

SOLANACEAE Solanum betaceum T C Fruits Raw 

SOLANACEAE Solanum 

lycopersicum 

H C Fruits Raw 

SOLANACEAE Solanum quitoense S C Fruits Raw, juice 

SOLANACEAE Solanum cf. 

stramoniifolium 

S C Fruits Raw, juice 

SOLANACEAE Solanum 

tuberosum 


STERCULIACEAE Herrania sp. T (Wf), Wn Fruits Raw 

STERCULIACEAE Theobroma cacao T C Fruits Raw 

STERCULIACEAE Theobroma sp. T Wf Fruits Raw 

Leaves Ayampaku* 

99



100 

Life 

form 

ZINGIBERACEAE Renealmia alpinia H (C), Wn, 

(Wf) 


Seeds Roasted CRA 

Fruits Raw 

ZINGIBERACEAE Renealmia sp. 1 H (Wf), Wn Leaves Ayampaku* MED 

ZINGIBERACEAE Renealmia sp. 2 H (Wf), Wn Leaves Ayampaku* MED 

E: Epiphyte/Hemi epiphyte, H: Herb, L: Liana, S: Shrub, T: Treelet/tree, V: Vine, C: Cultivated species, Wf: Wild species 

gathered in forest, Wn: Wild species gathered in other areas. The brackets indicate a secondary gathering place 

*See Glossary of local terms 

BEE: Beetle larvae breeding, CON: Construction, CRA: Crafts, FEN: Living fence, H/F: Hunting/Fishing, FIB: Fibers, FOD: 

Fodder, FOO: Food, FUE: Fuel, MED: Medicine, ORN: Ornamental, OTH: Other uses, R/M: Ritual/Mythical, SHA: Shade, PDV: 

Paint/Dye/Varnish, T/C: Tools/Containers, VET: Veterinary 

5.2.2.3 Plants used in construction by the Shuar (CON) 

This is the third largest category among the Shuar, who build houses and other structures, 

furniture and canoes from 67 species belonging to 31 families. The families with the highest 

number of species are ARECACEAE (seven species), CLUSIACEAE, MELIACEAE, and MORACEAE 

(five species). The overwhelming majority of species (63) are wild growing species, growing 

in forests (51) or in open and disturbed areas such as pastures (12). Another nine species are, 

as a rule, cultivated species. No species is cultivated for construction only; all cultivated 

species have at least a secondary use. 

Almost all species are trees, used for their trunks and timber. The ARECACEAE family 

provides most of the products used to construct traditional oval-shaped houses (cf. Fig. 12). 

The split trunks of palm trees are used for walls, while roofs are palm-thatched (cf. Fig. 20 

Left). A few herbs (Carludovica palmata, Cypella sp., and Heliconia sp.) are used to thatch as 

well. Other herbs used for construction are Guadua angustifolia and Gynerium sagittatum. 

The stem of these POACEAE are flattened and used to construct walls. For lashing, the Shuar 

use the aerial roots of Rhodospatha sp. and the bark of Trema integerrima (cf. FIB category). 

As in other Shuar areas (cf. Morales & Schjellerup 1999: 90; Münzel 1977: 187), most 

families have begun to substitute the traditional building materials and the traditional ovalshaped 

style of house construction with those employed by the Mestizo settlers. These houses 

are believed to be more resilient in adverse weather conditions and easier to maintain, and are 

a symbol of social status and of civilization (cf. Costales & Costales 1977: 80). For their 

construction, they use planks made from the trunks of several species (cf. Fig. 10 and Fig. 20 

Right). The roofs are made from corrugated iron. 

Traditional canoes are made using the trunks of an undetermined LAURACEAE called 

“forastero”, and a MORACEAE called “wampu”. Sometimes, Ochroma pyramidale is used for 

the same purpose. Many families still have and make traditional canoes (Informant 12M 

2007), as iron boats are too expensive for most Shuar living along the rivers of the Nangaritza 

Valley. 

With the exception of seats, some racks and tables and traditional chairs (usually representing 

a turtle and traditionally reserved for the ancients) the Shuar use almost no furniture. The 

Shuar sell planks from species of commercial interest like Cordia alliodora, Platymiscium cf.

pinnatum, Terminalia sp., Nectandra spp., and Cedrela spp. to timber traders. All species 

used for construction are listed in Table 19. Timber extraction is discussed in Chapters 6.1.4 

and 6.1.7.2. 

Fig. 20: Left: A traditional Shuar roof in Napints made of thatched Wettinia maynensis leaves. Right: 

Shuar constructing the Community Center of Napints. The planks are made from trunks of Meliosma 

herbertii. (Photos by A. Gerique 2004) 

Table 19: Plants used for construction by the Shuar 


Life 

form 

Gathered in Other uses 

ANACARDIACEAE Mauria sp. T Wf MED, FUE, FOD 

ANNONACEAE Cremastosperma megalophyllum T Wf FOD 

ANNONACEAE Genus indet. T Wf 

ARALIACEOUS Schefflera sp. 1 T (Wf), Wn FOD 

ARECACEAE Bactris gasipaes T (Wn), C FOO, T/C, BEE 

ARECACEAE Chamaedorea linearis T Wf, (Wn) 

ARECACEAE Iriartea deltoidea T (Wf), Wn FOO, T/C, FUE, BEE 

ARECACEAE Oenocarpus bataua T (Wf), C FOO, CON, H/F, T/C, 

BEE 

ARECACEAE Prestoea schultzeana T (Wf), Wn FOO 

ARECACEAE Socratea exorrhiza T Wn FOO, FUE 

ARECACEAE Wettinia maynensis T (Wf), Wn FOO, CON, T/C, FUE 

ASTERACEAE Piptocoma discolor T (Wf), Wn FUE, SHA 

ASTERACEAE Vernonanthura patens T Wn FUE, MED, OTH 

BIGNONIACEAE Jacaranda copaia T Wf 

BOMBACACEAE Ochroma pyramidale T (Wf), Wn CRA 

BORAGINACEAE Cordia alliodora T Wf, (Wn) 

BURSERACEAE Dacryodes peruviana T Wf FOO, FUE 

BURSERACEAE Protium sp. T Wf FOO, FUE 

CECROPIACEAE Cecropia sp. T (Wf), Wn FUE 

CLUSIACEAE Calophyllum sp. T Wf 

CLUSIACEAE Chrysochlamys sp. 2 T Wf FIB 

CLUSIACEAE Garcinia sp. 1 T Wf 

CLUSIACEAE Garcinia sp. 2 T Wf FUE, PDV 

CLUSIACEAE Vismia sp. 1 T Wf FUE, PDV 

COMBRETACEAE Terminalia sp. T Wf 

CYCLANTHACEAE Carludovica palmata H Wf, (C) FOO, H/F, T/C 

EUPHORBIACEAE Alchornea glandulosa T Wf MED, FOD, FUE 

EUPHORBIACEAE Alchornea latifolia T Wf FOD, FUE 

EUPHORBIACEAE Aparisthmium cordatum T Wf 

FABACEAE Cedrelinga cateniformes T Wf, (Wn) 

101

Table 19: Plants used for construction by the Shuar (continued) 


102 

Life 

form 

Gathered in Other uses 

FABACEAE Erythrina sp. T C FOD, CRA 

FABACEAE Parkia sp. T Wf FOO, FOD 

FABACEAE Platymiscium cf. pinnatum T Wf, (Wn) 

FLACOURTIACEAE Banara nitida T Wf 

HELICONIACEAE Heliconia sp. 1 H Wn H/F 

IRIDACEAE Cypella sp. H C MED 

LAURACEAE Nectandra sp. 1 T Wf FOD 

LAURACEAE Nectandra sp. 2 T Wf 

LAURACEAE Persea americana T C MED, FOO, FUE 

LAURACEAE Genus indet. 1 T Wf 

MELASTOMATACEAE Mouriri grandiflora T Wf T/C 

MELIACEAE Cedrela cf. odorata T Wf 

MELIACEAE Guarea guidonia T (Wf), Wn FOO, FOD, MED, SHA 

MELIACEAE Guarea Kunthiana T (Wf), Wn MED, FOD 

MELIACEAE Trichilia sp. T Wf 

MELIACEAE Genus indet. T Wf FOD, R/M, OTH 

MIMOSACEAE Inga punctata T (Wf), Wn FOO, FUE, SHA 

MORACEAE Clarisia racemosa T Wf, (Wn) 

MORACEAE Ficus sp. 1 T Wf, (Wn) MED, FUE 

MORACEAE Ficus sp. 2 T Wf, (Wn) FOD, OTH 

MORACEAE Helicostylis cf. tomentosa T Wf FOO, FOD 

MORACEAE Genus indet. 1 T Wf 

MYRISTICACEAE Otoba glycicarpa T Wf FUE, MED 

MYRISTICACEAE Otoba sp. 1 T Wf 

MYRISTICACEAE Otoba sp. 2 T Wf, (Wn) 

POACEAE Guadua angustifolia H Wn CRA 

POACEAE Gynerium sagittatum H Wn 

POLYGONACEAE Triplaris sp. T Wn FUE 

RUBIACEAE Sommera sabiceoides T Wn 

SABIACEAE Meliosma herbertii T Wf 

SAPOTACEAE Pouteria caimito T C FOO, FUE 

SAPOTACEAE Pouteria sp. 1 T Wf 

TILIACEAE Apeiba membranacea T Wf T/C, CRA 

TILIACEAE Heliocarpus americanus T (Wf), Wn CRA, FIB, FUE, VET 

VOCHYSIACEAE Vochysia grandis T Wf 

VOCHYSIACEAE Vochysia sp. T Wf 

H: Herb, E: Epiphyte/Hemi epiphyte, T: Treelet/tree, C: Cultivated species, Wf: Wild species gathered in forest, Wn: Wild 

species gathered in other areas. The brackets indicate a secondary gathering place 

BEE: Beetle larvae breeding, CRA: Crafts, H/F: Hunting/Fishing, FIB: Fibers, FOD: Fodder, FOO: Food, FUE: Fuel, MED: 

Medicine, OTH: Other uses, R/M: Ritual/Mythical, SHA: Shade, PDV: Paint/Dye/Varnish, T/C: Tools/Containers, VET: Veterinary 

5.2.2.4 Fodder plants of the Shuar (FOD) 

The Shuar indicated 45 plant species consumed by wild or domestic animals. They cultivate 

10 species for this purpose, and consider a further 35 wild species as fodder, 21 of them 

growing in forests (Table 20). MELASTOMATACEAE (7) EUPHORBIACEAE (4) and MELIACEAE 

(4) are the most common families among the wild plants. As Bennett at al. (2002: 51) pointed 

out, this use category might appear less important than it is. Wild growing trees and a few 

bushes and vines (14) are tolerated in and around the forest, gardens, and pastures in order to 

attract game (cf. Fig. 21 Right). These species produce fruit that is highly appreciated by 

different animals, mainly birds, peccaries, opossums and monkeys. Hunters may wait at

stands, or they place traps near these tree species. The Shuar clearly discern between these 

species and other wild species which also bear fruit but which are not attractive to wildlife. 

Fig. 21: Left: Pasture of Urochloa spp., the most popular forage for raising cattle among the Shuar. 

Right: Fruits of Cremastosperma megalophyllum; several wild plant species that produce fruits and 

attract game are considered fodder plants by the Shuar, who protect them when clearing the forest. 

(Photos by A. Gerique 2004) 

POACEAE, with seven species, is the main family among the cultivated species. Six of them 

(Axonopus scoparius, Pennisetum purpureum, Setaria sphacelata, Urochloa cf. decumbens, 

Urochloa cf. brizantha and Eriochloa sp.) are forage grass species cultivated in pastures 

exclusively for feeding cattle (cf. Fig. 21 Left), a practice introduced in the Upper Nangaritza 

during the early seventies (cf. Ch. 3.1.5.1 and Ch. 6.1.3). The first two species are native and 

intergrade. Pennisetum purpureum, a common fodder grass in Morona Santiago Province (cf. 

Bennett et al. 2002: 238; Báez 1999: 106), seems to be of marginal use in the study area. It is 

mainly used to feed guinea pigs. Arachis pintoi is cultivated to improve pastures of Axonopus 

scoparius. Musa x paradisiaca, Inga oerstediana (and probably other Inga spp. as well) and 

Psydium guayava are cultivated and/or protected for feeding domestic animals and for human 

consumption. The use as fodder of other cultivated plants listed in Table 20 is a secondary 

use; these species are cultivated mainly for other purposes. 

Table 20: Shuar plant species used for fodder 

Family Species Life form Gathered in Parts used Animals fed Other uses 

ANACARDIACEAE Mauria sp. T Wf Fruits W MED, CON, 

FUE 

ANNONACEAE Cremastosperma 

megalophyllum 

T Wf Fruits W CON 

ARIALACEAE Schefflera sp. 1 T (Wf), Wn Fruits W CON 

ASTERACEAE Munnozia cf. senecionidis V Wn Leaves B (snails) 

CLUSIACEAE Chrysochlamys sp. 1 T Wf Fruits W MED, PDV 

CLUSIACEAE Tovomita wedderliana T Wf Fruits W 

EUPHORBIACEAE Alchornea glandulosa T Wf Fruits W MED, CON, 

FUE 

EUPHORBIACEAE Alchornea latifolia T Wf Fruits W CON, FUE 

EUPHORBIACEAE Caryodendron orinocense T Wf Fruits W FOO, FUE 

EUPHORBIACEAE Tetrorchidium sp. 1 T Wf Fruits W 

FABACEAE Arachis pintoi H C Seeds, leaves B (cattle) 

FABACEAE Erythrina sp. T C Fruits W CON, CRA 

103

Table 20: Shuar plant species used for fodder (continued) 

Family Species Life form Gathered in Parts used Animals fed Other uses 

FABACEAE Parkia sp. T Wf Fruits W CON, FOO 

LAURACEAE Nectandra sp. 1 T Wf Fruits W CON 

LORANTHACEAE Phthirusa pyrifolia S Wn Fruits W MED 

MELASTOMATACEAE Miconia cf.calvescens T Wf Fruits W FUE 

MELASTOMATACEAE Miconia triplinervis T Wf Fruits W 

MELASTOMATACEAE Miconia sp. 1 T Wf Fruits W 




MELASTOMATACEAE Miconia sp. 5 T Wn Fruits W 

MELIACEAE Guarea guidonia T (Wf), Wn Fruits W CON, FOO, 

MED, SHA 

MELIACEAE Guarea kunthiana T (Wf), Wn Fruits W CON, MED 

MELIACEAE Guarea sp. T Wf Fruits W 

MELIACEAE Genus indet. T Wf Fruits W CON, R/M, 

OTH 

MIMOSACEAE Inga oerstediana T Wn Fruits B (cattle) FUE 

MORACEAE Ficus sp. 2 T Wf, (Wn) Fruits W CON, OTH 

MUSACEAE Musa x paradisiaca H C Fruits B (cattle, pigs) FOO 

MYRTACEAE Myrcia aliena T Wn Fruits W 

MYRTACEAE Myrcia sp. T (Wf), Wn Fruits W T/C 

MYRTACEAE Psidium guajava T (C), Wn Fruits W, B (cattle) FOO 

PHYTOLACCACEAE Phytolacca rivinoides S Wn Fruits B (poultry) OTH, MED 

POACEAE Axonopus scoparius H C Whole plant B (cattle) 

POACEAE Eriochloa sp. H C Whole plant B (cattle) 

POACEAE Pennisetum purpureum H C Whole plant B (cattle, 

guinea pigs) 

POACEAE Setaria sphacelata H C Whole plant B (cattle) 

POACEAE Urochloa cf. decumbens H C Whole plant B (cattle) 

POACEAE Urochloa cf. brizantha H C Whole plant B (cattle) 

POACEAE Zea mays H C Whole plant, B (cattle, FOO 

corn 

poultry, pigs) 

RUBIACEAE Psychotria sp. 1 T Wf Fruits W 

SOLANACEAE Physalis peruviana S Wn Fruits W FOO, MED 

SOLANACEAE Solanum sp. 1 T Wn Fruits W 

SOLANACEAE Solanum sp. 2 V Wn Fruits W 

ULMACEAE Trema integerrima T Wf Fruits W FIB, T/C, 

FUE 

H: Herb, S: Shrub, T: Treelet/tree, V: Vine, C: Cultivated species, Wf: Wild species gathered in forest, Wn: Wild species 

gathered in other areas. The brackets indicate a secondary gathering place 

W: Wild animals, B: Breed animals 

CON: Construction, CRA: Crafts, FIB: Fibers, FOO: Food, FUE: Fuel, MED: Medicine, OTH: Other uses, R/M: Ritual/Mythical, 

SHA: Shade, PDV: Paint/Dye/Varnish, T/C: Tools/Containers, VET: Veterinary 

5.2.2.5 Plants used for fuel by the Shuar (FUE) 

No fewer than 30 plant species are used for fuel. Four of them are cultivated species and 36 

grow wild, mainly in forest (18) or disturbed areas and pastures (8) (Table 21). 

EUPHORBIACEAE (SIX species), MIMOSACEAE (4), and ARECACEAE (3) are the families with the 

highest number of species used for this purpose. Apart from five species, which provide nonwood 

fuels: resins (3), latex (2) and oil (1), all other plants are woody species. The use of 

resins, latex, and oil from plant species (Fevillea cordifolia, Mauria sp., Protium sp., Sapium 

sp.) for torches is now being substituted by modern electric lamps powered by batteries. With 

104

the exception of Sapium marmieri, all wild plant species used for fuel have other uses, the 

Shuar do not cultivate species for fuel alone. 

Table 21: Shuar plant species used for fuel 


form 

Gathered in Parts used Other uses 

Anacardiaceae Mauria sp. T Wf Resin CON, MED, FOD 

Arecaceae Iriartea deltoidea T (Wf), Wn Wood FOO, CON, T/C, BEE 

Arecaceae Socratea exorrhiza T (Wf), Wn Wood FOO, CON 

Arecaceae Wettinia maynensis T (Wf), Wn Wood FOO, CON, T/C 

Asteraceae Piptocoma discolor T (Wf), Wn Wood CON, SHA 

Burseraceae Dacryodes peruviana T Wf Wood FOO, CON 

Burseraceae Protium sp. T Wf Resin FOO, CON 

Cecropiaceae Pourouma guianensis T Wf Wood FOO 

Clusiaceae Garcinia sp. 2 T Wf Resin CON, PDV 

Clusiaceae Vismia sp. 1 T Wf Wood CON, PDV, OTH 

Cucurbitaceae Fevillea cordifolia V Wf Seeds (oil) MED 

Euphorbiaceae Alchornea glandulosa T Wf Wood CON, FOD, MED 

Euphorbiaceae Alchornea latifolia T Wf Wood CON, FOD 

Euphorbiaceae Caryodendron orinocense T Wf Wood FOO, FOD 

Euphorbiaceae Croton cf. lechleri T Wf Wood MED 

Euphorbiaceae Sapium marmieri T Wf Latex 

Euphorbiaceae Sapium sp. T Wf Latex FOD 

Lauraceae Persea americana T C Wood FOO, MED, CON 

Lecythidaceae Grias peruviana T Wf Wood FOO, MED 

Melastomataceae Miconia cf. calvescens T Wf Wood FOD 

Mimosaceae Inga edulis T C Wood FOO, MED, OTH 

Mimosaceae Inga oerstediana T Wn Wood FOD 

Mimosaceae Inga punctata T (Wf), Wn Wood FOO, CON, SHA 

Mimosaceae Inga striata T C Wood FOO 

Moraceae Ficus sp. 1 E Wf, (Wn) Wood CON, MED 

Myristicaceae Otoba glycicarpa T Wf Wood CON, MED 

Polygonaceae Triplaris sp. T Wn Wood CON 

Sapotaceae Pouteria caimito T C Wood FOO, CON 

Tiliaceae Heliocarpus americanus T (Wf), Wn Wood CON, CRA, FIB, VET 

Ulmaceae Trema integerrima T Wf Wood FIB, T/C, FOD 

E: Epiphyte/Hemi epiphyte, T: Treelet/tree, V: Vine, C: Cultivated species, Wf: Wild species gathered in the forest and in forest 

remnants, Wn: Wild species gathered in other areas. The brackets indicate a secondary gathering place. 

BEE: Beetle larvae breeding, CON: Construction, CRA: Crafts, FIB: Fibers, FOD: Fodder, FOO: Food, MED: Medicine, OTH: 

Other uses, SHA: Shade, PDV: Paint/Dye/Varnish, T/C: Tools/Containers, VET: Veterinary 

As expected, the most common fuel is wood. Four Inga species used for fuel have been 

identified, this genus being the most popular for fuel among the Shuar. According to Bennett 

(1992a: 601), the use of Inga species for fuel is favored among other Ecuadorian indigenous 

groups. Báez (1999: 131) mentioned that the Shuar use Inga spp. for fuel because these 

species are easy to burn and generate a lot of heat. Her study estimated the average wood fuel 

consumption per Shuar household as between two and four trees per month. The Shuar who 

live in traditional houses use more wood than those who live in Mestizo-like houses with 

corrugated iron roofs, as they have to keep a fire active in order to impregnate thatched roofs 

with smoke to deter insects. 

Most Shuar living in Shaime (78%) use gas cylinders for cooking, while the Shuar of 

Chumpias and Napints use firewood (cf. Park 2004: 24). This is due to two main reasons. 

105

Firstly, most houses in Shaime are built in the Mestizo style, which includes wooden floors; 

the use of fireplaces inside such houses is too dangerous and makes the use of gas cylinders 

necessary. Secondly, for the communities of Chumpias and Napints, these cylinders must be 

brought from far away thus making the use of such cylinders very difficult and expensive. To 

resolve this problem, the owner may use wood for fuel but does not construct a wooden floor. 

(Informant 11M 2004). At least one family in Shaime has faced its problem in another way, 

constructing two buildings. The one where the family resides was constructed in the Mestizo 

style, while the second building was made in the traditional style and includes the fireplace. 

According to Münzel (1977: 188), this is typical among prosperous Shuar households. Figure 

22 shows a kitchen in Napints with no wooden floor, but a corrugated iron roof. 

Fig. 22: Cooking fire in a household in Napints. (Photo by A. 

Gerique 2004) 

5.2.2.6 Ornamental plants of the Shuar (ORN) 

Twenty-two Shuar ornamental plant species were found (Table 22). Most of them (17) are 

cultivated species, from which one-third (6) has other uses. Another five species are wild 

growing species, four of them growing in forest areas. For instance, BROMELIACEAE are 

collected in the forest and replanted in home gardens, where three different species were 

identified. The Shuar also collect flowers of Psychotria poeppigiana in the forest and protect 

Drymonia hopii plants in chacras because of their attractive flowers. 

However, the majority of ornamental plant species are placed in home gardens or around new, 

modern buildings such as schools constructed by the regional Ecuadorian authorities. Young 

Shuar women have recently begun to bring ornamental plants like Clerodendrum thomsonae 

(Fig. 23 Left) to Shaime from Mestizo settlements (Informant 38F 2005). Caladium bicolor is 

the only ornamental plant cultivated for its beautiful leaves; all other species are cultivated or 

collected because of their beautiful bracts and inflorescences. According to the same source, 

gardens are considered an indicator of social progress, especially among women. The use of 

106

ornamental plants has probably been adopted from the Mestizo together with the introduction 

of “more civilized” buildings in the “rectangular urban style” (cf. Ch. 5.2.2.3). 

Table 22: Shuar ornamental plants 

Family Species Life form Gathered in Other uses 

ACANTHACEAE Hypoestes sp. H C 

AMARANTHACEAE Alternanthera sp. 2 H C 

AMARANTHACEAE Alternanthera sp. 3 H C 

APOCYNACEAE Allamanda cathartica S C 

ARACEAE Caladium bicolor H C VET 

ARACEAE Dieffenbachia sp. 2 H C 

ASTELIACEAE Cordyline fruticosa H C 

ASTERACEAE Genus indet. H C 

BALSAMINACEAE Impatiens walleriana H C 

BROMELIACEAE Aechmea sp. 2 E Wf 

BROMELIACEAE Aechmea sp. 3 E Wf 

BROMELIACEAE Tillandsia complanata E Wf 

CAESALPINACEAE Senna Reticulata S C 

CAPPARACEAE Cleome sp. S C 

GESNERIACEAE Drymonia hoppii V (Wf), Wn 

MALVACEAE Hibiscus rosa-sinensis S C OTH 

MALVACEAE Malvaviscus sp. S C OTH 

RUBIACEAE Psychotria poeppigiana H Wf 

SOLANACEAE Brugmansia sp. 1 S C MED, R/M 

SOLANACEAE Brunfelsia grandiflora S C R/M 

VERBENACEAE Clerodendrum thomsonae S C 

VERBENACEAE Lantana moritziana S C 

H: Herb, E: Epiphyte/Hemi epiphyte, L: Liana, S: Shrub, T: Treelet/tree, V: Vine, C: Cultivated species, Wf: Wild species 

gathered in the forest and in forest remnants, Wn: Gathered in other areas. The brackets indicate a secondary gathering place. 

MED: Medicine, OTH: Other uses, R/M: Ritual/Mythical, VET: Veterinary 

Fig. 23: Left: Clerodendron thomsonae, a recently introduced ornamental species cultivated in a 

Shuar home garden in Shaime. Right: Crescentia cujete fruits in a home garden in Napints. These 

fruits are used to make the typical chicha bowls. (Photos by A. Gerique 2004 (right), 2005 (left)) 

107

5.2.2.7 Plants used to make tools and containers by the Shuar (T/C) 

The Shuar use at least 22 different plant species to construct artefacts and containers (Table 

23). Almost a third of the plant species used (6) are palm trees (ARECACEAE). This family is 

the only one represented by more than one plant species. Trees are the most common habit 

among the species used (14 species). Most of the plants used to fashion tools and containers 

(16) are wild growing plants, nine of them growing principally in forest areas and seven in 

disturbed land. Four species are being cultivated exclusively to make such items; they have no 

other uses; Crescentia cujete (Fig. 23 Right) is being cultivated to make the traditional chicha 

bowls, while the interior of the fruits of Luffa cylindrica is used to make resilient dishcloths. 

The wood of the fast growing Schizolobium parahyba is appreciated in order to produce 

boxes and Scleria sp. is being cultivated to make tools and baskets. 

Table 23: Shuar plants used to make tools and containers 


form 

108 

Gathered in Parts used Uses Other uses 

ARACEAE Monstera sp. E Wf Leaves Top of pots FOO 

ARECACEAE Chamaedorea 

pinnatifrons 

T Wf Rachis Roast spit 

ARECACEAE Geonoma stricta T Wf Rachis Roast spit 

ARECACEAE Iriartea deltoidea T (Wf), Wn Stem, Rachis, 

Leaves 

Barge-poles, wais*, 

brooms, mats 

BEE, CON, 

FOO, H/F, 

FUE, 

ARECACEAE Mauritia flexuosa T C Rachis Barge-poles FOO, OTH 

ARECACEAE Oenocarpus bataua T (Wf), (Wn), C Rachis Baskets FOO, CON, 

BEE 

ARECACEAE Wettinia maynensis T (Wf), Wn Stem 

FOO, CON, 

Wais* 

FUE 

BIGNONIACEAE Crescentia cujete T C Fruit Bowls 

CAESALPINACEAE Schizolobium 

parahyba 

T C Wood Tools, boxes 

CUCURBITACEAE Luffa cylindrica V C Fruit Dishcloths 

CYCLANTHACEAE Carludovica palmata H Wf, (C) Petiole Baskets FOO, CON, 

H/F 

CYPERACEAE Scleria sp. H C Unknown Tools, baskets 

EUPHORBIACEAE Mabea sp. T Wf Stem Barge-poles 

FABACEAE Mucuna sp. 2 V Wn Seeds Abaci MED, CRA 

MARANTACEAE 

Ischnosiphon 

annulatus 

T Wf Bark Baskets FOO, H/F 

MELASTOMATACEAE Monolena 

primulaeflora 

H Wf Wood Barge-poles, axe 

holds, wáis* 

MYRTACEAE Myrcia sp. T (Wf), Wn Wood Hand tools, bow 

yokes, swivels, 

plough handles 

SCROPHULARIACEAE Scoparia dulcis H Wn Whole plant Brooms MED 

TILIACEAE Apeiba membranacea T Wf Fruit Combs CON, CRA 

ULMACEAE Trema integerrima T Wf Bark Baskets FIB, FUE, 

FOD 

URTICACEAE Urera caracasana S Wn Whole plant Punishment 

instrument 

MED 

VERBENACEAE Stachytarpheta 

cayennensis 

S Wn Whole plant Brooms 

E: Epyphyte/Hemi-epyphyte, H: Herb, S: Shrub, T: Treelet/tree, V: Vine, C: Cultivated species, Wf: Wild species gathered in the 

forest and in forest remnants, Wn: Wild species gathered in other areas. The brackets indicate a secondary gathering place. 

*: see glossary of local terms. BEE: Beetle larvae breeding, CON: Construction, CRA: Crafts, H/F: Hunting/Fishing, FIB: Fibers, 

FOD: Fodder, FOO: Food, FUE: Fuel, MED: Medicine, OTH: Other uses 

CON

The plant parts used vary. The rachis among the ARECACEAE and wood and fruits are the most 

common parts used. The seeds of Mucuna sp. 2 are used to make abaci. Hard wood is valued 

for making the traditional wais, barge poles, and axe-holds. In a few cases, the Shuar use the 

whole plant, e.g., Urera caracasana, a nettle used as a punishment instrument, and 

Stachytarpheta cayennensis, which is used as a broom. According to the informants, all 

families own plastic containers; however, they still weave traditional baskets made from at 

least five different species. 

5.2.2.8 Plants used for hunting and fishing by the Shuar (H/F) 

This category encompasses 17 species (Table 24). The Shuar collect eight wild species (four 

principally in disturbed areas and four in forest areas) and cultivate nine species. Once again, 

the botanical family of the ARECACEAE is the most represented, with three species. In order to 

hunt wildlife, the Shuar use blowguns and lances made of chonta (Bactris gasipaes) and 

Iriartea deltoidea trunks, dart air seals made of Gossypium barbadense and Ceiba samauma, 

and wad from the latter species and Ischnosiphon annulatus, which is stuffed into the 

blowguns and carbine pipes to plug them. 

Table 24: Plants used for hunting and fishing by the Shuar 


form 

Gathered in Game type and use Parts used Other uses 

Acanthaceae Dicliptera sp. H (Wf), C F (poison) Unknown MED 

Arecaceae Bactris gasipaes T C, (Wn) O, F (blowguns, 

lances) 

Arecaceae Iriartea deltoidea T (Wf), Wn O, F (blowguns, 

lances) 

Arecaceae Oenocarpus bataua T (Wf), Wn, (C) F (nets), O (darts) Leaves, 

Petiole 

Asteraceae Clibadium sp. S C F (poison) Leaves 

Bombacaceae Ceiba samauma T C O (wad, air seals) Seed hairs 

Bromeliaceae Aechmea sp. 1 E Wf O (traps) Leaves 

Trunk FOO, CON, 

BEE 

Stem FOO, CON, 

FUE, BEE, T/C 

CON, FOO, T/C, 

OTH 

Cyclanthaceae Carludovica palmata H (C), Wf F (nets) Petiole FOO, CON, T/C 

Euphorbiaceae Phyllanthus sp. 1 H C F (poison) Leaves 

Fabaceae Hymenolobium sp. T C F (poison) Roots 

Fabaceae Lonchocarpus nicou S C F (poison) Roots 

Heliconiaceae Heliconia sp. 1 H Wn F (nets) Stem CON 

Malvaceae Gossypium barbadense S C O (dart air seals) Seed hairs FIB 

Marantaceae Ischnosiphon annulatus T Wf F (nets), O (wad) Bark FOO, T/C 

Piperaceae Piper sp. 1 S Wn F (fishing poles) Stem MED 

Rubiaceae Uncaria tomentosa L Wf F (nets) Bark MED 

Solanaceae Capsicum cf. annuum S C F (poison) Fruit FOO 

E: Epiphyte/Hemi epiphyte, H: Herb, L: Liana, S: Shrub, T: Treelet/tree, C: Cultivated species, Wf: Wild species gathered in the 

forest and in forest remnants, Wn: Wild species gathered in other areas, F: Fish, O: Other animals. The brackets indicate a 

secondary gathering place 

BEE: Beetle larvae breeding, CON: Construction, FIB: Fibers, FOO: Food, FUE: Fuel, MED: Medicine, OTH: Other uses, T/C: 

Tools/Containers 

Fourteen species are used in fishing. Almost half of them (6) are used as fish poison, and the 

fibers of five species are used to make nets for fishing. The stem of another species, Piper sp. 

1, is used to make fishing poles. The above mentioned lances made of Bactris gasipaes and 

Iriartea deltoidea are used for fishing as well. In order to fish, the Shuar usually make a 

109

provisional dam to slow the flow of water. They then make a small hole in the ground and put 

in leaves of Phyllanthus sp., grind the leaves in the hole and take the leaves and the earth to 

the creek or river where they want to fish. To complete the procedure they grind the roots of 

barbasco (Lonchocarpus nicou) (cf. Fig. 24 Left) and/or of Hymenolobium sp. and spread 

them in the water. These species are sometimes mixed with Dicliptera sp. and Capsicum cf. 

annum as intensifiers. The Shuar use the leaves of the unique wild growing poisonous species, 

Clibadium sp., to fish in a similar way. The plant toxins inhibit oxygen exchange causing fish 

to float to the surface (cf. Bennett et al. 2002: 60) or to become numb. The fish can then be 

easily caught downstream. However, it should not be used together with Lonchocarpus nicou. 

According to the informants, these species lose their properties if they are used 

simultaneously. 

Fig. 24: Left: Roots of Lonchocarpus nicou, a fish poison cultivated in forest gardens. Right: Coix 

lacryma-jobi cultivated in a Shuar home garden in Shaime. The seeds are used to make necklaces 

and bracelets. (Photos by A. Gerique 2004 (Left), 2005 (Right)) 

5.2.2.9 Plants used to make crafts (CRA) 

Fifteen plant species being used by the Shuar to make crafts have been identified (Table 24). 

Fabaceae (5) and Poaceae (4) are the families that include the highest number of species. 

Seeds are used to create bracelets and necklaces, while the wood from the stem is used to 

fashion carvings and musical instruments. Only two species, Arundo donax and Coix 

lacryma-jobi (Fig. 24 Right), are cultivated exclusively to make crafts. Catholic missionaries 

who used it to make rosary beads (Bennett et al. 2002: 43) probably introduced the latter plant 

to Ecuador. The other cultivated species, Canna indica, and Renealmia alpinia, have other 

uses as well. Ten species are wild growing, while Renealmia alpinia grows both wild and 

under cultivation. At least one household in Shaime produces crafts for sale. Several Shuar 

wear handcrafts daily. 

110

Table 25: Plant species used by the Shuar for crafts 


form 

Gathered in Part used Uses Other uses 

Araceae Rhodospatha sp. 1 H Wf Unknown Dance accessoires 

Bombacaceae Ochroma pyramidale T Wn Stem Carvings CON, OTH 

Cannaceae Canna indica H C Seeds Bracelets, necklaces FOO, OTH 

Fabaceae Dioclea sp. V Wn Seeds Necklaces 

Fabaceae 

Fabaceae 

Erythrina sp. 

Mucuna sp. 1 

T 

V 

C 

Wn 

Seeds 

Seeds 

Necklaces CON, FOD 

Bracelets, necklaces 

Fabaceae Mucuna sp. 2 V Wn Seeds Bracelets, necklaces MED, T/C 

Fabaceae Ormosia sp. T Wn Seeds Bracelets, necklaces 

Poaceae Arundo donax H C Stem Flutes 

Poaceae Coix lacryma-jobi H C Seeds Bracelets, necklaces 

Poaceae Guadua angustifolia H Wn Stem Flutes CON 

Poaceae Lasiacis sorghoidea H Wf Stem Toys (air guns) 

Tiliaceae Apeiba membranacea T Wf Stem Drums CON, T/C 

Tiliaceae Heliocarpus americanus T (Wf), Wn Stem Carvings CON, FIB, FUE, VET 

Zingiberaceae Renealmia alpinia H (Wf), Wn, (C) Seeds Bracelets, necklaces FOO 

H: Herb, T: Treelet/Tree, V: Vine, Cf: Cultivated species in forest gardens, C: Cultivated species, Wf: Wild species gathered in 

the forest and in forest remnants, Wn: Wild species gathered in other areas. The brackets indicate a secondary gathering place. 

CON: Construction, FIB: Fibers, FOD: Fodder, FOO: Food, FUE: Fuel, MED: Medicine, OTH: Other uses, T/C: 

Tools/Containers, VET: Veterinary 

5.2.2.10 Ritual and mythical plants of the Shuar (R/M) 

In total, the Shuar use 15 plant species for ritual or mythical purposes, mostly because of their 

hallucinogenic properties (Table 26). Nine of them are cultivated species, while six species 

are gathered in the forest. SOLANACEAE is the family with the highest number of species (4) in 

this category, all of them cultivated. Most species (9) are easy to find around the houses as 

cultivated plants. 

Some of the species in this category, including Banisteriopsis caapi (cf. Fig. 25 Left), 

Dieffenbachia sp. 1, Peperomia sp. 1, and Brugmansia sp. 1) are used to cure illnesses by 

seeing, in trance, the ailments or the organs affected. Bennett (1992b: 44) noted that the use of 

this Peperomia sp. as a hallucinogen is unique among this genus. Other plants are used for 

spiritual and physical purification in ceremonies. Among them, the most important species are 

Banisteriopsis caapi, Brugmansia sp. 1 and Nicotiana tabacum. Bennett et al. (2002: 81) 

described their uses and importance of the latter species and commented that the 

psychoactives used by the Shuar are similar to those of other Jívaroan groups. 

In the past, Bixa orellana was used to color faces during festivals and ceremonies, while the 

dye of Genipa americana was used to paint the figure of a snake on the victim of a snake bite 

during the fiesta de la culebra (cf. Ch. 5.2.2.1). The rhizome of Zingiber officinale (ginger) 

has a ritual application as well. Hunters eat it in order to ensure enough wildlife. Other species 

are not consumed, but have an important mythical purpose. Drymonia coccinea is a wild vine 

that appears in Shuar legends, and two species, Mansoa sp. and an undetermined MELIACEAE, 

are planted around houses as protection against maledictions. 

111

Table 26: Shuar ritual/mythical plants 


form 

ARACEAE Dieffenbachia sp. 1 H Wf Roots 

ARACEAE Philodendron sp. 1 E Wf Roots 

112 

Gathered in Parts used Other uses 

BIGNONIACEAE Mansoa sp. L Wf Whole plant VET 

BIXACEAE Bixa orellana T C Seeds MED, FOO, DPV 

CYPERACEAE Cyperus sp. 2 H C Rhizomes MED 

GESNERIACEAE Drymonia coccinea V Wf Whole plant 

MALPIGHIACEAE Banisteriopsis caapi L C Stem 

MALPIGHIACEAE Banisteriopsis sp. L Wf Unknown (leaves?) 

MELIACEAE Genus indet. T Wf Unknown CON, FOD, OTH 

PIPERACEAE Peperomia sp. H C Leaves MED 

RUBIACEAE Genipa americana T C Fruits (paint) MED, DPV 

SOLANACEAE Brugmansia sp. 1 S C Bark MED, ORN 

SOLANACEAE Brunfelsia grandiflora S C Leaves, stem ORN 

SOLANACEAE Nicotiana tabacum H C Unknown (juice?) MED 

ZINGIBERACEAE Zingiber officinale H C Rhizome MED 

E: Epiphyte/Hemi epiphyte, H: Herb, L: Liana, S: Shrub, T: Treelet/tree, C: Cultivated species, Wf: Wild species gathered in the 

forest and in forest remnants, Wn: Wild species gathered in other areas 

CON: Construction, FOD: Fodder, MED: Medicine, ORN: Ornamental, OTH: Other uses, PDV: Paint/Dye/Varnish, VET: 

Veterinary 

Fig. 25: Left: Banisteriopsis caapi, a liana cultivated in home gardens. It is a ritual and hallucinogenic 

plant of prime importance for the Shuar culture. Right: Anthurium rubrinervium, a common forest 

species. The leaves are used to improve the hunting ability of dogs. They are also given to babies to 

help them begin to speak. (Photos by A. Gerique 2004) 

5.2.2.11 Plants used in veterinary by the Shuar (VET) 

The Shuar know at least 15 different plant species used in veterinary. Eleven are wild 

growing, most of them gathered in the forest (9). Four species are cultivated in home gardens. 

Eleven plant species are used to treat dogs. This practice is well documented in the literature 

(cf. Münzel 1977: 89), and confirms the results of Bennett et al. (2002: 87), who reported that 

the Shuar consider dogs to be of great value. However, and according to the informants, these 

animals have lost part of their importance as hunt-helpers, but still protect the households 

from rodents and intruders. Six plant species are given to dogs to improve their hunting 

ability. Figure 25 (Right) shows one of these species, namely Anthurium rubrinervium.

Scabies is treated with at least three species (cf. Table 27); the bark of Tabernaemontana 

sananho is used to treat rabies, and the bark of Brugmansia sp. 3 is used to treat dogs 

vomiting blood. The leaves of Caladium bicolor are used to treat dogs and other animals 

infested with worms. 

Table 27: Shuar veterinary plants 


form 

SELAGINELLACEAE Selaginella 

geniculata 

Gathered in Parts used Problems treated Other uses 

F Wf Leaves (raw) Poultry parasites OTH 

ACANTHACEAE Fittonia albivenis H Wf Leaves (raw) Hunting ability of dogs MED 


sananho 

ARACEAE Anthurium 

rubrinervium 

H Wf Bark 

(decoction) 

Rabies, scabies (dogs), 

& aphthous fever (cattle) 

H Wf Leaves (raw) Hunting ability of dogs MED 

ARACEAE Caladium bicolor H C Leaves (raw) Hunting ability of dogs, 

vermifuge 

ASTERACEAE Mikania sp. 1 S Wf Stem (raw 

juice) 

Hunting ability of dogs 

ASTERACEAE Munnozia sp. S Wn Leaves (raw) Delivery problems (cows) 

BIGNONIACEAE Mansoa sp. L Wf Sap (dilution) Poultry pest R/M 

MONIMIACEAE Mollinedia sp. T C Unknown Unknown (dogs) 

FOO, MED 

SIMAROUBACEAE Picramnia sellowii T Wf Sap (raw) Dog scabies MED, PDV 

SIMAROUBACEAE Picramnia sp. T Wf Sap (raw) Dog scabies 

SOLANACEAE Brugmansia sp. 3 S C Bark (unknown) Dogs vomiting blood MED 

SOLANACEAE Larnax sp. S C Juice of stem 

(unknown) 

Hunting ability of dogs 

TILIACEAE Heliocarpus 

americanus 

ORN 

T (Wf), Wn Sap Cattle heatstroke CON, CRA, 

FIB, FUE 

ULMACEAE Celtis iguanaea T Wf Unknown Hunting ability of dogs 

F: Fern, H: Herb, L: Liana, S: Shrub, T: Treelet/tree, C: Cultivated species, Wf: Wild species gathered in the forest and in forest 

remnants, Wn: Wild species gathered in other areas. The brackets indicate a secondary gathering place. 

CON: Construction, CRA: Crafts, FIB: Fibers, FOO: Food, FUE: Fuel, MED: Medicine, ORN: Ornamental, OTH: Other uses, 

R/M: Ritual/Mythical, PDV: Paint/Dye/Varnish 

Furthermore, at least two species are used to treat poultry. The leaves of a fern, Selaginella 

geniculata, are collected to kill their parasites, while Mansoa sp. is used to treat fowl pest. 

The Shuar use at least three plant species to treat cattle. The bark of Tabernaemontana 

sananho is used to treat aphthous fever, and the leaves of Munnozia sp. are used to extract the 

placenta if it is not correctly expelled following birth. Finally, the bark of Heliocarpus 

americanus is used to treat cattle heatstroke. The latter use is very common among Mestizo 

ranchers and has probably been adopted by the Shuar. 

5.2.2.12 Plants used by the Shuar to dye, to paint or to varnish (DPV) 

The Shuar use nine species for dye, paint and varnish (Table 28). Seven are wild species 

growing in forest areas, of which five belong to the CLUSIACEAE. Three Vismia species are 

used as dye and paint, while Chrysochlamys sp. 1 and Garcinia sp. 2 are used to glaze and to 

varnish. 

The Shuar heat up and use the resin found near the stipules of Elaeagia karstenii to glaze pots 

and to varnish crafts, and Shuar women use the sap of the leaves of Picramnia sellowii to dye 

113

textiles. Two other species in this category, Bixa orellana (Fig. 26 Left) and Genipa 

Americana are cultivated and also used to dye textiles. In the past, they were used more often, 

especially to color their faces and bodies during festivals and ceremonies (cf. Ch. 5.2.2.10). 

Paints used in ceremonies are described under the category Ritual/Mythical. 

Table 28: Plants used by the Shuar for dye, paints, and varnish production 


form 

114 

Gathered in Uses Parts used Other uses 

BIXACEAE Bixa orellana T C Paint, colorant Seeds FOO, MED 

CLUSIACEAE Chrysochlamys sp. 1 T Wf Glaze Resin MED, FOD 

CLUSIACEAE Garcinia sp. 2 T Wf Varnish Resin CON, FUE 

CLUSIACEAE Vismia confertiflora T Wf Dye, paint Sap 

CLUSIACEAE Vismia sp. 1 T Wf Dye, paint Sap CON, FUE, OTH 

CLUSIACEAE Vismia sp. 2 T Wf Dye, paint Sap 

RUBIACEAE Elaeagia karstenii T Wf Glaze, varnish Resin 

RUBIACEAE Genipa americana T C Dye, paint Fruits MED, R/M 

SIMAROUBACEAE Picramnia sellowii T Wf, (Wn) Dye Sap MED, VET 

T: Treelet/tree, C: Cultivated species, Wf: Wild species gathered in the forest and in forest remnants, Wn Wild species gathered 

in other areas. The brackets indicate a secondary gathering place. 

CON: Construction, FOD: Fodder, FOO: Food, FUE: Fuel, MED: Medicine, OTH: Other uses, R/M: Ritual/Mythical, VET: 

Veterinary 

Fig. 26: Left: Ipiak or achiote (Bixa orellana).The seeds are used to flavor and to color soups. They 

are used by the Shuar to color their faces during festivals and ceremonies and to treat fungi and other 

skin problems like pimples. Right: Katip urutch (Gossypium barbadense). The wad of cotton is used to 

apply remedies. In the past, cotton fibers were used to prepare blowgun dart airfoils. (Photos by A. 

Gerique 2004) 

5.2.2.13 Fiber plants of the Shuar (FIB) 

Seven plant species belonging to seven different families supply the Shuar with fibers to make 

cords, straps or leads or wad (Table 29). At this point it must be noted, that other plant species 

used for their fibers for more sophisticated and specific purposes are listed under other 

categories (cf. Ch. 5.2.2.7 and Ch. 5.2.2.8). Three species grow wild principally in disturbed 

areas and pastures, while another three species are collected in forest areas. Gossypium 

barbadense, cotton, is the only species cultivated for its fibers (Fig. 26 Right). It is used as 

wad to apply remedies against different ailments. All other species are wild species with more 

than one use with the exception of Serjania sp., a vine from which the Shuar extract cord from

the stem. Among the Shuar of the studied communities, no weaving or spinning of natural 

fibers has been reported; nowadays they wear store-bought clothes bought in Guayzimi or 

from Mestizo merchants who visit Shaime. 

Table 29: Shuar plant species used for fibers 

Family Species Life form Gathered in Parts used Other uses 

Araceae Rhodospatha sp. 2 E Wf Roots (as a cord) MED 

Clusiaceae Chrysochlamys sp. 2 T Wf Bark CON 

Heliconiaceae Heliconia sp. 1 H Wn Stem CON 

Malvaceae Gossypium barbadense S C Seed hairs H/F 

Sapindaceae Serjania sp. V Wn Stem 

Tiliaceae Heliocarpus americanus T (Wf), Wn Bark CON, CRA, FUE, VET 

Ulmaceae Trema integerrima T Wf Bark T/C, FUE, FOD 

E: Epiphyte/Hemi epiphyte, H: Herb, S: Shrub, T: Treelet/tree, V: Vine, C: Cultivated species, Wf: Wild species gathered in the 

forest and in forest remnants, Wn: Wild species gathered in other areas. The brackets indicate a secondary gathering place. 

CON: Construction, CRA: Crafts, H/F: Hunting/Fishing, FOD: Fodder, FOO: Food, FUE: Fuel, MED: Medicine, T/C: 

Tools/Containers, VET: Veterinary 

5.2.2.14 Production of beetle larvae (BEE) 

This small use category is related to the food category and includes only two families and five 

species (cf. Table 30). Four of the five species are palm trees. The Shuar protect these species 

(all of them having other uses) in order to breed the larvae of the palm weevils (probably 

Rhynchophorus palmarum and/or Rhinostomus barbirostris), which are considered a culinary 

delicacy. The use of plants for the production of edible beetle larvae has been described 

among the Shuar by Bennett et al. (2002) and by Báez (1999: 108). The use for food of the 

palm weevils is very common among the indigenous people of the Amazon and provides an 

important dietary supplement (Choo et al. 2009: 113). 

Table 30: Plants protected by the Shuar for the production of edible beetle larvae 

Family Species Life form Growing in Parts used Other uses 

ARECACEAE Bactris gasipaes T C, (Wn) Trunk FOO, CON, T/C 

ARECACEAE Iriartea deltoidea T (Wf), Wn Trunk FOO, CON, T/C, FUE 

ARECACEAE Mauritia flexuosa T C Trunk FOO, T/C 

ARECACEAE Oenocarpus bataua T (Wf), C Trunk FOO, CON, H/F, T/C 

RHAMNACEAE Gouania sp. 2 V Wn Stem MED 

T: Treelet/tree, V: Vine, C: Cultivated species, Wf: Wild species growing in the forest, Wn: Wild species growing in other areas. 

The brackets indicate a secondary gathering place. CON: Construction, H/F: Hunting/Fishing, FOO: Food, FUE: Fuel, MED: 

Medicine, T/C: Tools/Containers 

5.2.2.15 Shade trees of the Shuar (SHA) 

The Shuar protect several useful trees growing in their pastures. These trees offer shade for 

cattle. The Shuar explicitly mentioned the management of five tree species for this purpose. 

One species, an undetermined MORACEAE (probably a Ficus sp.), was protected during the 

forest clearing process, while all other species grew after establishing the pastures, and have 

been tolerated since then. All protected shade species have at least one second use (cf. Table 

31). 

115

Table 31: Trees protected/tolerated by the Shuar for cattle shade 

Family Species Other uses 

ASTERACEAE Piptocoma discolor CON, FUE 

MELIACEAE Guarea guidonia CON, FOO, MED, FOD 

MIMOSACEAE Inga oerstediana CON, FUE, FOD 

MIMOSACEAE Inga punctata FOO, CON, FUE 

MORACEAE Genus indet. 3 MED 

T: Treelet/tree, CON: Construction, FOO: Food, MED: Medicine, FOD: Fodder, FUE: Fuel 

5.2.2.16 Plants with other uses of the Shuar (OTH) 

Apart from the plants described within the above listed use categories, 14 species with other 

uses have been recorded (cf. Table 32). Nine of them are wild species (five growing 

essentially in forest areas) and five are cultivated species. All of them have at least one second 

use. Four species are used for personal applications; Caesalpinia pulcherrima and Phytolacca 

rivinoides are used as soap (cf. Fig. 27 Right). The latter species is also used as shampoo. 

Furthermore, the Shuar make perfume using the leaves of an undetermined MELIACEAE and 

the flowers of an undetermined ORCHIDACEAE. 

Fig. 27: Left: Urera caracasana. This species is used to punish children and adults by rubbing them 

with the branches. Its roots are used to make hair baths to treat hair loss, and to prepare an 

insecticide. Right: Phytolacca rivinoides. The Shuar crush and use the fruits of this plant to wash 

colored laundry. (Photos by A. Gerique 2004) 

Three species are used in agriculture; Canna indica is cultivated in chacras in order to avoid 

the rotting of Manihot esculenta plants, the leaves of Inga edulis are used in a mixture as 

fertilizer, and an insecticide is prepared by using Urera caracasana specimens (cf. Fig. 27 

Left). The Shuar of Shaime cultivate Hibiscus rosa-sinensis and Malvaviscus sp. shrubs as 

living fences for their home gardens. And in order to produce poison, the Shuar use Vismia 

sp. 1 and Ipomoea sp. 2. Apparently, the latter species is used to commit suicide. Two tree 

species have been mentioned as indicators; the anthesis of Vernonanthura patens marks the 

arrival of the rainy season, and the presence of a Ficus sp. 2 indicates boggy areas. Finally, 

the leaves of a fern, Selaginella geniculata, are collected and used to store eggs; it is said that 

they keep them fresh. 

116

Table 32: Plants used by the Shuar for other purposes 


Life 

form 

Gathered in Parts used Uses Other uses 

SELAGINELLACEAE Selaginella geniculata F Wf Leaves Egg conservation VET 

ASTERACEAE Vernonanthura patens T Wn Whole plant Seasonal indicator 

CON, FUE, 

MED 

CAESALPINACEAE Caesalpinia pulcherrima T C Root Soap PDV, MED 

CANNACEAE Canna indica H C Whole plant Biological pest control CRA, ORN 

CLUSIACEAE Vismia sp. 1 T Wf Sap Poison 

CON, FUE, 

PDV 

CONVOLVULACEAE Ipomoea sp. 2 V Wn Leaves Poison MED 

MALVACEAE Hibiscus rosa-sinensis S C Whole plant Living fence ORN 

MALVACEAE Malvaviscus sp. S C Whole plant Living fence ORN 

MELIACEAE Genus indet. T Wf Leaves Perfume 

CON, FOD, 

R/M 

MIMOSACEAE Inga edulis T C Leaves Fertilizer 

FOO, MED, 

FUE 

MORACEAE Ficus sp. 2 T Wf Whole plant Soil indicator CON, FOD 

ORCHIDACEAE Genus indet. 5 E Wf Flowers Perfume FOO 

PHYTOLACCACEAE Phytolacca rivinoides S Wn Fruits Soap, shampoo FOD, MED 

URTICACEAE Urera caracasana H Wn Leaves Insecticide MED, T/C 

E: Epiphyte/Hemi-epiphyte, F: Fern, H: Herb, S: Shrub, T: Treelet/tree, V: Vine, C: Cultivated species, Wf: Wild species 

gathered in the forest and in forest remnants, Wn: Wild species gathered in other areas 

CON: Construction, CRA: Crafts, FOD: Fodder, FOO: Food, FUE: Fuel, MED: Medicine, ORN: Ornamental, R/M: 

Ritual/Mythical, PDV: Paint/Dye/Varnish, T/C: Tools/Containers, VET: Veterinary 

5.2.3 Other plants and fungi used by the Shuar of the Upper Nangaritza 

Ten fungi were identified in the Shuar communities under study. Nine of them are edible (cf. 

Fig. 28, Right) and two fungi, Lentinus sp. (cf. Fig. 28, Left) and Auricularia sp. 1, are used 

as instruments. The first fungus is used as an instrument to situate the navel of neonates 

correctly. The Shuar use the latter species as an instrument to clean the ears of babies. Table 

33 shows the recorded fungi, their uses, and the locations where they were found. 

Table 33: Fungi used by the Shuar 

Family Genus Shuar name Use Location 

MYCENACEAE Favolaschia sp.? Sushuiesemp Food Shaime 

POLYPORACEAE Lentinus sp. Untúch Food, Tool (med) Shaime 

POLYPORACEAE Genus indet. Kakiras Food Shaime 

TREMELLACEAE Auricularia sp. 1 Name unknown Tool (med) Shaime 

TREMELLACEAE Auricularia sp. 2 Ukajip Food Shaime 

TRICHOLOMATACEAE? Genus indet. Mukush Food Shaime 

TRICHOLOMATACEAE? Genus indet. Pojutsarum Food Shaime, Shamatak 

XYLARIACEAE Xylaria sp. Name unknown Food Chumpias 

FAMILY INDET. Genus indet. Ishui disim Food Shaime 

FAMILY INDET. Genus indet. Munkurua Food Shaime 

Roman Krettek kindly identified the fungi 

According to the informants, as a rule, fungi are eaten by the older generation; young Shuar 

often do not eat them. In 2005, Chinese workers at a neighboring gold mine used to buy fungi 

from the Shuar. However, the mine was sold to another enterprise (and later closed) and the 

Chinese moved out of the Upper Nangaritza, putting an end to this business. 

117

Fig. 28: Left: Untúch (Lentinus sp.), a fungus used to situate the navel of neonates correctly Right: 

Ukajip (Auricularia sp.2), a common edible fungus. (Photos by A. Gerique 2004) 

Lastly, some species (33) mentioned during the interviews have not been included in the 

inventory because (a) their existence has not been confirmed or (b) they may already be listed 

under another local name. Table 34 shows these species, and includes information about their 

uses, the place where they are apparently used, life form, the parts used and a probable 

identification. 

Plant vouchers of two previous ethnobotanical studies stored in the Herbarium of the UNL 

(Universidad Nacional de Loja) which include information about the communities under 

research (Santín 2004; Van den Eyden 2004) were checked. This cross-check revealed the 

presence of a further 14 useful species that were not found during fieldwork. They are listed 

in Table 35. 

118

Table 34: Non identified plant species used by the Shuar of the Upper Nangaritza 

Local name Uses Description of the uses Location Life form Parts used Family? Scientific name? 

Amarillo CON Commercial timber Shaime Tree Stem ? 

Ankauk MED The leaves are used to treat delivery 

haemorrhages 

Napints Herb Leaves ? ? 

Calopogonio FOD Fodder for cattle Napints Herb The plant FABACEAE? Calopogonium mucucunoides? 

Chikeena MED Remedy for liver pain Napints ? Leaves, 

Seeds 

? ? 

Chikiar numi FOD Birds eat the fruits Shaime Tree Fruit ? ? 

Chipiar FUE Fuel Chumpias ? ? ? ? 

Chuckchu MED Unknown Napints ? ? ? ? 

Cosa cosa MED, FIB It is used to regulate blood pressure and to 

make cords 

Shamatak Herb ? MALVACEAE? Sida sp.? 

Eewe naek T/C Basket-making Napints Vine Stem ? ? 

Gemait katip MED It is used to treat bronchitis in children Napints Herb ? ? ? 

Kaap T/C The aerial roots are used to make baskets Chumpias, Napints Hemi-epiphyte Roots ARACEAE? Heteropsis oblongifolia? 

Kagua CON The stem is used to construct canoes Shamatak Tree Stem ? ? 

Kaip Unknown Unknown Napints Vine ? BIGNONIACEAE? Mansoa sp.? 

Kankum FIB, T/C Cords and basket-making Napints Vine Stem MORACEAE? ? 

Kater CRA Crafts Napints ? ? ? ? 

Macas timiu H/F Poison used for fishing, brought from 

Macas 

Napints Shrub Roots Fabaceae? Lonchocarpus ? 

Makich CRA It is used to make crafts, it comes from 

Peru 

Napints ? ? ? ? 

Matut 

OTH, MED, 

CON, 

FOD 

It is used in Napints as perfume, and the 

seeds are medicinal. The stem is used for 

construction and birds eat the fruits 

Chumpias, Napints Tree Stem, Seeds, 

Fruits 

? ? 

Nupi CRA Crafts Napints Tree Seeds SAPOTACEAE? Pouteria sp.? 

Pasto azul FOD Fodder for cattle Napints Herb Whole plant POACEAE? ? 

Pingui CRA Crafts Chumpias ? ? ? ? 

Pinin CRA Crafts Chumpias ? ? ? ? 

Ruda MED It has a medicinal use together with Piper 

umbellatum and Siparuna harlingii 

Shamatak Herb Leaves RUTACEAE? Ruta graveolens? 

Shímpi CON, T/C, H/F It is used to thatch and to make baskets 

and nets for fishing 

Shamatak ? ? ? ? 

Tampur CRA Crafts Chumpias ? ? ? ? 

Tanish CON It is used for construction Chumpias Palm tree ? ? ? 

Tsemantsem H/F It is used to fish Shamatak Herb ? ? ? 

Tuntui CRA Crafts Chumpias ? ? ? ? 

119

Table 34: Non identified plant species used by the Shuar of the Upper Nangaritza (continued) 

Local name Uses Description of the uses Location Life form Parts used Family? Scientific name? 

Wantsunt CON It is used for construction Napints Tree Stem FABACEAE? Sclerolobium sp.? 

Wapá FIB, FOD The Shuar make cords to bind canoes. 

The animals eat the fruits 

Shamatak Vine Stem, fruits 

? 

? 

Yamakai PDV, MED The fruits and the leaves are used for dye 

and for medicine 

Napints Tree Leaves, Fruits ? ? 

Yawan yagi VET It works like Banisteriopsis sp. Napints Herb Leaves MALPIGHIACEAE? Banisteriopsis sp.? 

Yuwich CON The stem is used to construct canoes Shamatak Tree Stem ? ? 

Note: The data on these species are based on the information given by the informants; the plants have not been seen. Therefore, they could have been listed under another name. 

CON: Construction, CRA: Crafts, H/F: Hunting/Fishing, FIB: Fibers, FOD: Fodder, PDV: Paint/Dye/Varnish, T/C: Tools/Containers, VET: Veterinary 

Table 35: Other plant species used by the Shuar of Chumpias, Shaime, and Shamatak (Identified by Santín (2004) and Van den Eyden (2004)) 

Family Scientific name Uses Location Collector 

ACTINIDIACEAE Saurauia pseudostrigillosa Food Shaime Santín 

ARECACEAE Astrocaryum urostachys Food Shamatak Van den Eyden 

ARECACEAE Desmoncus sp. Tools/Containers Chumpias Santín 

ARECACEAE Oenocarpus mapora Food Shamatak Van den Eyden 

CECROPIACEAE Pourouma bicolor Food, Fuel Shamatak Van den Eyden 

EUPHORBIACEAE Acalypha macrostachys Medicinal Chumpias Santín 

MELASTOMATACEAE Bellucia pentamera Food, Fuel Shamatak Van den Eyden 

MIMOSACEAE Inga acreana Fuel Shamatak Van den Eyden 

MIMOSACEAE Inga thibaudiana Food, Fuel Shamatak Van den Eyden 

MONIMIACEAE Mollinedia sp. Construction Shaime Santín 

MORACEAE Pleurothyrium sp. Construction Shaime, Chumpias Santín 

MORACEAE Pseudolmedia laevis Food, Fuel Shaime Van den Eyden 

STERCULIACEAE Theobroma bicolor Food, Fuel Shamatak Van den Eyden 

VIOLACEAE Leonia sp. Construction Shaime Santín 

120

5.3 RESULTS OF THE ETHNOBOTANICAL SURVEY AMONG THE SARAGUROS 

5.3.1 The ethnobotany of the Saraguros 

The ethnobotanical inventory of the Saraguros of El Tibio and El Cristal comprises 230 plant 

species with a total of 310 uses. Of these, 125 plants are wild and 113 are cultivated species, 

while eight species are represented in both categories. Of the recorded specimens, 99.1% have 

been identified to genus and 80.4% to species or species affinity. These belong to 88 families 

and to 181 genera. ASTERACEAE is the most represented family with 19 species, followed by 

POACEAE and SOLANACEAE with 17 species. The ROSACEAE are represented with 10 species. 

The left column in Table 36 includes the main botanical families according to the number of 

species. 

Table 36: Families with the highest number of species used by the Saraguros and FIVI* values 



ASTERACEAE 19 SOLANACEAE 22 (17) 

POACEAE 17 ASTERACEAE 22 (19) 

SOLANACEAE 17 POACEAE 20 (17) 

ROSACEAE 10 MYRTACEAE 14 (8) 

LAMIACEAE 8 LAMIACEAE 11 (8) 

MYRTACEAE 8 ROSACEAE 11 (10) 

FABACEAE 7 FABACEAE 9 (7) 

AMARANTHACEAE 5 AMARANTHACEAE 8 (5) 

EUPHORBIACEAE 5 EUPHORBIACEAE 7 (5) 

MELASTOMATACEAE 5 LAURACEAE 6 (4) 

ACTINIDACEAE 4 MELIACEAE 6 (4) 

APIACEAE 4 ONAGRACEAE 6 (4) 

ARACEAE 4 RUTACEAE 6 (4) 

LAURACEAE 4 ACTINIDACEAE 5 (4) 

MELIACEAE 4 APIACEAE 5 (4) 



Using the Family Importance Value Index (FIVI) after Báez & Borgtoft (1999), the most 

important families are SOLANACEAE and ASTERACEAE, both with FIVI = 22 and POACEAE 

with FIVI = 20 (cf. Table 36, Right column). Most of the plant species (179) have one use 

(77.8%), while 40 (17.4%) have two, and eight species (3.5%) have three uses. Three species, 

Erythrina edulis, Juglans neotropica, and Inga oerstediana, have four uses (1.3%). These 

data result in an average of 1.3 uses per useful plant species. 

121

Table 37: Life form distribution of the plant species used by the Saraguros 


Herb 109 (47.4%) 39 (31.2%) 71 (62.8%) 

Tree/Treelet 74 (32.2%) 57 (45.6%) 20 (17.7%) 

Shrub 32 (13.9%) 20 (16%) 15 (13.3%) 

Epiphyte/Hemi-Epiphyte 3 (1.3%) 3 (2.4%) 0 

Vine 8 (3.5%) 1 (0.8%) 7 (6.2%) 

Fern 4 (1.7%) 4 (3.2%) 0 

Liana 0 0 0 

Total species 230 (100%) 125 (100%) 113 (100%) 


The life form distribution of the useful species is presented in Table 37. The Saraguros mainly 

use herbs (109 species, 47.4%), trees and treelets (74, 32.2%), and shrubs (32, 13.9%). Only 

eight useful vine species (3.5%), four species of ferns (1.7%), and three of epiphytes/hemiepiphytes 

(1.3%) have been recorded. Trees are the most common life form among the wild 

species used (567 species, 45.6%), while herbs are the most abundant plant form among the 

cultivated species (71 species, 62.8%). No useful lianas have been found in El Tibio or in El 

Cristal. 

Table 38: Plant parts used by the Saraguros 


Leaves 47 (20.4%) 26 (20.8%) 23 (20.3%) 

Roots/Bulbs 12 (5.2%) 1 (0.8%) 11 (9.7%) 

Heart/Sprout 4 (1.7%) 4 (3.2%) 0 

Inflorescences 24 (10.4%) 9 (7.2%) 15 (13.3%) 

Trunk/Stem/Branches 50 (21.7%) 42 (33.6%) 9 (8%) 

Fruits 51 (22.2%) 24 (19.2%) 32 (28.3%) 

Seeds 3 (1.3%) 3 (2.4%) 0 

Bark 3 (1.3%) 1 (0.8%) 2 (1.8%) 


Whole plant 79 (34.3%) 37 (29.6%) 45 (39.8%) 

Unknown 7 (3%) 3 (2.4%) 4 (3.5%) 

Note: The categories are non-exclusive, and a species can have more than one useful plant part. The percentages are 

calculated on 230 species, 125 wild species, and 113 cultivated species. “Unknown” refers to incomplete information about the 

plant parts used. 

The plant parts used are listed in Table 38. In more than one third of the cases, the Saraguros 

use the whole plant (79 species, 34.3%) 59 . This includes plants used in infusions and 

horchatas (Table 39), fodder species (Table 44), and plants used as living fences (Table 46). 

Other important useful plant parts are fruits (51 species, 22.2%), trunk/stem and branches (50 

species, 21.7%), and leaves (47 species, 20.4%). Useful roots and bulbs are only found among 

cultivated species, while heart/sprouts and seeds are gained from wild species. Barks, sap, 

59 It should be noted that the use of the whole plant includes the use of stem, leaves and other aerial plant parts. 

122

esin, and latex are seldom used (2.2% or less). Among the useful wild species, trunks, stems 

and branches are the main plant part used (42, 33.6%), usually as timber for construction or 

firewood (Table 42 and Table 45). Among the cultivated species, the whole plant is the main 

category with 45 species (39.8%), mainly due to the use of plants in infusions and horchatas. 

At least 32 plant species (28.3%) are being cultivated for their fruits, which basically supply 

nutritional value. 

The total of useful plants is low in comparison with the results of Elleman (1991, 1990). She 

conducted, close to the city of Saraguro, the only existing relevant study of Saraguro 

ethnobotany, and identified almost twice as many useful species, namely 550. This 

divergence in the number of useful species from actual Saraguro plant knowledge is discussed 

in Chapter 5.5.4. 

5.3.2 Use categories among the Saraguros 

Nine use categories appear after grouping the plant uses by using the “use totalled method” 

(cf. Ch. 4.2.3). 

Fig. 29: Saraguro use categories with at least five species 


main place of harvesting. 

Note: The categories are non-exclusive; one species with more than one use will be represented in more than one category. 

The category “Shade” has been excluded; as species in this category are used only indirectly. Plant species with more than one 

use within the category “Other” have been listed only once. Table 68 shows a more detailed classification of the use. 

123

Figure 29 illustrates these categories and the number of species in each category split 

according to cultivated or wild species gathered from the forest or outside the forest. 

Since the use categories are non-exclusive, one species will figure in more than one category 

if it has more than one use. The Figure underlines the importance of plant species for the 

Saraguros as food (84 species) and medicine (75) sources. The subsequent categories include 

species used as ornaments and decoration (40), in construction (37), as fodder (22), fuel (13), 

living fences (13), tools and baskets (10), or for “other” uses (10). Following is a detailed 

description of the use categories and of plant uses, ranked in order of number of plant species. 

5.3.2.1 Edible plants of the Saraguros (FOO) 

The Saraguros use 84 plant species for food, of which 60 species are cultivated and 24 are 

wild growing species. ROSACEAE and SOLANACEAE are, with eight species each, the most 

represented botanical families in this category, followed by FABACEAE (6) and 

AMARANTHACEAE (5). The main crops are Zea mays (maize) and Vicia faba (beans). The 

importance of maize in Saraguro culture is also reflected in its Quechua name: “Sara” means 

dry corn cob (Belote 1998: 233). Other important crops are plantains (Musa x paradisiaca) 

and Saccharum officinarum. The latter provides the Saraguros with sugar cane and punta, a 

popular alcoholic drink. The Saraguros consume vegetables such as Lactuca sativa (lettuce), 

Pisum sativum (peas), and Allium cepa (onions), fruits from Passiflora ligularis, Persea 

americana (avocado) and Citrus spp. (citrus fruits) and tubers such as Colocasia esculenta or 

Xanthosoma cf. sagittifolium (cf. Fig. 30 Left). Cultivated species used as living fences in 

pastures e.g., Prunus spp. (prune) or in home gardens e.g., Ananas comosus (pineapple) 

complete the local diet. Common cultivated condiments are Coriandrum sativum, Foeniculum 

vulgare Ocimum basilicum, and Petroselinum crispum. Herbs such as Aerva sanguinolenta, 

Amaranthus sp., Iresine spp., Impatiens balsamina or Cymbopogon citratus are cultivated in 

order to make horchata, a refreshing beverage prepared by boiling the chopped leaves and 

stems (fresh or dried) in water. The Saraguros often prepare horchata and teas using 

cultivated plants or transplanted species such as Piper cf. carpunya together with weeds such 

as Minthostachys mollis, Plantago major or Viola arguta, which grow spontaneously around 

their houses and in pastures. This diet is complemented by fruits from wild species gathered 

outside the forest, mainly from Saurauia spp., Rubus spp. and Cavendishia sp. (which has 

edible petals as well), or Solanum caripense. In total, the Saraguros consume the fruits of 15 

wild species growing mainly in pastures and disturbed areas. 

Forest species play a marginal role in the diet of the Saraguros. Only nine species growing in 

forest patches around the settlements or protected in new pastures are occasionally used for 

food. Most of them (4) are trees with edible fruits. The apical meristem of an unidentified 

palm species is much sought after, but very difficult to find. This difficulty could be related to 

an over-exploitation of the resource, as the harvest of palm hearts requires the felling of the 

palm. In addition, the leaves of an Anthurium species that grows in forest patches are used to 

prepare tamales, but only in times of scarcity; the Saraguros prefer the leaves of the cultivated 

Canna indica (cf. Fig. 30 left). Greigia sp. is another forest plant used for food (cf. Fig. 30 

124

Right). The seeds are edible and apparently, very tasty. However, only the older Saraguros 

seemed to know about this use (Informant 16M 2006). The flowers of Gaiadendron 

punctatum are a common ingredient of horchata, and are sometimes sold in the markets of 

Loja together with Rubus spp. Another common species protected during forest clearing is 

Trianea sp., an epipyhte with edible fruits. All plant species with edible parts are listed in 

Table 39. 

Table 39: Saraguro Food Plants 


form 

Main origin Parts used Preparation Other uses 

EQUISETACEAE Equisetum bogotense F Wn Whole plant Horchata* MED 

ACTINIDIACEAE Saurauia cf. bullosa T Wn Fruits Raw 

ACTINIDIACEAE Saurauia peruviana T Wn Fruits Raw 

ACTINIDIACEAE Saurauia sp. 2 T Wn Fruits Raw 

AGAVACEAE Yucca guatemalensis H C Petals Horchata* FEN, ORN 


ALLIACEAE Allium fistulosum H C Leaves Raw, cooked 

AMARANTHACEAE Aerva sanguinolenta H C Leaves Horchata* MED 

AMARANTHACEAE Alternanthera sp. 4 H C Whole plant Horchata* MED 

AMARANTHACEAE Amaranthus sp. 1 H C Whole plant Horchata* 

AMARANTHACEAE Iresine cf. diffusa H C Whole plant Horchata* MED 

AMARANTHACEAE Iresine herbstii H C Whole plant Horchata* 

ANNONACEAE Annona sp. T Wf Fruits Raw 

APIACEAE Arracacia cf. xanthorriza H C Roots Raw, cooked 

APIACEAE Coriandrum sativum H C Leaves Condiment 

APIACEAE Foeniculum vulgare H C Whole plant Condiment, horchata* 

APIACEAE Petroselinum crispum H C Whole plant Condiment MED 

ARACEAE Anthurium sp. E Wf Leaves Tamales* 

ARACEAE Colocasia esculenta H C Tubers Cooked 

ARACEAE Xanthosoma cf. 

sagittifolium 

H C Tubers Cooked FOD 

ARECACEAE Genus indet. T Wf Apical meristem Cooked, raw OTH 

ASTERACEAE Lactuca sativa H C Leaves Raw 

BALSAMINACEAE Impatiens balsamina H C Flowers Horchata* ORN 

BRASSICACEAE Brassica napus H C Roots Raw, cooked 

BRASSICACEAE Brassica oleracea H C Leaves Cooked 

BRASSICACEAE Raphanus sativus 0 C Bulbs Raw 

BROMELIACEAE Ananas comosus H C Fruit Raw FEN 

BROMELIACEAE Greigia sp. H Wf Seeds Unknown 

CANNACEAE Canna indica H C Rhizome Cooked ORN 

Leaves Tamales* 

CARICACEAE Carica cf. pubescens H C Fruits Raw 

CHENOPODIACEAE Beta vulgaris var. cicla H C Leaves Cooked 

CONVOLVULACEAE Ipomoea batatas V C Rhizome Cooked, roasted 

CUCURBITACEAE Cucurbita ficifolia V C Fruit Raw, cooked 

CUCURBITACEAE Cyclanthera pedata V Cp Fruit Raw, cooked 

ERICACEAE Cavendishia sp. S (Wf), Wn Fruits, flowers Raw 

EUPHORBIACEAE Manihot esculenta S C Roots Cooked 

FABACEAE Erythrina edulis T C Fruits Cooked FOD, 

MED, FEN 

FABACEAE Phaseolus cf. coccineus V C Beans Cooked 

FABACEAE Phaseolus cf. lunatus V C Beans Cooked 

FABACEAE Phaseolus cf. vulgaris V C Beans Cooked 

FABACEAE Pisum sativum H C Beans Cooked 

FABACEAE Vicia faba H C Beans Cooked 

125

Table 39: Saraguro Food Plants (continued) 


form 

126 

Main origin Parts used Preparation Other uses 

GERANIACEAE Pelargonium 

odoratissimum 

H C Whole plant Horchata* ORN 

JUGLANDACEAE Juglans neotropica T (Wf), C Fruits Raw MED, 

CON, OTH 

LAMIACEAE Minthostachys mollis H Wn Whole plant Infusion MED 

LAMIACEAE Ocimum basilicum H C Leaves Condiment MED 

LAURACEAE Persea americana T C Fruits Raw CON, FUE 

LORANTHACEAE Gaiadendron punctatum S Wf Flowers Horchata* ORN 

MELIACEAE Guarea kunthiana T (Wf), Wn Fruits Unknown CON 


MYRTACEAE Eugenia sp. 1 T Wf Fruits Raw FUE, T/C 

MYRTACEAE Myrcianthes rhopaloides T Wf Fruits Raw FUE, T/C 

MYRTACEAE Psidium guajava T Cp Fruits Raw FOD 

MYRTACEAE Syzygium jambos T C Fruits Raw ORN 

ONAGRACEAE Fuchsia cf. canescens S Wn Fruits Raw MED 

PASSIFLORACEAE Passiflora ligularis V C Fruits Raw MED 

PIPERACEAE Piper cf. carpunya E Wn Leaves Infusion 

PLANTAGINACEAE Plantago major H Wn Whole plant Horchata* MED 

POACEAE Cymbopogon citratus H C Leaves Infusion, horchata* MED 

POACEAE Saccharum officinarum H C Stem Raw, distilled FOD 


ROSACEAE Eriobotrya japonica T C Fruits Raw 

ROSACEAE Fragaria vesca H (Wf), C Fruits Raw 

ROSACEAE Prunus persica T C Fruits Raw 

ROSACEAE Prunus serotina T C Fruits Raw 

ROSACEAE Rubus bogotensis S Wn Fruits Raw 

ROSACEAE Rubus niveus S Wn Fruits Raw 

ROSACEAE Rubus robustus S Wn Fruits Raw 

ROSACEAE Rubus cf. rosifolius S C Fruits Raw 

RUBIACEAE Coffea arabica S C Beans Raw, infusion FEN, T/C 

RUTACEAE Citrus maxima T C Fruits Raw, juice T/C 

Leaves Infusion 

RUTACEAE Citrus medica T C Fruits Raw, diluted MED, FEN 


SAPOTACEAE Pouteria lucuma T C Fruits Raw CON 

SAPOTACEAE Pouteria sp. 2 T Wf Fruits Raw CON 

SOLANACEAE Capsicum cf. annuum S C Fruits Condiment 

SOLANACEAE Physalis peruviana S (Wn), C Fruits Raw 


SOLANACEAE Solanum caripense H Wn Fruits Raw 

SOLANACEAE Solanum lycopersicum H C Fruits Raw 

SOLANACEAE Solanum quitoense S C Fruits Raw, juice 

SOLANACEAE Solanum tuberosum H C Tubers Cooked 

SOLANACEAE Trianea sp. E Wf Fruits Raw 

VIOLACEAE Viola arguta H Wn Leaves Horchata* MED 

E: Epiphyte/Hemi epiphyte, H: Herb, S: Shrub, T: Treelet/tree, V: Vine, C: Cultivated species, Wf: Wild species gathered in the 

forest and in forest remnants, Wn: Wild species gathered in other areas. *: see Glossary of local terms 

CON: Construction, FEN: Living fence, FOD: Fodder, FOO: Food, FUE: Fuel, MED: Medicine, ORN: Ornamental, OTH: Other 

uses, T/C: Tools/Containers

Fig. 30: Left: A typical Saraguro meal “to take away” consisting of cooked Xanthosoma sp. tubers and 

quesillo (fresh cheese) wrapped in a Canna indica leaf. Right: Greigia sp. The seeds of this wild plant 

which grows in forest patches are eaten roasted. (Photos by A. Gerique 2006 (right), 2007 (left)) 

5.3.2.2 Medicinal plants of the Saraguros (MED) 

The Saraguros use at least 75 plant species for medicinal purposes; 31 are cultivated in home 

gardens, 44 are growing wild in disturbed areas and forest patches. ASTERACEAE (11), 

SOLANACEAE (7), LAMIACEAE (6), and ONAGRACEAE (5) are the families with the highest 

number of species. The majority of the wild species are agricultural weeds. Other species such 

as Equisetum bogotense, Adianthum raddianum, and Costus sp. grow close to creeks and 

disturbed humid areas. Only one forest species is utilized, namely Croton cf. mutisianus (and 

probably Croton cf. lechleri as well, as both species grow in the area and are hard to 

distinguish). Most of its specimens under use grow protected in pastures. At least 31 

medicinal species are being cultivated by the Saraguros in home gardens and fields, and a 

further four species are considered both wild and cultivated, namely Baccharis sp., Juglans 

neotropica, Piper aduncum and an unidentified URTICACEAE. Most medicinal plants are 

herbaceous species (44), shrubs (16), or trees (10). Finally, three medicinal species are ferns 

and two are vines. 

Table 40: Main ailments treated with medicinal plants by the Saraguros, and total of species used 

Gastrointestinal ailments 16 Espanto* 3 

Respiratory diseases 13 Peste* 3 

Headache 13 Mouth infections, mal de Holanda* 3 

Nervousness, anxiety 7 Tired feet, muscle pains 3 

Cutaneous problems and swellings 7 Fever 2 

Mal aire* 6 Ocular problems 2 

Menstrual irregularities 5 Foetal ailments 2 

Obstetrics 

*See glossary of local terms 

4 Hangovers 2 

The main ailments treated with plants are listed in Table 40. Gastrointestinal diseases and 

ailments constitute the main category (16). These could be a consequence of the observed 

poor hygiene, lack of water fit for drinking, and a lack of effluent pipes. Respiratory ailments 

and headaches are the next category (both with 13 species). As pointed out by Bussmann & 

127

Sharon (2006: 44), houses at higher altitudes are often damp and cold, leading to a high 

incidence of respiratory infections. Other species are used to heal nervousness and anxiety 

(7), and cutaneous ailments (7). The latter category includes infected wounds and swellings 

caused by insect stings. Croton cf. mutisianus is the most popular remedy against skin 

problems and other ailments, and has been exploited commercially in the area. 

The next category, mal aire (6) and the categories espanto (3) and peste (3) represent ailments 

with no translation in Western medicine. The first two disorders have been described in 

Chapter 5.2.2.1. Peste is a further folk aliment with no direct translation and refers to 

epidemic diseases that affect humans, animals, or plants. However, the other ethnic groups 

apparently do not use this term to refer to human ailments. 

Menstrual irregularities are treated with five species. Bejaria aestuans (cf. Fig. 31 Left) is one 

of these species. The category obstetrics (4) includes delivery pain and the stimulation of 

labor contractions. The latter are induced by using an infusion made with young sprouts of 

Pteridium arachnoideum (bracken fern), a species that covers vast areas of abandoned 

pastures, and Ocimum basilicum (basilicum). Buccal infections and Mal de Holanda are 

treated with a further three species. As noted above (cf. Ch. 5.2.2.1), the latter ailment is an 

undisclosed buccal infection. Treatment of tired feet and muscle pain (probably connected to 

hard work in agricultural activities) utilizes three medicinal plants, while fever, ocular 

problems, and foetal ailments are treated with two species each. Tibouchina laxa (cf. Fig. 31 

Right) is the most common remedy for eye ailments. 

Fig. 31: Left: Flowers of Bejaria aestuans. The people of El Cristal (Saraguros and Mestizos) use 

them to treat menstrual irregularities and as ornamentals to decorate the local chapel. Right: 

Tibouchina laxa, a common secondary shrub in pastures. The Saraguros and the Mestizos use the 

sap of the flowers to treat eye ailments. (Photos by A. Gerique 2006 (right), 2007 (left)) 

Another medicinal use is most intriguing; some Saraguros believe that diagnosed ailments in 

unborn children can be treated with Dianthus sp. (Informant 16M 2006). Petroselinum 

crispum and Solanum americanum are used together to alleviate hangovers. Interestingly, the 

informants clearly differentiated this pain from headache and stomach-ache. Kidney problems 

are treated with an infusion of Equisetum bogotense. Bone fractures are treated with an herb 

bath of Dendrophtora ambigua, while house flea infestations are treated with herb baths of 

128

Ambrosia artemisioides, which has multiple medicinal uses (4). Backache is healed using 

Baccharis genistelloides. This species is another commonly used multipurpose medicinal 

species (4). 

A common method of using medicinal plants is to prepare an infusion with chopped fresh 

leaves and stems boiled in hot water, or to wash the patient with this plant extract. Another 

method is to put a plaster (made with plants) on the affected area. The typical horchatas are 

sometimes prepared with some additional medicinal plants to strengthen the immune system. 

The Saraguros often mix these traditional remedies with drugs bought in pharmacies. All 

medicinal plants used by the Saraguros are listed in Table 41. 

129

Table 41: Medicinal plants of the Saraguros 


form 

130 

Main origin Parts used Problems treated (and properties) Preparation Other uses 

DENNSTAEDTIACEAE Pteridium arachnoideum F Wn Roots Induction of labor contractions Infusion (oral) mixed with Ocimum basilicum FOD 

EQUISETACEAE Equisetum bogotense F Wn Whole plant Kidney problems Infusion (oral) FOO 

PTERIDACEAE Adianthum raddianum F Wn Leaves Stomach upset Infusion (oral) 

AMARANTHACEAE Aerva sanguinolenta H C Leaves Headache, foetal ailment Plaster, Decoction (oral) FOO 

AMARANTHACEAE Alternanthera sp. 4 H C Whole plant Influenza Infusion (oral) and tablets FOO 

AMARANTHACEAE Iresine cf. diffusa H C Stems Influenza Infusion (oral) and tablets FOO 

APIACEAE Petroselinum crispum H C Whole plant Nervousness (nervine), headache 

and hangovers (see Solanum 

americanum) 

Dilution (oral) and tablets FOO 

ASPHODELACEAE Aloe vera H C Sap of leaves Cuts & sunburn, headache, brain 

tumors 

Rubbed raw (topical) 

ASTERACEAE Acmella repens H Wn Leaves, fruits Mal de Holanda* Infusion (oral but not ingested) and 

bicarbonate or chewed with bicarbonate and 

Callisia gracilis 

ASTERACEAE Ageratum conyzoides H Wn Whole plant Flatulence (carminative), headache Infusion (oral) 

ASTERACEAE Ambrosia artemisioides S Wn Leaves, seeds Aire de agua*, headache Infusion (oral & herb baths) OTH 

Leaves Muscle pain Infusion (herb baths) with Cymbopogon 

citratus and milk 

Leaves House fleas Infusion (herb baths) 

ASTERACEAE Baccharis genistelloides H Wn Whole plant Stomach upset Infusion (scalded, oral) 

Whole plant Backache Infusion (herb baths) 

Whole plant Blood pressure Unknown 

ASTERACEAE Baccharis sp. S (Wn), C Whole plant Colds Infusion (oral) 

ASTERACEAE Bidens pilosa H Wn Sap Burns Rubbed (topical) 

Sprouts Foetal ailments, headache Infusion (unknown) mixed with other plants 

Sap of leaves Headache, colic Unknown 

ASTERACEAE Gamochaeta americana H Wn Whole plant Colds, diarrhea Infusion (oral) and tablets 

ASTERACEAE Heliopsis oppositifolia H Wn Whole plant Menstrual irregularities Infusion (oral)

Table 41: Medicinal plants of the Saraguros (continued) 


form 


ASTERACEAE Heliopsis sp. H Wn The flower Wounds & stings in the lips, teeth 

and mouth (anti-inflammatory) 

Chewed (oral) 

ASTERACEAE Matricaria sp. H C Flowers & leaves Stomach upset Infusion (scalded, oral & topical) 

ASTERACEAE Tanacetum parthenium H C Leaves Espanto* (nervine) Infusion (sopla*, topical) 

BEGONIACEAE Begonia x tuberhybrida H C Unknown Unknown Infusion (unknown) ORN 

BORAGINACEAE Borago officinalis H C Whole plant Cough Infusion (scalded, oral) 

BRASSICACEAE Lepidium chichicara H Wn Leaves Mal aire* Plaster (topical) 


Leaves Peste* Infusion (oral) mixed with cress and Verbena 

litoralis as main active ingredient 

CARYOPHYLLACEAE Dyanthus sp. H C Whole plant Foetal ailments Decoction (unknown) mixed with other plants ORN 

CLUSIACEAE Hypericum canadense H Wn Whole plant Menstrual irregularities Infusion (oral) mixed with other plants 

COMMELINACEAE Callisia gracilis H Wn Whole plant Mal de Holanda* Chewed (oral) with bicarbonate and Acmella 

repens 

COSTACEAE Costus sp. H Wn Stem Stomache-ache Chewed (oral) 

ERICACEAE Bejaria aestuans S Wn Whole plant Menstrual irregularities Infusion (oral) ORN 

EUPHORBIACEAE Croton cf. mutisianus T Wf Sap All-purpose remedy, skin problems Rubbed raw (topical) 

FABACEAE Erythrina edulis T C Bark Menstrual irregularities Decoction (oral) FOD, FOO, FEN 

GERANIACEAE Pelargonium x zonale H C Sap Wounds Rubbed raw (topical) ORN 

JUGLANDACEAE Juglans neotropica T (Wf), C Leaves Stomach-ache Infusion (oral) FOO, CON, PDV 

LAMIACEAE Clinopodium sp. 1 H Wn Whole plant Stomach-ache Infusion (oral) 

LAMIACEAE Hyptis sp. 3 H Wn Unknown Unknown Unknown 

LAMIACEAE Melissa officinalis H C Whole plant Colds, cough, sedative Infusion (oral) 

LAMIACEAE Mentha x piperita H C Leaves Stomach-ache Infusion (oral) 

LAMIACEAE Mentha spicata H C Leaves Stomach-ache Infusion (oral) 

LAMIACEAE Ocimum basilicum H C Leaves Induction of labor contractions Infusion (oral) mixed with Pteridium 

arachnoideum as main active ingredient 

FOO 

131



form 

132 


LOASACEAE Caiophora sp. H Wn Whole plant Skin problems Rubbed raw (topical) 

LYTHRACEAE Cuphea cf. racemosa H Wn Whole plant Menstrual irregularities Infusion (oral) mixed with other plants 

MALVACEAE Abutilon striatum S C Bark, flowers Stomach-ache Infusion (oral) ORN 

MALVACEAE Sida rhombifolia H Wn Whole plant Tired feet Infusion (herb bath) 

MELASTOMATACEAE Tibouchina laxa T Wn Sap of flowers Ocular problems Collyrium (raw) pure or mixed with breast 

milk 

MONIMIACEAE Siparuna aspera T (Wf), Wn Leaves Espanto* Rubbed raw (topical) 

MONIMIACEAE Siparuna sp. T (Wf), Wn Leaves Mal aire* Rubbed raw (topical) 

MORACEAE Rubus spp. S Wn Sap of young 

leaves 

Infected wounds (antiseptic) Poultice FOO 

MYRICACEAE Myrica pubescens T Wn Leaves All-purpose remedy Infusion (herb bath) 

ONAGRACEAE Fuchsia cf. canescens S Wn Leaves & flowers Nervousness Infusion (oral) FOO 

ONAGRACEAE Fuchsia lehmannii S Wn Leaves & flowers Nervousness Infusion (oral) 

ONAGRACEAE Fuchsia cf. magellanica S C Flowers Nervousness Infusion (oral) 

ONAGRACEAE Fuchsia sp. 1 S C Leaves & flowers Nervousness Infusion (oral) ORN 

OXALIDACEAE Oxalis peduncularis H Wn Whole plant Headache, fever Infusion (oral) 

OXALIDACEAE Oxalis sp. 2 H Wn Whole plant Colds, fever Infusion (oral) 

PASSIFLORACEAE Passiflora ligularis V C Flowers Headache Poultice (topical) FOO 

PIPERACEAE Piper aduncum S (Wn), C Leaves Colic Infusion (oral) 

PIPERACEAE Piper sp. 10 S Wn Leaves Mal aire* Infusion (oral) 

PLANTAGINACEAE Plantago major H Wn Whole plant Stomach-ache, ulcers Infusion (oral) 

POACEAE Cymbopogon citratus H C Leaves Nervousness Infusion (oral) FOO 

Leaves Muscle pain Infusion (herb bath) mixed with Ambrosia 

artemisioides and milk 

ROSACEAE Rosa sp. S C Petals Eye infections Collyrium (infusion) ORN 

RUBIACEAE Galium cf. canescens V Wn Whole plant Stomach pain Rubbed raw (topical)



form 


Rutaceae Citrus medica T C Juice Colds Juice (oral) diluted in water or hard liquor 

and mixed with Verbena litoralis 

RUTACEAE Ruta graveolens S C Whole plant Headache, stomach ache Infusion (oral) 

Whole plant Mal aire* Infusion (herb bath) 

SCROPHULARIACEAE Penstemon sp. H C Unknown Swellings Unknown ORN 

SOLANACEAE Browallia americana H Wn Unknown Relapses Unknown 

SOLANACEAE Cestrum sendtnerianum T Wn Leaves Wound infections (antiseptic) Poultice (topical) 

SOLANACEAE Cestrum tomentosum T Wn Leaves Influenza Poultice (topical) 

SOLANACEAE Lycopersicon hirsutum H Wn Whole plant Mal aire* Rubbed raw (topical) 

SOLANACEAE Nicotiana tabacum H C Unknown Unknown Unknown 

SOLANACEAE Solanum americanum H Wn Leaves & flowers Nervousness Infusion (oral) 

Leaves Headache, hangovers Compound with Petroselinum crispum and 

eggs (oral) 

SOLANACEAE Solanum sp. 5 S Wn Leaves Espanto* Unknown 

URTICACEAE Genus indet. H Wn, (C) Leaves Influenza, headache, Peste* Cress is used as a secondary ingredient in 

different infusions 

Leaves Skin problems Rubbed raw (topical) 

VERBENACEAE Verbena litoralis H Wn Leaves Influenza, headache Infusion (oral) pure or mixed with cress, 

cocoa butter and tablets 

Leaves Peste* Infusion (unknown) mixed with cress and 

Sambucus nigra leaves 

Leaves Colds Dilution (oral) mixed with lemon juice 

VIOLACEAE Viola arguta H Wn Leaves Heatstroke, infections Infusion (herb bath) FOO 

VIOLACEAE Viola odorata H C Leaves Headache Infusion (unknown) ORN 

VISCACEAE Dendrophtora ambigua S Wn Leaves Bone fractures Infusion (herb bath) 

E: Epiphyte/Hemi epiphyte, F: Fern, H: Herb, S: Shrub, T: Treelet/tree, V: Vine 

C: Cultivated species, Wf: Wild species gathered in forest and forest remnants, Wn: Wild species gathered in other areas. The brackets indicate a secondary gathering place. 

*: see glossary of local terms 

FOO 

133

Fig.32: Eduardo Tapia posing near one of the last 

specimens of Podocarpus oleifolius inside the 

Protective Forest Corazón de Oro, close to the 

settlement of El Cristal. This species has been 

critically over-exploited lasting past decades for its 

timber. (Photo by A. Gerique 2007) 

5.3.2.3 Plants used in construction by the Saraguros (CON) 

The Saraguros use timber from 37 tree species to make posts for fences and to construct 

furniture, house walls, and floors (cf. Table 42). LAURACEAE and MELIACEAE, with four 

species each, are the main botanical families in this category. Six species are cultivated. Of 

them, Cupressus lusitanica, Pinus patula, and Eucalyptus globulus are introduced, fast 

growing timber species, while Persea americana and Pouteria lucuma are native species. The 

latter two are cultivated principally for their fruits. Juglans neotropica is a further 

multipurpose native species used for timber. It grows wild and cultivated in the area, and is 

highly valued. 

The Saraguros use at least 31 wild species for timber. Of them, 16 are considered forest 

species and grow in forest remnants or are protected in pastures. Podocarpus oleifolius (see 

Fig.32), Prumnopitys montana (both species known as romerillo), Tabebuia chrysantha 

(guayacán) and Cedrela spp. (cedro) are considered the most valuable commercial species 

and have been critically over-exploited. In addition, 14 tree species grow in disturbed areas 

and pastures. The most common ones are pioneer species such as Piptocoma discolor, Vismia 

tomentosa, and Hyptidendron arboreum. Tabebuia chrysantha seedlings seem to be very 

resistant to tread damage and also grow in pastures. Further, transplanted Cedrela spp. and 

Podocarpus oleifolius specimens were observed in home gardens. According to Informant 

16M (2005), Tabebuia chrysantha, Pouteria sp. (luma de monte), Nectandra spp., 

Podocarpus oleifolius and Prumnopitys montana, are preferred for making planks for house 

construction. The latter two are used for furniture as well. While old houses are mainly tapiamade 

(with tree-stems used for roof construction), new houses are built with planks and zinc 

roofs. Several species are used to make posts; Myrcia spp., Tabebuia chrysantha, and Juglans 

neotropica being favored for fence posts, as they are very resistant against moisture. 

134

However, due to timber scarcity the Saraguros use other species like Piptocoma discolor and 

Vismia tomentosa as well. 

Table 42: Plants used for construction by the Saraguros 

Family Species Life form Main origin Other uses 

CYATHEACEAE Cyathea cf. caracasana F Wf 

CUPRESSACEAE Cupressus lusitanica T C FEN 

PINACEAE Pinus patula T C 

PODOCARPACEAE Podocarpus oleifolius T Wf 

PODOCARPACEAE Prumnopitys montana T Wf ORN 

ACTINIDIACEAE Saurauia laxiflora T Wn ORN 

ANNONACEAE Guatteria sp. 3 T Wf 

ASTERACEAE Piptocoma discolor T Wn FUE, SHA 

ASTERACEAE Vernonanthura patens T Wn 

BIGNONIACEAE Tabebuia chrysantha T Wf, (Wn) 

BRUNELLIACEAE Brunellia sp. T Wf 

CLETHRACEAE Clethra revoluta T Wn 

CLUSIACEAE Vismia tomentosa T Wn 

CUNONIACEAE Weinmannia sorbifolia T Wn 

EUPHORBIACEAE Alchornea grandiflora T Wn FUE 

EUPHORBIACEAE Hyeronima duquei T Wn FUE 

JUGLANDACEAE Juglans neotropica T (Wf), C FOO, OTH, MED 

LAMIACEAE Hyptidendron arboreum T Wn SHA 

LAURACEAE Aiouea dubia T Wf 

LAURACEAE Aniba sp. T Wf 

LAURACEAE Nectandra sp. 4 T Wf 

LAURACEAE Persea americana T C FOO, FUE 

LYTHRACEAE Alzatea verticillata T Wn 

MELASTOMATACEAE Miconia quadripora T Wn FUE 

MELIACEAE Cedrela fissilis T Wf 

MELIACEAE Cedrela cf. montana T Wf T/C 


MELIACEAE Guarea kunthiana T Wn FOO 

MIMOSACEAE Inga oerstediana T Wn FUE, FOD, SHA 

MYRSINACEAE Myrsine coriacea T Wn FUE 

MYRTACEAE Eucalyptus cf. globulus T C 

MYRTACEAE Eugenia florida T Wn 

MYRTACEAE Myrcia fallax T Wf T/C 

PROTEACEAE Roupala sp. 2 T Wf, (Wn) FUE 

ROSACEAE Prunus opaca T Wf 

SAPOTACEAE Pouteria lucuma T C FOO 

SAPOTACEAE Pouteria sp. 2 T Wf FOO 

F: Fern, T: Treelet/tree, C: Cultivated species, Wf: Wild species gathered in the forest and in forest remnants, Wn: Wild species 

gathered in other areas. The brackets indicate a secondary gathering place 

FEN: Living fence, FOD: Fodder, FOO: Food, FUE: Fuel, MED: Medicine, ORN: Ornamental, OTH: Other uses, SHA: Shade, 

T/C: Tools/Containers 

5.3.2.4 Ornamental plants of the Saraguros (ORN) 

The Saraguros use more than 40 species to decorate their gardens and to make ornaments to 

embellish the local chapels. The Saraguro women invest a lot of energy taking care of these 

plants. They meet every Sunday in the chapel to make such ornaments, and even decoration 

competitions are organized. The most important botanical families included in this category 

are ASTERACEAE, BALSAMINACEAE, and CRASSULACEAE, with three cultivated species each. 

135

With the exception of different ORCHIDACEAE, which are harvested during Christmas for 

decoration, and of five wild growing species used to make ornaments (with leaves of 

Prumnopitys montana and flowers of Saurauia laxiflora, Bejaria aestuans, Symbolanthus sp. 

and Gaiadendron punctatum), all species are cultivated species (34). The ORCHIDACEAE and 

Prumnopitys montana grow principally in forest patches or are protected in disturbed areas, 

while the other wild species are mainly weeds that grow in disturbed areas and pastures. Some 

Saraguro families have begun to sell flowers (Gladiolus sp., Hydrangea macrophylla, Lilium 

cf. longiflorum, or Zantesdechia aethiopica) in the city of Loja. All ornamental plants are 

listed in Table 43. 

Table 43: Ornamental plants used by the Saraguros 


PODOCARPACEAE Prumnopitys montana T Wf, (C) CON 

ACTINIDIACEAE Saurauia laxiflora T Wn CON 

AGAPANTHACEAE Agapanthus umbelallatus H C 

AGAVACEAE Yucca guatemalensis T C FEN, FOO 

ALSTROEMERIACEAE Alstroemeria sp. H C 

AMARYLLIDACAEAE Hippeastrum sp. H C 

APOCYNACEAE Catharanthus roseus H C 

APOCYNACEAE Vinca minor H C 

ARACEAE Zantedeschia aethiopica H C 

ASCLEPIADACEAE Hoya carnosa H C 

ASTERACEAE Chrysanthemum indicum H C 

ASTERACEAE Dhalia pinnata H C 

ASTERACEAE Tagetes erecta H C 

BALSAMINACEAE Impatiens balsamina H C FOO 

BALSAMINACEAE Impatiens x neuguinea H C 

BALSAMINACEAE Impatiens walleriana H C 

BEGONIACEAE Begonia x tuberhybrida H C MED 

CANNACEAE Canna indica H C FOO 

CARYOPHYLLACEAE Dyanthus sp. H C MED 

CRASSULACEAE Echeveria sp. 2 H C 


CRASSULACEAE Kalanchoe pinnata H C 

ERICACEAE Bejaria aestuans S Wn MED 

GENTIANACEAE Symbolanthus sp. 2 S Wn 

GERANIACEAE Pelargonium odoratissimum H C 

GERANIACEAE Pelargonium x zonale H C MED 

HEMEROCALLIDACEAE Hemerocallis flava H C 

HYDRANGEACEAE Hydrangea macrophylla H C 

LILIACEAE Lilium longiflorum H C 

LORANTHACEAE Gaiadendron punctatum T Wn FOO 

MALVACEAE Abutilon striatum S C MED 

MALVACEAE Hibiscus rosa-sinensis S C FEN 

MYRTACEAE Syzygium jambos T C FOO 

ONAGRACEAE Fuchsia sp. 1 S C MED 

ORCHIDACEAE E Wf 

ROSACEAE Rosa sp. S C MED 

SCROPHULARIACEAE Penstemon sp. H C MEN 

SOLANACEAE Brugmansia x candida S C ORN 

VERBENACEAE Verbena cf. peruviana H C 

VIOLACEAE Viola odorata H C MED 

H: Herb, S: Shrub, T: Treelet/tree, C: Cultivated species, Wf: Wild species gathered in the forest and in forest remnants, Wn: 

Wild species gathered in other areas. The brackets indicate a secondary gathering place 

CON: Construction, FEN: Living fence, FOO: Food, MED: Medicine, ORN: Ornamental 

136

5.3.2.5 Fodder plants of the Saraguros (FOD) 

As ranchers, the Saraguros have a detailed knowledge of fodder plants. Information from 

interviews identified at least 22 species (11 growing mainly cultivated and 11 growing 

essentially wild) which have been listed in this category (Table 44). Only species mentioned 

specifically by the informants as fodder have been included. However, pastures certainly 

include more species. Most abundant among the fodder plants is the botanical family of the 

POACEAE, with 15 species. Pastures of three introduced POACEAE, namely Melinis minutiflora 

(yaragua), Pennisetum purpureum (kikuyo or pikuyo) and in particular Setaria sphacelata 

(mequerón), dominate the landscape. The Saraguros also described various types of "pasto 

natural" or natural pastures. Some of these natural and semi-natural grasslands often include 

Axonopus compressus, Axonopus sp., Eleusine indica, Galinsoga sp., Poa sp., and Sporobolus 

indicus, and naturalized and cultivated species such as Trifolium repens and Holcus lanatus. 

Some meadows are specifically chosen for feeding horses and donkeys, while others are 

considered ideal for milking cows or bulls depending on of their botanical composition (cf. 

Chapter. 6.2.2.3). 

Table 44: Fodder plants used by the Saraguros 


form 

Main origin Parts used Animals fed Other uses 

ARACEAE Xanthosoma cf. sagittifolium H C Rhizome Pigs 

ASTERACEAE Galinsoga sp. H Wn Whole plant Cattle, cuys 

FABACEAE Erythrina edulis T C The fruit Cattle FOO, MED, 

FEN 

FABACEAE Trifolium repens H Wn Whole plant Cattle, cuys 

MIMOSACEAE Inga spp. T Wn Fruits Cattle CON; FUE, 

SHA 

MUSACEAE Musa x paradisiaca H C Fruits Pigs FOO 

MYRTACEAE Psidium guajava T Wn Fruits Cattle FOO 

POACEAE Axonopus compressus H Wn Whole plant Cattle 

POACEAE Axonopus scoparius H Cp Whole plant Cattle 

POACEAE Axonopus sp. H Wn Whole plant Cattle 

POACEAE Chusquea scandens S Wn Leaves Cuys 

POACEAE Eleusine indica H Wn Whole plant Horses, mules 

POACEAE Holcus lanatus H Wn, (C) Whole plant Cattle, horses, mules 

POACEAE Melinis minutiflora H C Whole plant Cattle 

POACEAE Pennisetum clandestinum H (Wn), C Whole plant Cattle 

POACEAE Pennisetum purpureum H C Whole plant Cattle, cuys 

POACEAE Poa sp. H Wn Whole plant Cattle 

POACEAE Saccharum officinarum H C Whole plant Cattle, pigs FOO 

POACEAE Setaria sphacelata H C Whole plant Cattle 

POACEAE Sporobolus indicus H Wn Whole plant Cattle, horses, mules 

POACEAE Tripsacum sp. H C Leaves Cuys 

POACEAE Zea mays H C Whole plant Cattle, pigs, poultry FOO 

H: Herb, F: Fern, S: Shrub, T: Treelet/tree, C: Cultivated species, Wf: Wild species gathered in the forest and in forest remnants, 

Wn: Wild species gathered in other areas. The brackets indicate a secondary gathering place. 

FOO: Food, MED: Medicine 

Cattle eat the fruits of Erythrina edulis, Inga oerstediana and other Inga spp., and of Psidium 

guajava trees. The remnants of the sugar cane (Saccharum officinarum) and maize (Zea mays) 

harvest are eaten by cattle, which are allowed to enter the fields for this purpose. The refuse of 

the preparation of panela is used as feed complement for cattle and pigs. Pigs are also fed 

137

with rhizomes and other plant parts of Xanthosoma cf. sagittifolium and plantains (Musa x 

paradisiaca), and poultry diet is sometimes improved with corn. Five species, Chusquea 

scandens, Galinsoga sp., Pennisetum purpureum, Trifolium repens, and Tripsacum sp. are 

collected to feed cuys (Cavia porcellus). In the past, the Saraguros cultivated Axonopus 

scoparius as fodder for cattle. Some pastures with Axonopus scoparius remnants are still in 

use; however, this species plays a marginal role today. 

5.3.2.6 Plants used for fuel by the Saraguros (FUE) 

The Saraguros use a wide spectrum of species for fuel. However, 13 species were specifically 

mentioned (Table 45). Only one cultivated species was mentioned, namely Persea americana. 

The main botanical family in this category is MYRTACEAE, with three species. The Saraguros 

gather these species and Roupala sp. in forest remnants and from trees protected after clearing 

the forest. Other species (8) are fast growing species that are easy to find in disturbed and 

open areas next to the settlements. Nectandra spp. were explicitly mentioned in connection 

with this category; it does not combust well enough to be used as fuel. The introduction of gas 

cylinders for cooking has reduced the use of wood as fuel. According to Wunder (1996b: 

377), the consumption of firewood in the Ecuadorian Andes is reduced by half when 

combined with gas use, and about 25% lower in the low-altitude zones where higher 

temperatures dominate. However, most families still use firewood in order to cook dishes that 

require long cooking times, as do corn and legumes. 

Table 45: Plants used as firewood by the Saraguros 


form 

138 

Main origin Other uses 

ASTERACEAE Piptocoma discolor T Wn CON, SHA 

EUPHORBIACEAE Alchornea grandiflora T Wn CON 

EUPHORBIACEAE Hyeronima duquei T Wn CON 

LAURACEAE Persea americana T C FOO, CON 

MELASTOMATACEAE Miconia quadripora T Wn CON 

MIMOSACEAE Inga oerstediana T Wn CON, FOD, SHA 

MYRSINACEAE Myrsine coriacea T Wn CON 

MYRTACEAE Eugenia sp. 1 T Wf FOO, T/C 

MYRTACEAE Eugenia sp. 2 T Wf T/C 

MYRTACEAE Myrcianthes rhopaloides T Wf FOO, T/C 

PROTEACEAE Roupala sp. 2 T Wf CON 

SOLANACEAE Solanum lepidotum S Wn FEN 

URTICACEAE Myriocarpa stipitata S Wn FEN 

S: Shrub, T: Treelet/Tree, C: Cultivated species, Wf: Wild species gathered in the forest and in forest remnants, Wn: Wild 


CON: Construction, FEN: Living fence, FOD: Fodder, FOO: Food, SHA: Shade, T/C: Tools/Containers 

5.3.2.7 Plants used as living fences by the Saraguros (FEN) 

Hedges play an important role in the management of pastures and home gardens, as they 

divide pastures into paddocks, prevent poultry and other animals entering home gardens, and 

protect gardens from excessive wind. Living fences grow as boundaries between fields or 

pastures, around gardens or along paths and roads. Thirteen different species are planted for

this purpose in El Tibio and El Cristal (Table 46). Six of them (Yucca guatemalensis (Fig. 33 

Left), Ananas comosus, Erythrina edulis, Hibiscus rosa-sinensis, Coffea arabica, Brugmansia 

x candida and Citrus medica are commonly used to fence off home gardens, while species 

such as Furcraea andina, Cupressus lusitanica, Euphorbia laurifolia (Fig. 33 Right), Ficus 

sp., Solanum lepidotum and Myriocarpa stipitata are, or were, preferred for fencing off 

pastures. This custom is waning and is being replaced by the use of barbed wire fences which 

are easier to install and maintain. All living fences that consisted of specimens of Furcraea 

andina, Euphorbia laurifolia, Erythrina edulis, Coffea arabica, Brugmansia x candida, 

Solanum lepidotum, and Myriocarpa stipitata were very old. The fences of Myriocarpa 

stipitata, Solanum lepidotum, and Ficus sp. were made with transplanted wild specimens. The 

use of layers of the latter species to create living fences was observed during research. 

Nevertheless, most new living fences are made with Cupressus lusitanica, Ananas comosus, 

and Ficus sp. It was noted that the Saraguros often continue to use living fences that were 

planted by former Mestizo settlers. 

Table 46: Plants used as living fences by the Saraguros 

Family Species Life form Main origin Used to fence mainly Other uses 

CUPRESSACEAE Cupressus lusitanica T C Pastures CON 

AGAVACEAE Furcraea andina H C Pastures OTH 

AGAVACEAE Yucca guatemalensis H C Pastures, home gardens FOO 

BROMELIACEAE Ananas comosus H C Home gardens FOO 

EUPHORBIACEAE Euphorbia laurifolia T C Pastures 

FABACEAE Erythrina edulis T C Pastures, home gardens FOO, FOD, MED 

MALVACEAE Hibiscus rosa-sinensis S C Home gardens ORN 

MORACEAE Ficus sp. T Wn Pastures 

RUBIACEAE Coffea arabica S C Home gardens FOO, T/C 

RUTACEAE Citrus medica T C Home gardens FOO, MED 

SOLANACEAE Brugmansia x candida T C Home gardens ORN 

SOLANACEAE Solanum lepidotum S Wn Pastures FUE 

URTICACEAE Myriocarpa stipitata S Wn Pastures FUE 

H: Herb, S: Shrub, T: Treelet/Tree. CON: Construction, FOO: Food, FUE: Fuel, MED: Medicine, ORN: Ornamental, T/C: 


Fig. 33: Left: A 

living fence of 

cultivated Yucca 

guatemalensis in 

a home garden. 

Right: Euphorbia 

laurifolia trees 

forming a living 

fence to divide 

pastureland in El 

Tibio. (Photos by 

A. Gerique 2005 

(right), 2006 (left)) 

139

5.3.2.8 Plants used to make tools and containers by the Saraguros (T/C) 

The Saraguros know of at least 11 species which can be used to produce tools and containers 

(Table 47). Yokes, hoes, handholds for ploughs and similar tools used in agriculture are made 

using at least seven wild hardwood species, mainly MYRTACEAE (4). Wood from this species 

is collected from trees in forest remnants or from trees that were protected during forest 

clearing. Two cultivated species, Coffea arabica and Citrus maxima, are used for the same 

purposes. The Saraguros make baskets with Aulonemia sp., while stems from young 

specimens of Wettinia aequatorialis are used to spin sheep wool. The latter two species grow 

in forest remnants. In the past, the Saraguros made spoons from Schefflera sp. wood. In 

general, manufactured products bought in the markets of Loja are now replacing tools and 

containers made from plant products. 

Table 47: Plants used by the Saraguros to make tools and containers 


form 

ARIALACEAE Schefflera sp. 2 T Wf Wood Spoons 

140 

Main origin Parts used Use Other uses 

ARECACEAE Wettinia aequatorialis T Wf Stem To spin wool, hoes 

MELIACEAE Cedrela cf. montana T Wf Wood Bow yokes, swivels, plough 

handles 

CON 

MYRTACEAE Eugenia sp. 1 T Wf Wood Shafts for hand tools & bow 

yokes, swivels, plough handles 

FOO, FUE 

MYRTACEAE Eugenia sp. 2 T Wf Wood Shafts for hand tools & bow 


FUE 

MYRTACEAE Myrcia fallax T Wf Wood Shafts for hand tools & bow 


CON 

MYRTACEAE Myrcianthes rhopaloides T Wf Wood Shafts for hand tools & fencing 

poles 

FOO, FUE 

POACEAE Aulonemia sp. H Wf Stem Baskets 

RUBIACEAE Coffea arabica S C Wood Hoes FOO, FEN 

RUTACEAE Citrus maxima T C Wood Tolas*, hoes FOO 

SAPOTACEAE Micropholis guayanensis T Wf Wood Handholds 

H: Herb, S: Shrub, T: Treelet/tree, C: Cultivated species, Wf: Wild species gathered in the forest and in forest remnants, CON: 

Construction, FEN: Living fence, FOO: Food, FUE: Fuel: Veterinary 

5.3.2.9 Shade trees of the Saraguros (SHA) 

The Saraguros protect several trees in their pastures in order to offer shade for cattle, 

mentioning the management of six tree species for this use. These are listed in Table 48. 

Table 48: Plants used for Shade by the Saraguros 

Family Species Other uses 

ASTERACEAE Piptocoma discolor FUE, CON 

LAMIACEAE Hyptidendron arboreum CON 

MELASTOMATACEAE Miconia cf. rivetii 

MELASTOMATACEAE Tibouchina lepidota 

MIMOSACEAE Inga oerstediana CON, FOO, FOD 

MORACEAE Ficus krucovii 

CON: Construction, FOD: Fodder, FOO: Food, FUE: Fuel

As in other regions (cf. Harvey & Haber 1999: 54), the Saraguros reported that trees can 

reduce grass growth in the wet season, and that their use as shade trees depends on their 

spacing and density. One species, a MORACEAE (Ficus krucovii), was protected during the 

forest clearing process, while all other species are fast growing pioneer species which grew 

after establishing the pastures, and which have since been tolerated. 

5.3.2.10 Plants with other uses of the Saraguros (OTH) 

In total, ten species belonging to nine botanical families have uses that did not fit into the 

described use categories. Eight species are wild growing species, and two are, as a rule, 

cultivated species. The fibers from two species, Furcraea andina (leaves) and Heliocarpus 

americanus (bark) are known to be good for making cords. However, only the latter is still 

used for that purpose. A herb bath with the bark of Heliocarpus americanus is used to treat 

cattle heat stroke, and Philoglossa mimuloides (Fig. 34 Right) cures cow ailments. Further, 

Ceroxylon sp. and Clusia alata play an important role during religious ceremonies. The 

Saraguros make ornaments from Ceroxylon sp. leaves, using them on Easter Sunday during 

the traditional Catholic ceremony (cf. Box 11), while Clusia alata resin is used as incense in 

local chapels (Fig. 34 Left). 

Herb baths with Ambrosia artemisioides are used for female hygiene. The use of Phytolacca 

rinvinoides fruits as soap was only known by Informant 16M (2007), who is about 70 years 

old and one of the oldest inhabitants of El Tibio. However, he does not use the plant and buys 

soap instead. Another plant species that has lost its use is Spirotheca rimbachii. In the past, 

the Saraguros stuffed pillows with its seed hairs. The fruits from Juglans neotropica, a much 

appreciated multipurpose species, are sometimes used to dye textiles and wool. Finally, the 

Saraguros consider the presence of Graffenrieda emarginata as an indicator for poor soils, 

such as the ones on the plateau close to El Cristal. These species are listed in Table 49. 

Fig. 34: Left: A Saraguro taking some resin from a Clusia alata tree in El Tibio. The Saraguros use 

this resin as incense in the local chapel. Right: A specimen of Philoglossa mimuloides, a weed used 

in El Tibio to treat cattle. (Photos by A. Gerique 2006) 

141

Table 49: Other uses of plant species by the Saraguros 

Family Species Life form Main origin Parts used Uses Other 

uses 

AGAVACEAE Furcraea andina H C Leaves Fibers FEN 

ARECACEAE Ceroxylon sp. T Wf Leaves Ornaments in 

religious ceremonies 

ASTERACEAE Ambrosia artemisioides H Wn Leaves? Female hygiene MED 

ASTERACEAE Philoglossa mimuloides H Wn Whole plant Veterinary 

BOMBACACEAE Spirotheca rimbachii T Wf Seed hairs Pillow filling 

CLUSIACEAE Clusia alata T Wf Resin Incense 

JUGLANDACEAE Juglans neotropica T (Wf), C Fruits Black dye FOO, 

CON, 

MED 

MELASTOMATACEAE Graffenrieda emarginata S Wn Whole plant Soil quality indicator 

PHYTOLACCACEAE Phytolacca rivinoides S Wn Fruits Soap 

TILIACEAE Heliocarpus americanus T Wn Bark Fibers, Veterinary 

H: Herb, S: Shrub, T: Treelet/Tree, Wn: Wild species gathered outside the forest, CON: Construction, FOO: Food, MED: 

Medicine 

Box 11: The use of the wax palm (Ceroxylon sp.) 

Wax palm fronds are used in South America during Catholic Palm Sunday processions to 

commemorate the entry of Jesus into Jerusalem. Residents greet “Jesus” by waving palm branches. 

In recent times, this custom has been criticized by environmental NGOs, as it requires the felling of 

palm trees, endangering the existence of parrot species that depend on these wax palms for 

subsistence. Supported by the church, different NGOs started campaigns in Colombia, Ecuador and 

other countries to encourage people to wave corn stalks and branches from eucalyptus and 

ornamental plants such as roses and pinks instead of traditional palm fronds and the woven crosses 

made from the wax palm (cf. Diario la Hora 2010a). 

5.3.3 Other plants used by the Saraguros of El Tibio and El Cristal 

On a few occasions, the informants mentioned useful plant species that could not be found 

and checked. These species are listed in Table 50, including their name, life form, and uses. 

Table 50: Non identified species used by the Saraguros 

Local name Life Description of the use 

Aguacatillo Tree The wood is used for construction 

Almizcle Tree The wood is used for construction 

Campeche Tree The wood is used for construction 

Churón Herb A plaster made with leaves of Churón and stems of Iresine cf. diffusa is used to treat fever 

Corulla Herb It is good fodder 

Chinchira Herb A plaster made with leaves of Chinchira in order to treat aire de agua* 

Diablo fuerte Tree The wood is used for construction and posts 

Guisho chico Herb It is used in a tea together with Cuphea cf. racemosa and sugar in order to ease childbirth 

Tigrecillo Herb An infusion is made with some stems of Tigrecillo, sugar, and ingested together with commercial 

drugs in order to treat influenza. It is used in horchatas as well 

Note: The data on these species are based on the information given by the informants; the plants have not been seen. 

Therefore, they could have been listed under another name. 

142

5.4 RESULTS OF THE SURVEY IN MESTIZO COMMUNITIES 

5.4.1 The ethnobotany of the Mestizos 

The Mestizo inhabitants of Los Guabos and the fincas in Sabanilla, El Retorno, and La 

Fragancia use about 312 species with a total of 409 uses. Of them, 148 are wild plants and 

172 are cultivated plants. Eight species were included in both categories 60 . A total of 98.4% of 

species (306) have been identified to genus and 77.8% (242) to species or species affinity. 

The useful species belong to 101 botanical families and at least to 237 genera. ASTERACEAE is 

the most represented family (22 useful species), followed by POACEAE (19) SOLANACEAE (13) 

and ROSACEAE (12). The most important families are listed in the left column of Table 51. 

Table 51: Families with the highest number of species used by the Mestizos of Los Guabos, 

Sabanilla, El Retorno and La Fragancia and FIVI* values 



ASTERACEAE 22 ASTERACEAE 28 (22) 

POACEAE 19 POACEAE 22 (19) 

SOLANACEAE 13 SOLANACEAE 18 (13) 

ROSACEAE 12 LAMIACEAE 15 (11) 

EUPHORBIACEAE 11 ROSACEAE 15 (12) 

LAMIACEAE 11 EUPHORBIACEAE 14 (11) 

FABACEAE 10 MALVACEAE 12 (6) 

CRASSULACEAE 9 FABACEAE 12 (10) 

MIMOSACEAE 9 MIMOSACEAE 11 (9) 

LAURACEAE 7 MYRTACEAE 10 (5) 

ERICACEAE 7 LAURACEAE 10 (7) 

AMARANTHACEAE 6 CRASSULACEAE 10 (9) 

ARACEAE 6 RUTACEAE 9 (5) 

MALVACEAE 6 AMARANTHACEAE 8 (6) 

MYRTACEAE 6 AGAVACEAE 8 (4) 

ORCHIDACEAE 6 ERICACEAE 8 (7) 



According to the Family Importance Value Index (FIVI) after Báez & Borgtoft (Báez 1999), 

the most important families are ASTERACEAE (with FIVI = 28), POACEAE (with FIVI = 22) 

and SOLANACEAE (FIVI = 18) (cf. Table 51, right column). Most plant species (224) have one 

use (72%), 76 (24.4%) have two, and nine species (2.9%) have three uses. Brugmansia x 

candida (SOLANACEAE) has four uses (0.3%). Most prevalent is the use of Juglans neotropica 

(JUGLANDACEAE), which is represented in six use categories. The average number of uses per 

species among the Mestizos is 1.3. 

60 

A further six species have been found only in Sevilla de Oro, La Chonta, and El Limón. The species of these 

settlements have not been included in the statistics, but are listed in Annex. 

143

Table 52: Life form distribution of the plant species used by the Mestizos 


Herb 145 (46.5%) 42 (28.4%) 104 (60.5%) 

Tree/Treelet 97 (31.1%) 67 45.3%) 32 (18.6%) 

Shrub 45 (14.4%) 23 (15.5%) 27 (15.7%) 

Epiphyte/Hemi-Epiphyte 12 (3.8%) 12 (8.1%) 0 

Vine 9 (2.9%) 0 9 (5.2%) 

Fern 4 (1.3%) 4 (2.7%) 0 

Liana 0 0 0 

Total species 312 (100%) 148 (100%) 172 (100%) 


Table 52 shows the life form distribution of the useful plant species. The Mestizos primarily 

use herbs (145 species, 46.5%), trees/treelets (97 species, 31.1%) and shrubs (45 species, 

14.4%). Most of the herbs used by the Mestizos are cultivated species (104 species, 60.5% of 

the cultivated species), while trees and treelets are dominant among the wild species (67, 

45.3% of the wild species). As in the case of the Saraguros, shrubs take an intermediate 

position (23 wild, 27 cultivated). In addition, the Mestizos use 12 epiphytic/hemi-epiphytic 

wild species (3.8% of the total species and 8.1% of the wild species) and cultivate nine vine 

species (2.9% of the total and 5.2% of the cultivated species). They also use four fern species. 

No useful lianas have been found among the Mestizos. 

Table 53: Plant parts used by the Mestizos 


Leaves 47 (15.1%) 22 (14.9%) 27 (15.7%) 

Roots/Bulbs 11 (3.5%) 1 (0.7%) 10 (5.8%) 

Heart/Sprout 2 (0.6%) 2 (1.4%) 0 

Inflorescences 29 9.3%) 9 (6.1%) 20 (11.6%) 

Trunk/Stem/Branches 47 (15.1%) 38 (25.7%) 9 (5.2%) 

Fruits 62 (19.9%) 30 (20.3%) 37 (21.5%) 

Seeds 5 (1.6%) 3 (2.0%) 2 (1.2%) 

Bark 2 (0.6%) 2 (1.4%) 0 


Whole plant 145 (46.5%) 55 (37.2%) 93 (54.1%) 

Unknown 15 (4.8%) 8 (5.4%) 7 (4.1%) 

Note: The categories are non-exclusive. “Unknown” refers to incomplete information about the plant parts used. The 

percentages are calculated on 312 used plant species, 148 wild species, and 172 cultivated species. One species can have 

more than one useful plant part. 

Table 53 shows the main plant parts used by the Mestizos. The Mestizos principally use the 

whole plant (145 species, 46.5%). The fruits are another prevalently used plant part (62 

species, 19.9%), especially among the cultivated plants (37 species, 21.5%), and are mostly 

used for food. Other common plant parts used – mainly for construction and as fuel wood - 

are the trunk/stem and branches (47 species, 15.1%), in particular among the wild species (38 

species, 25.7%), and the leaves (47 species, 15.1%). The latter are principally used as 

condiments or to prepare infusions or remedies. All other plant parts are seldom used. It 

144

should be noted again (cf. Chapter 5.3.1) that the use of the whole plant includes the use of 

the stem and leaves and other aerial plant parts. 

As noted in Chapter 1.2, there are only a few ethnobotanical studies of the Mestizos of 

Ecuador. In the Sierra region, where this study took place, Cerón (2002b, cited in de la Torre 

& Macía 2008: 20) counted in communities of the Upano a total of 168 useful plant species. 

In the western part of Loja Province, a study by Kvist et al. (2006: 205) described 165 species 

with 235 uses, while Sánchez et al. (2006: 188) counted 80 species with 200 different uses in 

the south-western part of the same province. Due to the different backgrounds of these studies 

and to the high heterogeneity and complexity of the cultural and socioeconomic factors 

underlying Mestizo plant use, and land-use decisions no closer ethnobotanical comparisons 

are possible. 

5.4.2 Use categories among the Mestizos 

Once again, the “use totalled method” was employed to group the plant uses into use 

categories. 

Fig. 35: Mestizo use categories with at least five species 


main place of harvesting 

Note: The categories are non-exclusive; one species with more than one use is included in more than one category. Plant 

species with more than one use within the category “Other” have been listed only once. Table 68 shows a more detailed 

classification of the uses 

145

5.4.2.1 Edible plants of the Mestizos (FOO) 

The most important use category among the Mestizos is “Food” with 103 plant species. All 

edible species are listed in Table 54. ROSACEAE, with 10 species, is the most represented 

botanical family, and includes five different wild berry species, two cultivated berry species 

(Fragaria vesca and Rubus cf. rosifolius, both introduced and naturalized), and three 

cultivated fruit tree species. Romoleroux (1997) mentioned the high diversity of edible berry 

species in the Podocarpus National Park region. The second most important family is 

MIMOSACEAE, with eight Inga spp., most of them (7) growing protected in pastures for their 

fruits. SOLANACEAE (7) and FABACEAE (6) are other significant families. With the exception of 

Trianea sp. (SOLANACEAE), all species included in the latter two families are cultivated 

species, whereas Physalis peruviana grows both cultivated and wild. Other families in this 

category that include only cultivated species are APIACEAE (Coriandrum sativum, Foeniculum 

vulgare, Petroselinum crispum, used principally as spices), RUTACEAE (Citrus spp.), and 

POACEAE (Cymbopogon citratus, Saccharum officinarum, Zea mays). ERICACEAE (5) is 

another significant botanical family in this use category. 

As shown in Figure 35, the Mestizos consume mainly cultivated species (68). However, just 

as they represent a heterogeneous group, so is their plant knowledge and the species used for 

food, variable. Some households – mainly in Los Guabos - cultivate in fields edible crops 

such as Zea mays (maize), Phaseolus spp., Vicia spp. (beans), and Saccharum officinarum, 

and in their home gardens vegetables (Allium cepa, Arracacia cf. xanthorriza, Lactuca sativa 

and others), tubers or roots (Colocasia esculenta, Xanthosoma cf. sagittifolium, Manihot 

esculenta, Solanum tuberosum), fruits (Annona cherimola, Persea americana, Passiflora spp., 

Ficus carica, Citrus spp., and herbs to prepare horchatas (Aerva sanguinolenta, Alternanthera 

sp., Amaranthus sp., Cymbopogon citratus, Lavatera sp.). Besides, the Mestizos also often 

cultivate spices that are used to prepare condiments. Most popular are Capsicum cf. annuum 

(cf. Fig. 36 Left) and Coriandrum sativum. Other households cultivate only very few species. 

However, all families cultivate at least plantains (Musa x paradisiaca). The cultivation of 

Manihot esculenta is common among the Mestizos who live in lower areas like La Fragancia. 

This diet is complemented by edible weeds (Minthostachys mollis, Plantago major) used in 

horchatas and other wild plants growing principally in disturbed land and pastures (25). Other 

plants are collected in humid areas, such as horchata ingredients (Equisetum bogotense). The 

Mestizos seldom gather edible plants in forest remnants (10). As in the Saraguro 

communities, the apical meristem of an unidentified and scarce palm species is much 

appreciated, and the flowers of Gaiadendron punctatum are collected to prepare horchatas. 

The leaves of Cyclanthus bipartitus and of an Anthurium species, both growing in forest 

patches, are used to prepare tamales. However, like the Saraguros, the Mestizos prefer the 

leaves of cultivated Canna indica. Some wild fruits are obtained from species growing in 

pastures which have been protected during forest clearing (Rollinia spp., cf. Figure 36 Right, 

Myrcianthes rhopaloides, and Trianea sp.). In Los Guabos, Triticum sp. (wheat), Hordeum 

vulgare (barley) and Chenopodium quinoa (quinoa) have been cultivated in the past, up until 

the late seventies (Informant 34M 2007; Informant 57F 2007). 

146

Table 54: Plants used for food by the Mestizos 

Family Species Life form Main origin Parts used Preparation Other uses 

EQUISETACEAE Equisetum bogotense F Wn Whole plant Horchata* MED 


AMARANTHACEAE Aerva sanguinolenta H C Leaves Horchata* MED 

AMARANTHACEAE Alternanthera sp. 4 H C Whole plant Horchata* 

AMARANTHACEAE Amaranthus sp. 1 H C Whole plant Horchata* MED 

ANNONACEAE Rollinia andicola T Wf Fruit Raw 

ANNONACEAE Annona cherimola T C Fruit Raw 

ANNONACEAE Rollinia mucosa T Wf Fruit Raw 

ANNONACEAE Rollinia sp. T Wf Fruit Raw 

APIACEAE Arracacia cf. xanthorriza H C Roots Raw, cooked 

APIACEAE Coriandrum sativum H C Leaves Condiment 

APIACEAE Foeniculum vulgare H C Whole plant Condiment 

APIACEAE Petroselinum crispum H C Whole plant Condiment 

ARACEAE Anthurium sp. E Wf Leaves Tamales* CON 

ARACEAE Colocasia esculenta H C Tubers Cooked 

ARACEAE Xanthosoma cf. sagittifolium H C Tubers Cooked FOD 

ARECACEAE Genus unknown. T Wf Apical meristem Raw, cooked OTH 

ASTERACEAE Lactuca sativa H C Leaves Raw 

ASTERACEAE Smallanthus sonchifolius S C Tubers Cooked 

BIXACEAE Bixa orellana T C Seeds Condiment 

BRASSICACEAE Brassica oleracea H C Leaves Raw, cooked 

BROMELIACEAE Ananas comosus H C Fruits Raw FEN 

CANNACEAE Canna indica H C Leaves Tamales* ORN, FEN 

CARICACEAE Carica papaya T C Fruits Raw 

CARICACEAE Carica cf. pubescens T C Fruits Raw 

CHENOPODIACEAE Beta vulgaris H C Leaves Cooked 

CHLORANTHACEAE Hedyosmum goudotianum T Wn Leaves Tea 

COMMELINACEAE Callisia gracilis H Wn Leaves Tea MED 

CONVOLVULACEAE Ipomoea batatas V C Roots Cooked, roasted 

CUCURBITACEAE Cucurbita ficifolia V C Fruits Raw, cooked 

CUCURBITACEAE Cyclanthera pedata V C Fruits Raw, cooked 

CYCLANTHACEAE Cyclanthus bipartitus H Wf Leaves Tamales 

ERICACEAE Cavendishia cf. bracteata S Wn Fruits Raw 

ERICACEAE Cavendishia sp. S Wn Fruits, flowers Raw 

ERICACEAE Gaultheria erecta S Wn Fruits Raw 

ERICACEAE Gaultheria sp. S Wn Fruits Raw 

ERICACEAE Vaccinium floribundum S Wn Fruits Raw 

EUPHORBIACEAE Manihot esculenta S C Roots Cooked, fried 

FABACEAE Arachis hypogaea H C Seeds Roasted FOD 

FABACEAE Erythrina edulis T C Fruits Cooked FOD, FEN 

FABACEAE Phaseolus cf. coccineus V C Beans Cooked 

FABACEAE Phaseolus cf. vulgaris V C Beans Cooked 

FABACEAE Pisum sativum H C Beans Cooked 

FABACEAE Vicia faba H C Beans Cooked 

GERANIACEAE Pelargonium odoratissimum H C Whole plant Horchata* ORN 

JUGLANDACEAE Juglans neotropica T (Wf), C Fruits Raw CON, OTH, 

FUE, MED 

LAMIACEAE Minthostachys mollis H Wn Whole plant Tea MED 

LAMIACEAE Origanum vulgare H C Leaves Condiment 

LAURACEAE Persea americana T C Fruits Raw CON, FUE 

LORANTHACEAE Gaiadendron punctatum S Wf Flowers Horchata* ORN 

MALVACEAE Alcea rosea L. H C Leaves Horchata* MED, ORN 

MALVACEAE Hibiscus rosa-sinensis S C Bark, flowers Tea ORN, FEN 

MALVACEAE Lavatera sp. S C Flowers Horchata* ORN 

MIMOSACEAE Inga extra-nodis T Wn Fruits Raw 

147

Table 54: Plants used for food by the Mestizos (continued) 

Family Species Life form Main origin Parts used Preparation Other uses 

MIMOSACEAE Inga marginata T Wn Fruits Raw MED 

MIMOSACEAE Inga spectabilis T (Wn) ; C Fruits Raw 

MIMOSACEAE Inga striata T Wn Fruits Raw 

MIMOSACEAE Inga sp. 2 T Wn Fruits Raw FOD 

MIMOSACEAE Inga sp. 3 T Wn Fruits Raw 



MORACEAE Ficus carica T C Fruits Raw 


MYRTACEAE Myrcianthes rhopaloides T Wf Fruits Raw T/C 

MYRTACEAE Psidium guajava T Wn Fruits Raw FOD, FEN 

MYRTACEAE Syzygium jambos T C Fruits Raw MED 

ONAGRACEAE Fuchsia cf. magellanica S C Flowers Horchata* MED 

PASSIFLORACEAE Passiflora edulis V C Fruits Raw 

PASSIFLORACEAE Passiflora ligularis V C Fruits Raw 

PASSIFLORACEAE Passiflora tripartita V C Fruits Raw 

PIPERACEAE Peperomia cf. blanda H C Whole plant Horchata* 

PIPERACEAE Piper cf. carpunya E Wn Leaves Tea 

PIPERACEAE Piper cf. crassinervium S C Leaves Condiment MED 

PLANTAGINACEAE Plantago major H Wn Whole plant Horchata* MED 

POACEAE Cymbopogon citratus H C Leaves Horchata*, tea MED 

POACEAE Saccharum officinarum H C Stem Raw, distilled FOD 


POLYGONACEAE Rumex obtusifolius H Wn Leaves Raw, cooked MED 

PROTEACEAE Oreocallis grandiflora T Wf Flowers Horchata* 

ROSACEAE Eriobotrya japonica T C Fruits Raw 

ROSACEAE Fragaria vesca H C Fruits Raw 

ROSACEAE Prunus persica T C Fruits Raw FEN 

ROSACEAE Prunus serotina T C Fruits Raw 

ROSACEAE Rubus bogotensis S Wn Fruits Raw 

ROSACEAE Rubus boliviensis S Wn Fruits Raw 

ROSACEAE Rubus niveus S Wn Fruits Raw 

ROSACEAE Rubus robustus S Wn Fruits Raw 

ROSACEAE Rubus cf. rosifolius S (Wn), C Fruits Raw 

ROSACEAE Rubus urticifolius S Wn Fruits Raw 

RUBIACEAE Coffea arabica S C Beans Raw, infusion FEN 

RUTACEAE Citrus maxima T C Fruits Raw MED 

RUTACEAE Citrus medica T C Fruits Raw MED, FEN 


SAPOTACEAE Pouteria lucuma T C Fruits Raw 

SOLANACEAE Capsicum cf. annuum S C Fruits Condiment 

SOLANACEAE Capsicum pubescens S C Fruits Raw 

SOLANACEAE Physalis peruviana S (Wn), C Fruits Raw MED 


SOLANACEAE Solanum quitoense S C Fruits Raw 

SOLANACEAE Solanum tuberosum H C Tubers Cooked 

SOLANACEAE Trianea sp. E Wf Fruits Raw 

VERBENACEAE Aloysia triphylla S C Leaves Tea MED 

VERBENACEAE Lantana cf. trifolia S C Leaves Tea MED 

E: Epiphyte/Hemi-epiphyte, F: Fern, H: Herb, S: Shrub, T: Treelet/tree, V: Vine, C: Cultivated species, Wf: Wild species gathered in the 

forest and in forest remnants, Wn: Wild species gathered in other areas. The brackets indicate a secondary gathering place 

CON: Construction, FEN: Living fence, FOD: Fodder, FUE: Fuel, MED: Medicine, ORN: Ornamental, OTH: Other uses, T/C: 

Tools/Containers, *: see glossary of local terms 

148

Fig. 36: Left: A cultivated shrub of ají (Capsicum cf. annuum) in El Retorno. Ají (hot pepper) is a very 

popular spice among all ethnic groups of southern Ecuador. Right: A wild chirimoya tree (Rollinia sp.) 

with edible fruits in La Fragancia. Photos by A. Gerique 2005 (left), 2006 (right) 

5.4.2.2 Medicinal plants of the Mestizos (MED) 

The Mestizos use at least 99 plant species to treat different ailments. The most important 

botanical families are ASTERACEAE with 14 species, LAMIACEAE with seven species, and 

EUPHORBIACEAE, ONAGRACEAE and SOLANACEAE with five useful species each. The Mestizos 

cultivate 48 medicinal species in their home gardens, while 51 species grow wild. Four 

species, Baccharis sp., Juglans neotropica, Piper aduncum and Physalis peruviana, are being 

cultivated and also grow wild. As in the case of the medicinal plants of the Saraguros, almost 

all wild species (50) grow naturally in disturbed areas and pastures or, like Equisetum 

bogotense, Adianthum raddianum (cf. Fig. 37 Right) and Costus sp., in humid areas. In 

addition, two forest species, Croton cf. mutisianus, and Croton cf. lechleri (sangre de drago) 

have medicinal uses. Their sap is one of the most popular remedies in the region and it has 

been of commercial interest until recently. Most trees under use grow protected in pastures 

established in former forest areas. Almost two thirds of the medicinal plants (61) are 

herbaceous species. A further 21 species are shrubs, and 16 are tree species, while only two 

are ferns and one species is an epiphyte (Phoradendron sp.). 

The most common ailments treated with plants are listed in Table 55. The highest number of 

species (21) is used for the treatment of respiratory ailments and infections. The causes of 

these ailments are probably connected to the poor isolation of houses, which are, as in the 

case of the Saraguros (cf. Chapter 5.3.2.2), often damp and cold at higher altitudes. The work 

outdoors in fields and pastures is arguably another cause. Such work is in all likelihood 

responsible for cutaneous problems and swellings, including insect stings, and for ailments 

like backache, bone-ache, and tired feet, which are treated with 19, seven, and seven species 

respectively. Gastrointestinal problems are treated with 18 species, followed by nervousness 

and anxiety (9), mal aire (8), and headache (7). One of the most popular species to treat 

headache is Ruta graveolens (cf. Fig. 37 Left). As in the case of the other two ethnic groups, a 

lack of hygiene is the most probable cause of gastrointestinal ailments. An unbalanced diet 

could be responsible for these ailments as well. Apart from the 18 species used to heal these 

ailments, the Mestizo reported the use of Solanum americanum to treat scurvy. Espanto is 

149

treated with five species. The origin and ailments of mal aire and espanto are described in 

Chapter 5.2.2.1. Other common ailments are those related to menstrual irregularities, which 

are treated with Adianthum raddianum (cf. Fig. 37 Right), and another three species, fever (4), 

obstetrics (3), blood pressure and cardiac pain (3), kidney and liver ailments (3), and 

hangovers (3). Mouth infections, including mal de Holanda, ocular problems, and cancer are 

treated with at least two species each. Finally, the Mestizo informants mentioned a plant used 

to treat hair loss (Rumex urticifolius), one for relapses (Browallia americana), one with 

cholesterol lowering characteristics (Piper cf. crassinervium), and three species used as allpurpose 

remedies. Different species have multiple medicinal uses. Most remarkable are 

Alternanthera porrigens, Baccharis genistelloides, and Piper aduncum, all with four or more 

very different applications. Only 41 medicinal species are represented in a second use 

category being used as either ornamental plants (19), or for food (16), mainly in horchatas. 

Table 55: Main ailments treated with medicinal plants by the Mestizos and total of species used 

Respiratory diseases and infections 21 Fever 4 

Cutaneous problems and swellings, sunburn 19 Obstetrics 3 

Gastrointestinal ailments 18 Blood pressure & cardiac pain 3 

Nervousness, anxiety 9 Kidney and liver ailments 3 

Mal aire* 8 Hangovers 3 

Headache 7 All purpose remedy 3 

Tired feet, backache, bone-ache 7 Mouth infections, mal de Holanda* 2 

Espanto* 5 Ocular problems 2 

Menstrual irregularities 

*) See glossary of local terms 

4 Cancer 2 

In order to prepare the remedies, the most common plant parts used are the whole plant (the 

aerial parts including stem, leaves and inflorescences) (36), the leaves (33), followed by the 

inflorescences (12). As noted in Chapter 5.2.2.1, leaves often contain alkaloids of medicinal 

relevance. In most cases (70), the Mestizos prepare an infusion which is usually drunk as a tea 

or used in herb baths. Other plant remedies are used topically as poultices (10) or rubbed raw 

on the skin (8). A few remedies require the preparation of dilutions, decoctions, syrups or 

salves, some of them mixed with alcohol, thymol or camphor bought in drug stores. 

Moreover, the treatment sometimes involves the participation of the patient in a limpia or 

cleansing ceremony. The Mestizos often combine these traditional remedies with modern 

drugs like terramicyne bought in pharmacies. All medicinal plants used by the Mestizos and 

their uses are listed in Table 56. 

150

Table 56: Medicinal plants of the Mestizos 

Family Species Life form Main origin Parts used Problems treated (and properties) Preparation Other uses 

EQUISETACEAE Equisetum bogotense F Wn The plant Kidney problems Infusion (oral) FOO 

PTERIDACEAE Adianthum raddianum F Wn Leaves Stomach upset, purgative, menstrual 

irregularities 

Infusion (oral) 

ACANTHACEAE Justicia pectoralis H Wn Unknown Influenza, backache Infusion (unknown) 

ACANTHACEAE Justicia sp. H C Unknown Cancer and other health problems Infusion unknown) 

AMARANTHACEAE Aerva sanguinolenta H C Leaves Unknown Unknown FOO 

AMARANTHACEAE Alternanthera porrigens H C Leaves Wound infections Poultice (raw) 

Blood pressure irregularities, mal aire* Infusion mixed with Amaranthus sp. (oral?) 

Influenza Infusion mixed with Solanum nigrum & Ruta 

graveolens (oral) 

AMARANTHACEAE Amaranthus sp. 1 H C Sap To strengthen blood, cardiac pain Infusion (oral) FOO 

AMARANTHACEAE Iresine herbstii H C Leaves Wound infections Poultice (raw) mixed Cestrum sendtnerianum leaves 

APIACEAE Cyclospermum leptophyllum H Wn The plant Fever Infusion (unknown) VET 

APIACEAE Hydrocotyle ranunculoides H Wn Unknown Unknown Unknown 

ASPHODELACEAE Aloe vera H C Sap Cuts (cicatrizant), sunburn Rubbed (topical) 

ASTERACEAE Ageratum conyzoides H Wn The plant Mal aire* Infusion (unknown) 

ASTERACEAE Ambrosia artemisioides S Wn The plant Muscle pain Infusion (herb bath) mixed with Cymbopogon citratus 

and milk 

ASTERACEAE Baccharis genistelloides H Wn The plant Stomach pain Infusion (oral) 

Backache Infusion (scalded, herb bath) 

Blood pressure problems Infusion (oral) 

Kidney problems Infusion (oral) 

ASTERACEAE Baccharis sp. S Wn, (C) The plant Colds Infusion (oral) 

ASTERACEAE Bidens pilosa H Wn Flowers Fungus infections, pimples Rubbed (ashes, topical) 

Flowers Fever, influenza Infusion mixed with Ageratum conyzoides (oral) 

ASTERACEAE Chrysanthemum indicum H C The plant Espanto* Infusion (unknown) ORN 

151

Table 56: Medicinal plants of the Mestizos (continued) 

FAMILY Scientific name Life form Origin Parts used Problems treated (and properties) Preparation Other uses 

152 

Leaves, 

flowers 

Mal aire* Inhaled (chopped and mixed with thymol and 

camphor) 

ASTERACEAE Dhalia pinnata H C Roots Swellings Poultice (raw, crushed) ORN 

ASTERACEAE Galinsoga quadriradiata H Wn Unknown Influenza Unknown FOD 

ASTERACEAE Gamochaeta americana H Wn The plant Stomach-ache Infusion (oral) 

ASTERACEAE Matricaria sp. H C Flowers, 

leaves 

ASTERACEAE Sonchus oleraceus H Wn Flowers, 

leaves 

Stomach-ache Infusion (scalded, oral or herb bath) 

Liver inflammation Infusion (unknown) 

Sap Toothache Chewed (unknown) 

ASTERACEAE Tagetes terniflora S C Flowers Mal aire* Infusion (herb bath) 

ASTERACEAE Tanacetum parthenium H C Leaves Espanto* (nervine) Infusion (sopla*, topical) 

ASTERACEAE Taraxacum officinale H Wn Unknown All-round remedy Infusion (oral) 

BALSAMINACEAE Impatiens balsamina H C Flowers Headache, fever Poultice ORN 

BALSAMINACEAE Impatiens walleriana H C Flowers Headache, fever Poultice ORN 

BEGONIACEAE Begonia x tuberhybrida H C Unknown Unknown Unknown ORN 

BORAGINACEAE Borago officinalis H C The plant Influenza Infusion (oral) 

BORAGINACEAE Cordia sp. H C Leaves Abdominal cramps Infusion (oral) 

BRASSICACEAE Lepidium chichicara H Wn The plant Menstrual irregularities Infusion (unknown) 

BRASSICACEAE Rorippa bonariensis H Wn Leaves Unknown unknown 

BUDDLEJACEAE Buddleja cf. Americana S Wn The plant Bone-ache Decoction (herb bath) 


Leaves Headache Infusion mixed with Aloysia triphylla leaves (oral) 

CHENOPODIACEAE Chenopodium ambrosioides H C The plant Parasites (anthelmintic), diarrhea Infusion (oral) mixed with Verbena litoralis 

The plant Mal aire* Infusion (unknown) 

CLUSIACEAE Hypericum canadense H Wn Unknown Unknown Unknown 

COMMELINACEAE Callisia gracilis H Wn The plant Colds Infusion (oral) FOO



COSTACEAE Costus sp. H Wn Stem Stomach-ache Row 

CRASSULACEAE Kalanchoe pinnata H C The plant Headache Infusion (unknown) ORN 

CRASSULACEAE Kalanchoe sp. 2 H C Unknown Unknown Unknown 

ERICACEAE Bejaria aestuans S Wn The plant Purgative, menstrual irregularities Infusion (oral) ORN 

ERICACEAE Bejaria resinosa S Wn The plant Purgative Infusion (oral) 

EUPHORBIACEAE Cnidoscolus acontifolius T C Sap Cancer Diluted ORN 

EUPHORBIACEAE Croton cf. lechleri T Wf Sap All purpose, skin diseases Rubbed raw (topical) 

EUPHORBIACEAE Croton cf. mutisianus T Wf Sap All purpose, skin diseases Rubbed raw (topical) 

EUPHORBIACEAE Croton sp. 2 T Wn Sap Skin diseases Rubbed raw (topical) 

EUPHORBIACEAE Ricinus communis T C Leaves Influenza Poultice 

FABACEAE Medicago sativa H C The plant Unknown Unknown 

GERANIACEAE Pelargonium peltatum H C Unknown Unknown Unknown ORN 

GERANIACEAE Pelargonium x zonale H C Sap Insect bites, wounds Rubbed raw or as a salve mixed with Piper aduncum 

and soap (topical) 

ORN 

HYDRANGEACEAE Hydrangea macrophylla H C Leaves Swellings Poultice mixed with alcohol ORN 

JUGLANDACEAE Juglans neotropica T (Wf), C Leaves Stomach-ache Infusion (oral) CON, PDV, 

OTH, R/M, 

FUE 

LAMIACEAE Clinopodium sp. 2 H Wn The plant Colds, diarrhea Infusion (oral) 

LAMIACEAE Coleus blumei H C Unknown Unknown Unknown ORN 

LAMIACEAE Hyptis sp. 2 H Wn Unknown Unknown Unknown 

LAMIACEAE Melissa officinalis H C The plant Sedative, colds, cough, ulcers Infusion (oral) 

Leaves Wounds (cicatrizant) Poultice 

LAMIACEAE Mentha x piperita H C The plant Colds, nervousness Infusion (oral) 

LAMIACEAE Minthostachys mollis H Wn The plant Colds, cough Infusion (oral) FOO 

The plant Tired feet Infusion (herb bath) 

153



LAMIACEAE Salvia sp. 2 H C Flowers Cough Infusion (oral) ORN 

LAURACEAE Persea sp. T Wn Fruits Swellings Poultice (raw) 

MALVACEAE Alcea rosea L. H C Leaves Infections Infusion (unknown) ORN, FOO 

MALVACEAE Sida rhombifolia H Wn Seeds Infections Infusion (oral or herb bath) 

MELASTOMATACEAE Tibouchina laxa T Wn Sap of 

flowers 

Ocular problems Collyrium (raw) VET 

MIMOSACEAE Calliandra taxifolia T Wn Unknown Female health problems Unknown 

MIMOSACEAE Inga marginata T Wn Leaves Tired feet Infusion (herb bath ) FOO 

MONIMIACEAE Siparuna aspera T (Wf), Wn Leaves Espanto* Rubbed raw (topical) 

MYRTACEAE Syzygium jambos T C Leaves, 

flowers 

ONAGRACEAE Fuchsia lehmannii S Wn Flowers, 

leaves 

154 

Mal aire* Salve (raw, mixed with thymol & camphor) FOO 

Nervousness Infusion (oral) 

Leaves Colds Chewed raw 

ONAGRACEAE Fuchsia cf. Magellanica S C Flowers Nervousness Infusion (oral) FOO 

ONAGRACEAE Fuchsia sp. 1 S C Flowers Nervousness Infusion (oral) ORN 

ONAGRACEAE Fuchsia sp. 2 S C Flowers Nervousness Infusion (oral) 

ONAGRACEAE Fuchsia sp. 3 S Wn Flowers Nervousness Infusion (oral) 

OXALIDACEAE Oxalis peduncularis H Wn The plant Mal de Holanda* Dilution with Mentha spp. Leaves, bicarbonate & 

Citrus medica juice (oral) 

PIPERACEAE Piper aduncum S (Wn), C Leaves Wounds (antiseptic) Infusion (herb bath) 

Leaves Colics, Stomach-ache Infusion (oral) 

Leaves Insect bites, wounds Salve (boiled, mixed with Pelargonium spp. Sap and 

soap) 

Leaves Hangovers Infusion mixed with Urtica spp. & orange peels 

PIPERACEAE Piper cf. crassinervium S C Leaves Cholesterol-lowering, ulcers Infusion (oral) FOO 

PLANTAGINACEAE Plantago major H Wn The plant Stomach-ache, ulcers Infusion (oral) FOO 

POACEAE Cymbopogon citratus H C Leaves Nervousness Infusion (oral) FOO 

OTH



POLYGONACEAE Polygonum hydropiperoides H Wn The plant Skin problems, mal aire* Infusion (herb bath) H/F 

POLYGONACEAE Rumex obtusifolius H Wn The plant Hair growth Infusion (herb bath) 

The plant Infections Poultice 

The plant Unknown Unknown 

ROSACEAE Rosa sp. S C Petals Eye infections Collyrium ORN 

RUBIACEAE Arcytophyllum sp. H Wn Unknown Pimples Unknown 

RUBIACEAE Ladenbergia sp. 2 T Wn Bark Influenza Decoction (oral) 

RUTACEAE Citrus maxima T C Fruit Hangovers Infusion of peels mixed with Urtica spp. & Piper 

aduncum 

RUTACEAE Ruta graveolens S C The plant Headache, Stomach-ache Infusion (unknown) 

The plant Muscle pain Infusion (herb bath) 

SCROPHULARIACEAE Alonsoa meridionalis H Wn Leaves Espanto* Infusion (unknown) 

SCROPHULARIACEAE Castilleja arvensis H Wn The plant Menstrual irregularities Syrup (oral) 

SOLANACEAE Browallia americana H Wn The plant Relapses Unknown 

SOLANACEAE Brugmansia x candida T C Leaves Aire de agua* Infusion (herb bath) FEN, ORN, 

R/M 

SOLANACEAE Cestrum sendtnerianum T Wn Leaves Infected wounds (antiseptic) Poultice 

SOLANACEAE Physalis peruviana S (Wn), C Fruits Infections (antiseptic) Infusion (herb bath) FOO 

SOLANACEAE Solanum americanum H Wn Fruits Scurvy Unknown (oral) 

Fruits Nasal obstruction Squeezed (nasal) 

TILIACEAE Triumfetta althaeoides S Wn Unknown Astringency Unknown (oral) 

URTICACEAE Genus indet. H Wn The plant Skin problems, swellings Rubbed raw (topical) 

The plant Hangovers Infusion mixed with Citrus maxima peels mixed with & 

Piper aduncum (oral) 

VERBENACEAE Aloysia triphylla S C Leaves Headache Infusion mixed with Sambucus nigra leaves (oral) FOO 

VERBENACEAE Lantana cf. trifolia S C Unknown Pregnant women who are too cold 

close to childbirth (to warm up) 

FOO 

Infusion with one orange leaf (unknown) FOO 

155



VERBENACEAE Verbena litoralis H Wn Leaves Espanto* Limpias* T/C 

156 

Sprouts Diarrea Infusion (oral) with Chenopodium ambrosioides 

VIOLACEAE Viola odorata H C Unknown Headache, influenza Infusion (unknown) ORN 

VIOLACEAE Viola x wittrockiana H C The plant Nervousness Infusion (unknown) ORN 

VISCACEAE Phoradendron sp. E Wn Leaves Antiseptic for childbirth wounds Infusion (herb bath) 

E: Epiphyte/Hemi-epiphyte, F: Fern, H: Herb, S: Shrub, T: Treelet/tree, V: Vine 

C: Cultivated species, Wf: Wild species gathered in forests and forest remnants, Wn: Wild species gathered in other areas. The brackets indicate a secondary gathering place 

*: see glossary of local terms 

Fig. 37: Left: Ruta graveolens (ruda), a very common 

medicinal plant in southern Ecuador among Mestizos and 

Saraguros. This native species is used to treat headache, 

stomach-ache, and muscle ache. Right: Leaves of culantrillo 

(Adianthum raddianum). The Saraguros and the Mestizos 

make a tea from the leaves of this native fern to treat stomach 

upset, menstrual irregularities and coughs. (Photos by A. 

Gerique 2006 (right) 2007 (left))

5.4.2.3 Ornamental plants of the Mestizos (ORN) 

The Mestizos use at least 78 species to decorate their houses, home gardens and to embellish 

the local chapels. Most of these species are cultivated species (66), others grow wild (12) 

principally in forest remnants (10). CRASSULACEAE (8), ORCHIDACEAE (seven species at 

least), ASTERACEAE (5) and MALVACEAE (5) are the most important botanical families. The 

Mestizos collect BROMELIACEAE and ORCHIDACEAE species in forests and transplant them to 

their home gardens. An ARACEAE species, Philodendron sp. is collected from the forest in the 

same way. The Mestizos harvest plants as Christmas decorations as well. The flowers from 

Bejaria aestuans (cf. Fig. 31 Left) and Gaiadendron punctatum, both species growing mainly 

in disturbed land, and the leaves from Prumnopitys montana (romerillo) are often used in the 

floral ornaments to decorate local chapels. Some Mestizos protect Tibouchina lepidota trees 

in their pastures just because of their beautiful purple flowers. Only 25 of the 66 species that 

are being cultivated in home gardens have a second use, 18 of them as medicinal plants. Like 

the Saraguros, a few Mestizo women sell flowers in Loja, mainly of Zantesdechia aethiopica. 

Table 57 lists all ornamental plants used by the Mestizos. Figure 38 (Left) shows a specimen 

of the introduced and cultivated Thunbergia alata, a very common ornamental vine in 

Mestizo home gardens of Southern Ecuador. 

Table 57: Ornamental plants used by the Mestizos 


PODOCARPACEAE Prumnopitys montana T Wf, (C) CON 

ACANTHACEAE Thunbergia alata H C 

AGAVACEAE Chlorophytum comosum H C 

AGAVACEAE Yucca guatemalensis H C FEN 

AIZOACEAE Aptenia cordifolia H C OTH 

ALSTROEMERIACEAE Alstroemeria sp. H C 

AMARANTHACEAE Pachystachys lutea H C 

AMARYLLIDACAEAE Hippeastrum sp. H C 

APOCYNACEAE Vinca minor H C 

ARACEAE Dieffenbachia sp. 3 H C 

ARACEAE Philodendron sp. 3 E Wf 

ARACEAE Zantedeschia aethiopica H C 

ASCLEPIADACEAE Hoya carnosa H C 

ASPHODELACEAE Aloe aristata H C 

ASPHODELACEAE Aloe sp. H C 

ASTERACEAE Chrysanthemum indicum H C MED 

ASTERACEAE Cosmos bipinnatus H C 

ASTERACEAE Dhalia pinnata H C 

ASTERACEAE Gazania sp. H C 

ASTERACEAE Tagetes erecta H C 

BALSAMINACEAE Impatiens balsamina H C 

BALSAMINACEAE Impatiens walleriana H C MED 

BEGONIACEAE Begonia x tuberhybrida H C MED 

BROMELIACEAE Tillandsia sp. 3 E Wf 

CACTACEAE Echinopsis pachanoi H C 

CACTACEAE Rhipsalidopsis sp. H C 

CACTACEAE Opuntia sp. H C 

CANNACEAE Canna indica H C FOO 

CARYOPHYLLACEAE Dyanthus sp. H C 

157

Table 57: Ornamental plants used by the Mestizos (continued) 


CONVOLVULACEAE Ipomoea tricolor V C 

CRASSULACEAE Aeonium sp. H C 

CRASSULACEAE Crassula cf. ovata H C 



CRASSULACEAE Kalanchoe fedtschenkoi H C 

CRASSULACEAE Kalanchoe pinnata H C MED 

CRASSULACEAE Kalanchoe sp. 1 H C 

CRASSULACEAE Sedum sp. H C 

ERICACEAE Bejaria aestuans S Wn MED 

EUPHORBIACEAE Cnidoscolus acontifolius T C MED 

EUPHORBIACEAE Euphorbia millii S C 

GERANIACEAE Pelargonium odoratissimum H C FOO 

GERANIACEAE Pelargonium peltatum H C MED 

GERANIACEAE Pelargonium x zonale H C MED 

HEMEROCALLIDACEAE Hemerocallis flava H C 

HYDRANGEACEAE Hydrangea macrophylla H C MED 

IRIDACEAE Crocosmia hybrid. H C 

IRIDACEAE Gladiolus sp. H C 

IRIDACEAE Tigridia pavonia H C 

LAMIACEAE Coleus blumei H C MED 

LAMIACEAE Salvia splendens H C 

LAMIACEAE Salvia sp. 2 H C MED 

LAMIACEAE Scutellaria sp. H C 

LILIACEAE Lilium longiflorum H C MED 

LORANTHACEAE Gaiadendron punctatum T Wf FOO 

MALVACEAE Abutilon striatum S C 

MALVACEAE Alcea rosea H C FOO, MED 

MALVACEAE Hibiscus rosa-sinensis S C MED 

MALVACEAE Lavatera sp. S C FOO 

MALVACEAE Malvaviscus sp. S C FEN 

MARANTACEAE Ctenanthe setosa H C 

MELASTOMATACEAE Tibouchina lepidota T Wn 

NYCTAGINACEAE Bougainvillea sp. S C 

ONAGRACEAE Fuchsia sp. 1 S C MED 

ORCHIDACEAE Cochlioda sp. E Wf 

ORCHIDACEAE Oncidium sp. E Wf 

ORCHIDACEAE Prosthechea sp. E Wf 

ORCHIDACEAE Genus indet. 2 E Wf 



ROSACEAE Rosa sp. S C MED 

RUSCACEAE Sansevieria trifasciata H C 

SOLANACEAE Brugmansia x candida T C MED, FEN, OTH 

SOLANACEAE Brugmansia cf. x insignis T C 

TROPAEOLACEAE Tropaeolum majus H C 

VERBENACEAE Verbena cf. peruviana H C 

VIOLACEAE Viola odorata H C MED 

VIOLACEAE Viola x wittrockiana H C MED 

E: Epiphyte/Hemi-epiphyte, H: Herb, S: Shrub, T: Treelet/tree, V: Vine, C: Cultivated species, Wf: Wild species gathered in the 

forest and in forest remnants, Wn: Wild species gathered in other areas 

FEN: Living fence, FOD: Fodder, FOO: Food, MED: Medicine, OTH: Other uses 

158

Fig. 38: Left: Susana de los ojos negros (Black-eyed Susan) or Thunbergia alata, a very common 

introduced ornamental species in the Mestizo gardens of southern Ecuador. Right: Buildings in the 

Mestizo settlement of Los Guabos. The pillars of the house on the right are made with trunks of 

Cyathea cf. caracasana, a tree fern. (Photos by A. Gerique 2004 (left), 2006 (right)) 

5.4.2.4 Plants used in construction by the Mestizos (CON) 

LAURACEAE (with six species), EUPHORBIACEAE (3), and MELIACEAE (3), are the main 

botanical families in this category. The Mestizos harvest timber from 36 tree species and one 

fern (Cyathea cf. caracasana, cf. Fig. 38 Right). In the past they also used the leaves of 

Anthurium sp. to construct roofs. Of these 36 species, only seven are cultivated, while Juglans 

neotropica grows both in wild in forests and as a cultivated species. The main cultivated 

timber species are Cupressus lusitanica, Pinus patula, Pinus radiata, and Eucalyptus 

globulus. They were introduced as fast growing timber species during the 20th century. They 

have a marginal use, as they are scarce and most settlers favor wild growing species to 

construct houses and furniture. In recent times, some peasants have begun to introduce Alnus 

acuminata to the area, a promising native species to combat deforestation (cf. Knoke et al. 

2009a, 2009b). Persea americana is a common tree in home gardens and valued for making 

planks. 

Among the wild trees, at least 12 useful species grow principally in forest remnants or 

protected in pastures in former forest areas. Podocarpus oleifolius, Prumnopitys montana, 

Tabebuia chrysantha, Prunus opaca, Cedrela spp. (cedro), Hyeronima spp. (Sanón, Tarume), 

Nectandra spp. and other LAURACEAE species (all known as canelo by settlers) are highly 

valued for making planks for house construction and for sale. However, there are almost no 

old specimens in the area due to over-exploitation. As in the case of the Saraguro 

communities, transplanted Cedrela spp. were observed in home gardens and young specimens 

of Tabebuia chrysantha growing protected in pastures. Tabebuia chrysantha, Cedrela spp., an 

unidentified species called Juan Colorado (Clethra sp.?, cf. Schneider 2000: 64), and 

especially Juglans neotropica are spought after for making fence posts because they have a 

very high resistance to moisture. However, due to the lack of good timber, the Mestizos often 

use soft timber pioneer species like Clethra revoluta, Piptocoma discolor or Vismia 

159

tomentosa. Some Mestizos use the wood of Zanthoxylum sp. and other low quality timber 

species for the same purpose. All recorded timber species are listed in Table 58. 

Table 58: Plants used for construction by the Mestizos 


CYATHEACEAE Cyathea cf. caracasana F Wf SHA 

CUPRESSACEAE Cupressus lusitanica T C FEN 

PINACEAE Pinus patula T C 

PINACEAE Pinus radiata T C 

PODOCARPACEAE Podocarpus oleifolius T Wf 

PODOCARPACEAE Prumnopitys montana T Wf ORN 

ARACEAE Anthurium sp. E Wf 

ASTERACEAE Piptocoma discolor T Wn SHA 

BETULACEAE Alnus acuminata T C FEN 

BIGNONIACEAE Tabebuia chrysantha T Wf 

BOMBACACEAE Ochroma pyramidale T Wn OTH 

CLETHRACEAE Clethra revoluta T Wn 

CLUSIACEAE Vismia tomentosa T Wn FUE 

CUNONIACEAE Weinmannia sorbifolia T Wn FUE 

EUPHORBIACEAE Alchornea latifolia T Wn 

EUPHORBIACEAE Hyeronima duquei T Wn FUE 

EUPHORBIACEAE Hyeronima moritziana T Wn SHA 

GROSSULARIACEAE Escallonia paniculata T Wf 

JUGLANDACEAE Juglans neotropica T (Wf), C FOO, OTH, FUE, MED 

LAMIACEAE Hyptidendron arboreum T Wn SHA 

LAURACEAE Aiouea sp. T Wf FUE 

LAURACEAE Aniba muca T Wf 

LAURACEAE Cinnamomum sp. T Wf 

LAURACEAE Nectandra cf. lineatifolia T Wf 

LAURACEAE Nectandra reticulata T Wf 

LAURACEAE Persea americana T C FOO, FUE 

LYTHRACEAE Alzatea verticillata T Wn 

MELASTOMATACEAE Miconia quadripora T Wn T/C 

MELIACEAE Cedrela cf. montana T Wf 


MELIACEAE Guarea kunthiana T Wn 

MYRSINACEAE Myrsine coriacea T Wn 

MYRTACEAE Eucalyptus globulus T C 

MYRTACEAE Eugenia florida T Wn 

PROTEACEAE Roupala sp. 1 T (Wf), Wn 

ROSACEAE Prunus opaca T Wf 

RUTACEAE Zanthoxylum sp. T Wn FUE, SHA 

E: Epyphyte/Hemi-epyphyte, F: Fern, T: Treelet/tree, C: Cultivated species, Wf: Wild species gathered in the forest and in forest 

remnants, Wn: Wild species gathered in other areas. The brackets indicate a secondary gathering place 

FEN: Living fence, FOD: Fodder, FOO: Food, FUE: Fuel, MED: Medicine, ORN: Ornamental, OTH: Other uses, SHA: Shade, 


5.4.2.5 Fodder plants of the Mestizos (FOD) 

The Mestizos of Los Guabos and of the fincas along the road from Sabanilla to Zamora have 

identified at least 29 species with a specific use as fodder (Table 59). POACEAE is the most 

important botanical family with 18 species. Most of the POACEAE (15) grow in meadows 

naturally (6) or are cultivated (9). Chusquea scandens grows in disturbed areas, while, as in 

the case of the Saraguro settlements, cattle in Los Guabos are allowed to enter the fields to eat 

160

the harvest remnants of Saccharum officinarum (sugar cane) and Zea mays (maize). The 

Mestizos cultivate the same fodder grasses as the Saraguros. Setaria sphacelata (mequerón) 

clearly prevails in the scenery, followed by Melinis minutiflora (yaragua). Pennisetum 

clandestinum (kikuyo or pikuyo) is another important species that grows naturally and is 

cultivated in some areas. Some peasants in La Fragancia cultivate Eriochloa sp. and 

Urochloa spp. These species do not grow well at higher altitudes. Urochloa spp. are typical in 

the Oriente of Zamora Chinchipe Province. 

Like the Saraguros, the Mestizos describe various types of “pasto natural” or natural pastures 

that include naturalized and/or cultivated species such as Trifolium repens and Holcus 

lanatus, and wild species considered to be good fodder such as Axonopus compressus, 

Heliopsis canescens, Panicum sp., Paspalum spp., and Polypogon elongatus. In pastures, 

different protected or planted Inga spp., Erythrina edulis, and Psidium guayava trees produce 

fruits that are eaten by cattle. In La Fragancia, protected Phytolacca dioica trees grow in 

pastures. According to the informant (Informant 47M 2005), cattle eat the fallen leaves. 

Table 59: Fodder plants of the Mestizos 

Family Species Life form Main origin Parts used Animals fed Other uses 

DENNSTAEDTIACEAE Pteridium arachnoideum F Wn Rhizome Pigs 

ARACEAE Xanthosoma cf. sagittifolium H C Rhizome Pigs FOO 

ASTERACEAE Galinsoga quadriradiata H Wn The plant Cattle, cuys MED 

ASTERACEAE Heliopsis canescens H Wn The plant Cattle 

FABACEAE Erythrina edulis T C The fruit Cattle FOO 

FABACEAE Trifolium repens H Wn, (C) The plant Cattle, cuys 

MIMOSACEAE Inga spp. T Wn Fruits Cattle FOO, FUE, 

CON, SHA 

MUSACEAE Musa x paradisiaca H C Fruits Pigs FOO 

MYRTACEAE Psidium guajava T Wn, (C) Fruits Cattle FOO 

PHYTOLACCACEAE Phytolacca dioica T Wn Leaves Cattle SHA 

POACEAE Axonopus compressus H Wn The plant Cattle 

POACEAE Axonopus scoparius H C The plant Cattle 

POACEAE Chusquea scandens H Wn Leaves Cuys 

POACEAE Eriochloa sp. H C The plant Cattle 

POACEAE Holcus lanatus H Wn, (C) The plant Cattle, horses, 

mules 

POACEAE Melinis minutiflora H C The plant Cattle 

POACEAE Panicum sp. H Wn The plant Cattle 

POACEAE Paspalum conjugatum H Wn The plant Cattle 

POACEAE Paspalum decumbens H Wn The plant Cattle 

POACEAE Pennisetum clandestinum H C The plant Cattle 

POACEAE Pennisetum purpureum H C The plant Cattle, cuys 

POACEAE Polypogon elongatus H Wn The plant Cattle 

POACEAE Saccharum officinarum H C The plant Cattle, pigs FOO 

POACEAE Setaria sphacelata H C The plant Cattle 

POACEAE Tripsacum sp. H C Leaves Cuys 

POACEAE Urochloa cf. decumbens H C The plant Cattle 

POACEAE Urochloa sp. H C The plant Cattle 

POACEAE Zea mays H C The plant Cattle, pigs, poultry FOO 

SOLANACEAE Acnistus arborescens T (Wn), C Fruits Poultry FEN 

F: Fern, H: Herb, T: Treelet/tree, C: Cultivated species, Wf: Wild species gathered in the forest and in forest remnants, Wn: Wild 


FEN: Living fence, FOO: Food; MED: Medicine, ORN: Ornamental, SHA: Shade 

161

The Mestizos feed their animals as do the Saraguros. In order to feed their pigs they use 

rhizomes and stems of Xanthosoma cf. sagittifolium, plantains (Musa x paradisiaca), maize, 

and sugar cane refuse. However, some Mestizos in El Retorno and Los Guabos feed them 

with rhizomes of Pteridium arachnoideum. The lard from pigs fed on the latter is considered 

excellent. Axonopus scoparius, Galinsoga quadriradiata, Pennisetum purpureum, and leaves 

of Tripsacum sp. are collected to feed cuys (Cavia porcellus), and the diet of poultry is often 

improved with maize. No specific species was mentioned to feed sheep. 

5.4.2.6 Plants used as living fences by the Mestizos (FEN) 

Living fences play a significant role in the management of pastures and home gardens (cf. 

Chapter 5.3.2.7). The Mestizos use at least 18 different species of plants to form hedges. Most 

of them are cultivated species (17), while hedges of Myrica pubescens have probably been 

made by transplanting wild-growing specimens. This study could not determine if the 

specimens of Acnistus arborescens used to make living fences were transplanted or had been 

cultivated. 

Eleven different species used to fence off home gardens have been observed. Brugmansia x 

candida Euphorbia cotinifolia, Hibiscus rosa-sinensis, and Malvaviscus sp. are the most 

frequent species. In Los Guabos, trees of Eriobotrya japonica and Prunus persica are often 

used to fence off fields. In order to fence off pasture, the Mestizos commonly use Cupressus 

lusitanica, Erythrina edulis, Prunus persica, and Yucca guatemalensis. However, like the 

Saraguros, nowadays most Mestizos fence off their land with barbed wire. As a rule, new 

living fences are made using Alnus acuminata (aliso), Cupressus lusitanica and Yucca 

guatemalensis. All species used to make living fences are listed in Table 60. 

Table 60: Plants used by the Mestizos as living fences 

Family Species Life form Main origin Used to fence Other uses 

CUPRESSACEAE Cupressus lusitanica T C Pastures CON 

AGAVACEAE Furcraea andina H C Pastures FEN, OTH 

AGAVACEAE Yucca guatemalensis H C Pastures, home gardens ORN 

ASTERACEAE Gynoxys verrucosa T C Pastures 

BETULACEAE Alnus acuminata T C Pastures CON 

EUPHORBIACEAE Euphorbia cotinifolia T C Home garden 

FABACEAE Erythrina cf. amazonica T C Pastures 

FABACEAE Erythrina edulis T C Pastures, home gardens FOO, FOD 

MALVACEAE Hibiscus rosa-sinensis S C Home gardens FOO, ORN 

MALVACEAE Malvaviscus sp. S C Home gardens ORN 

MYRICACEAE Myrica pubescens T Wn Pastures 

MYRTACEAE Psidium guajava T C Pastures FOO, FOD 

ROSACEAE Eriobotrya japonica T C Home gardens, fields FOO 

ROSACEAE Prunus persica T C Pastures, home gardens FOO 

RUBIACEAE Coffea arabica S C Home gardens 

RUTACEAE Citrus medica T C Home gardens FOO, MED 

SOLANACEAE Acnistus arborescens T Wn?, (C?) Home gardens FOD 

SOLANACEAE Brugmansia x candida T C Home gardens ORN, OTH, MED 

H: Herb, S: Shrub, T: Treelet/tree, C: Cultivated species, Wn: Wild species gathered outside the forest. The brackets indicate a 

secondary gathering place 

CON: Construction, FEN: Living fence, FOD: Fodder, FOO: Food, MED: Medicine, ORN: Ornamental, OTH: Other uses 

162

5.4.2.7 Plants used for fuel by the Mestizos (FUE) 

Like the other two ethnic groups, the Mestizos use many species as firewood. Table 61 

includes all species (14) that were specifically mentioned for this use. Twelve of them are 

wild species, and most of them (8) grow in disturbed areas close to the settlements. The 

Mestizos gather wood from a further four wild species (Guatteria sp., Weinmannia sorbiflora, 

Aiouea sp., and Myrthiantes rhopaloides) that grow mainly in forest remnants or protected in 

pastures. Persea americana and Juglans neotropica are cultivated species with other uses that 

are sometimes used for firewood as well. Among the Mestizos, the use of gas cylinders for 

cooking has probably reduced the utilization of wood as fuel. As in the case of Saraguros, 

several households use firewood to cook corn and legumes and other dishes that require long 

cooking times. 

Table 61: Plants used for fuel by the Mestizos 


form 

Main origin Location Other uses 

ANNONACEAE Guatteria sp. 2 T Wf O 

ASTERACEAE Piptocoma discolor T Wn R CON, SHA 

CLUSIACEAE Vismia tomentosa T Wn O, R CON 

CUNONIACEAE Weinmannia sorbifolia T Wf O CON 

EUPHORBIACEAE Croton sp. 1 T Wn O 

EUPHORBIACEAE Hyeronima duquei T Wn O CON 

JUGLANDACEAE Juglans neotropica T (Wf), C O FOO, CON, OTH, MED 

LAURACEAE Aiouea sp. T Wf R CON 

LAURACEAE Persea americana T C O, R CON 

LYTHRACEAE Adenaria floribunda T Wn R CON 

MELASTOMATACEAE Miconia quadripora T Wn R CON, T/C 

MYRTACEAE Myrcianthes rhopaloides T Wf O T/C, FOO 

RUTACEAE Zanthoxylum sp. T Wn O CON, SHA 

URTICACEAE Myriocarpa stipitata S Wn O FEN 

S: Shrub, T: Treelet/tree, C: Cultivated species, Wf: Wild species gathered in the forest and in forest remnants, Wn: Wild 

species gathered in other areas. The brackets indicate a secondary gathering place. 

CON: Construction, FEN: Living fence, FOO: Food, FUE: Fuel, MED: Medicine, OTH: Other uses, SHA: Shade, T/C: 


5.4.2.8 Plants used to make tools and containers by the Mestizos (T/C) 

This use category was only relevant among the Mestizos of Los Guabos, who use a few wild 

growing species (5) for such purposes (cf. Table 62). The soft wood of two ARIALACEAE, 

Oreopanax eriocephalus and Oreopanax rosei, was collected in the past in forest remnants 

and used to make spoons. 

Table 62: Plant species used to make tools and containers by the Mestizos 


Life 

form 

Management Uses Other uses 

ARIALACEAE Oreopanax eriocephalus T Wf, (Wn) Spoons 

ARIALACEAE Oreopanax rosei T Wf, (Wn) Spoons 

MYRTACEAE Myrcianthes rhopaloides T Wf Shafts for hand tools & fencing poles FOO, FUE 

POACEAE Aulonemia sp. H Wf Baskets 

VERBENACEAE Verbena litoralis H Wn Instrument to punish children MED 

H: Herb, T: Tree/Treelet, C: Cultivated species, Wf: Wild species gathered in the forest and in forest remnants, Wn: Wild 

species gathered in other areas. The brackets indicate a secondary gathering place; FOO: Food, FUE: Fuel, MED: Medicine 

163

In order to make shafts for hand tools and fencing poles, the Mestizos use the hard wood of 

Myrcianthes rhopaloides. Aulonemia sp. is collected in forest remnants and used to make 

baskets by at least one of the families (cf. Fig. 39 Left and Right). Finally, the Mestizos of 

Los Guabos use branches of Verbena litoralis to punish children. Manufactured products 

bought in the markets of Loja and Zamora are replacing items made with plant products. 

Fig. 39: Left: A specimen of Aulonemia sp. in a forest remnant close to Los Guabos. Right: Baskets 

made with dried Aulonemia sp. stems by Mestizos from Los Guabos. (Photos by A. Gerique 2006) 

5.4.2.9 Shade trees and ferns used by the Mestizos (SHA) 

The Mestizos protect different tree species in their pastures in order to offer their cattle 

protection from the elements. They mentioned 11 species specifically when referring to this 

use. MORACEAE, with three Ficus spp., is the main botanical family in this use category. All 

sighted Ficus specimens are trees that were protected in the past during the forest clearing 

process. Other protected species are Cyathea cf. caracasana and Phytolacca dioica (both in 

La Fragancia). However, the fern specimens did not really offer shade and were unhealthy. 

The other species listed in Table 63 are fast growing pioneer species that grew after the 

clearing of the forests and the establishment of pastures, and have been tolerated since then. 

The most common species for shade is Psidium guayava. As in the case of the Saraguros, 

cattle ranchers reported that trees can reduce grass growth in the wet season, and that their 

utility depends on their spacing and density. 

Table 63: Plants used for shade by the Mestizos 

Family Species Life form Other uses 

Cyatheaceae Cyathea cf. caracasana F CON 

Arecaceae Dichtyocharyum lamarckianum T 

Asteraceae Piptocoma discolor T CON 

Euphorbiaceae Hyeronima moritziana T CON 

Lamiaceae Hyptidendron arboreum T CON 

Moraceae Ficus krucovii T 

Moraceae Ficus subandina T 

Moraceae Ficus sp. 3 T 

Myrtaceae Psidium guayava T FOD, FOO 

Phytolaccaceae Phytolacca dioica T FOD 

Rutaceae Zanthoxylum sp. T CON, FUE 

F: Fern, T: Tree/Treelet. CON: Construction, FOD: Fodder, FOO: Food, FUE: Fuel 

164

5.4.2.10 Plants with other uses of the Mestizos (OTH) 

A total of 14 species with uses that do not fit in the described use categories have been 

recorded (Table 64). Four of these species are utilized in veterinary. Herb baths with 

Cyclospermum leptophyllum and Heliocarpus americanus are used to treat cattle, mules, and 

horses with heatstroke, while the sap of Tibouchina laxa is used to treat eye ailments of 

domestic animals (humans are treated in the same way). In Los Guabos, the Mestizos use 

Eichhornia crassipes to purify the drinking water of poultry to avoid poultry pest (cf. Fig. 40 

Left). Another local feature is a baby lotion prepared in an undisclosed way with Aptenia 

cordiflora. Like the Saraguros, the Mestizos use Juglans neotropica fruit peel to dye wool and 

clothes, while older Mestizos of Los Guabos say that potatoes grow better if they are planted 

near this tree and consider it a talisman that brings luck to the owner. This is not surprising 

when its different uses are taken into consideration. Brugmansia x candida is another amulet. 

Some Mestizos believe that the plant will protect their houses from thieves (cf. Fig. 40 Right). 

Once again, the Mestizos share with the Saraguros a plant use; both ethnic groups gather palm 

leaves from Ceroxylon sp. to make ornaments for the Catholic ceremonies on Easter Sunday 

(cf. Box 11). 

Table 64: Plants used by the Mestizos with other uses 


form 

Main 

origin 

Parts used Uses Other uses 

AGAVACEAE Furcraea andina H C Leaves Fibers for spinning 

AIZOACEAE Aptenia cordifolia H C Unknown Baby lotion ORN 

APIACEAE Cyclospermum 

leptophyllum 

H Wn The plant Veterinary (mules & horses 

heatstroke) 

ARECACEAE Ceroxylon sp. T Wf Leaves Ornaments in religious 

ceremonies 

FOO 

BOMBACACEAE Ochroma pyramidale T Wn Seed hairs Pillow filling CON 

BOMBACACEAE Spirotheca rimbachii T Wf Seed hairs Pillow filling 

JUGLANDACEAE Juglans neotropica T (Wf), C Fruits Dye FOO, 

CON, FUE 

The plant Biological pest control, amulet 

MELASTOMATACEAE Tibouchina laxa T Wn Sap Veterinary (collyrium) MED 

OXALIDACEAE Oxalis peduncularis H Wn Sap To curdle milk MED 

POLYGONACEAE Polygonum 

hydropiperoides 

H Wn Unknown Fish poison MED 

PONTEDERIACEAE Eichhornia crassipes H C The plant Veterinary (poultry pest) 

SOLANACEAE Brugmansia x candida T C The plant Amulet ORN, 

MED, FEN 

TILIACEAE Heliocarpus 

americanus 

T Wn Bark Fibers to make cords 

Sap Veterinary (cattle heatstroke) 

H: Herb, T: Treelet/tree, C: Cultivated species, Wf: Wild species gathered in the forest and in forest remnants, Wn: Wild species 

gathered in other areas. The brackets indicate a secondary gathering place. CON: Construction, FEN: Living fence, FOO: Food, 

FUE: Fuel, MED: Medicine, ORN: Ornamental, uses 

The Mestizos use the fibers of the bark of Heliocarpus americanus to make cords. In the past, 

they made fibers for spinning with the leaves of Furcraea andina. The filling of pillows with 

seed hairs of BOMBACACEAE spp. has been mentioned several times in the interviews, but 

always as a former use. The same applies to the use of Oxalis peduncularis to curdle milk. 

Today, everybody uses commercial rennet powder. The Mestizos also reported that 

MED 

165

Polygonum hydropiperoides and a plant called Duraznillo that could not be identified (cf. 

Table 65) were used in the past as poisons when fishing in creeks. 

Fig. 40: Left: Specimens of Eichhornia crassipes. The Mestizos of Los Guabos affirm that this plant 

purifies the drinking water of poultry and avoids “poultry pest”. Right: A Brugmansia x candida shrub 

in El Retorno. This common species among the Mestizos is used to make living fences and is 

cultivated for ornamental uses. Furthermore, in Los Guabos it is used to treat aire de agua. It is also 

often cultivated as an amulet to protect houses against thieves. Photos by A. Gerique (2005 (right), 

2006 (left)) 

5.4.3 Other plant species used by the Mestizos in the area of study 

During research, other Mestizo communities were visited, namely Sevilla de Oro, La Chonta, 

and El Limón. In Sevilla de Oro, a hamlet situated in the Upper part of the Zamora on the way 

to El Tibio, El Cristal and Los Guabos, five useful species that had not been described during 

the interviews were discovered (Table 65). Many old living fences are made with Agave 

americana specimens. According to Informant 34M (2007), the fibers from the leaves were 

used in the past for spinning, and the sap, called misque, was collected and consumed fresh or 

fermented for hard liquor. In addition, the fruits of Myrcianthes discolor are still gathered to 

make colada morada, a very popular sweet drink consumed in Ecuador during All Hallows. 

Other useful species are Nectandra laurel, which is a valued timber species (probably overexploited 

in the study areas), Gypsophila sp., which is cultivated for its ornamental flowers, 

and Stemodia suffuticosa, a species that was used in the past to make insecticide. 

Table 65: Other species used by the Mestizos of Sevilla de Oro 

FAMILY Species Life form Main origin Parts used Uses 

AGAVACEAE Agave americana H C Sap Drink, distilled (Misque) 

Leaves Fibers for spinning 

CARYOPHYLLACEAE Gypsophila sp. H C Flowers Ornamental 

LAURACEAE Nectandra laurel T Wf Trunk Commercial timber 

MYRTACEAE Myrcianthes discolor S Wn Fruits Food, eaten raw and in colada morada* 

SCROPHULARIACEAE Stemodia suffruticosa H Wn The plant Insecticide 

H: Herb, T: Treelet/tree, S: Shrub 

C: Cultivated species, Wf: Wild species gathered in the forest and in forest remnants, Wn: Wild species gathered in other areas 

166

During the interviews in Los Guabos the names of eight species were recorded, but no 

specimens were observed during field research. They may already be listed under another 

local name. The registered vernacular names, uses and the locations where these plants were 

cited are listed in Table 66. Moreover, in contrast to the Shuar, and according to the 

interviews, the Mestizos make no use of local fungi. 

Table 66: Non identified species used by the Mestizos 

Local name Life form Uses Description of the use 

Camba T MED It is used in herb baths to treat colds 

Centinela del campo H MED It is used to treat headache and fever 

Ciruelo T FOO The fruits are edible 

Duraznillo T MED, H/F It is used to kill lice and to fish (used like barbasco) 

Güillo H MED It is used to treat fever, infections and used in baths to treat swellings 

Hoja de perro S MED The leaves are good for treating kidney problems 

Moradilla H MED It is used to treat coughs 

Yadán T CON The wood is used for construction 

Note: The data on these species are based on the information given by the informants; the plants have not been seen. 

Therefore, they could have been listed under another name. 

H: Herb, T: Treelet/tree, S: Shrub 

MED: Medicine, FOO: Food, H/F: Hunting/Fishing, CON: Construction 

Finally, Morocho & Romero (2003), Alvarado Alvarado (2000), Hartig (2000), and Schneider 

(2000) studied the vegetation cover and land use in the area of study and included in their 

respective studies plant species used by the Mestizo settlers. Table 67 shows all species that 

were described by these authors but that have not been recorded during this research. Some 

useful plants in this study share the vernacular name and the botanical family with four of 

these species, namely Tunash (in this study Piptocoma discolor, an ASTERACEAE), Canelo, 

(several LAURACEAE in this research), Yamila (Ficus spp.) and Arrayán (several MYRTACEAE 

used in the area). 

Table 67: Other plant species used by the Mestizos (Identified by Morocho & Romero (2003) and 

Schneider (2000) 

Family name Scientific name 

Local 

name 

Origin Uses Description of the use Source 

AQUIFOLIACEAE Ilex guayusa Guayusa W FOO It is used to prepare infusions 1) 

ASCLEPIADACEAE Asclepias sp. Masache W MED It is used to treat rheumatism 1) 

ASTERACEAE Pollaesta karstenii Tunash W CON (No description) 2) 

BRASSICACEAE Nasturtium officinale Berro C FOO (No description) 2) 

FABACEAE Geoffroea spinosa Almendro W CON (No description) 2) 

LILIACEAE Allium sativum Ajo C FOO (No description) 2) 

LAURACEAE Cinnamomum verum Canelo C FOO (No description) 2) 

LOASACEAE Loasa picta Ortiga C MED (No description) 2) 

MORACEAE Pseudolmedia 

armata 

Yamila W CON (No description) 2) 

MYRTACEAE Psidium sartorianum Arrayán W CON (No description) 2) 

ROSACEAE Cydonia oblonga Membrillo C FOO (No description) 2) 

RUBIACEAE Cinchona spp. Cascarilla W MED It is used to treat rheumatism and 

Influenza (1) 

1), 2) 

W. Wild species, C: Cultivated species 

FOO: Food, MED: Medicine, CON: Construction 

1) Morocho & Romero 2003, 2) Schneider 2000 

167

5.5 THE SIGNIFICANCE OF PLANT USE FOR THE DIFFERENT ETHNIC GROUPS 

Interpretation of comparisons between ethnic groups is difficult because no two studies, 

including studies conducted within the same investigation, involve an equal level of research 

depth (Phillips 1996: 187). Also, as several authors have pointed out (Alexiades 1996: 11; and 

references therein), there is often a remarkable degree of intracultural variation in 

ethnobotanical knowledge, even within small communities. The collected qualitative 

information will never comprise the whole knowledge of the communities under study. 

However, the data of ethnobotanical research reflect clear trends in plant use and in local 

needs. Our results show differences and similarities in plant knowledge and plant use between 

the different ethnic groups, despite the different totals of useful plants. 

5.5.1 Comparing general aspects of useful plants among the ethnic groups 

As shown in Table 9, the main useful botanical families in southern Ecuador are the 

ASTERACEAE, SOLANACEAE, and POACEAE. Furthermore, these are the most important 

families among the Saraguros and Mestizos, according to the total of useful species and to 

their FIVI values. In contrast, among the Shuar, the three main families are the SOLANACEAE, 

the ARACEAE, and the PIPERACEAE, whereas the ARECACEAE, the SOLANACEAE, and the 

ARACEAE have the highest FIVI values. One the one hand, these differences result from 

ecological factors derived from the altitudinal gradient. The Shuar settlements are located in 

areas of lower premontane rainforest, while the Saraguro and Mestizo settlements are in areas 

of lower montane rainforest (cf. Ch. 3.1.3 and Ch. 5.5.5). On the other hand, the Shuar are 

forest dwellers, while the Saraguros and Mestizos are mainly cattle ranchers. These different 

land use strategies result in landscapes with different levels of forest cover and plant species 

composition. ASTERACEAE and POACEAE are common in open environments such as pastures 

and disturbed areas, while most ARACEAE and PIPERACEAE have low light tolerance and grow 

in moist or shaded sites in forests. The SOLANACEAE species recorded during this study grow 

mainly in open areas close to the settlements or are cultivated in gardens, locations that are 

present in both regions. The high FIVI value of the ARECACEAE among the Shuar is typical 

for Amazonian people, an aspect that has already been commented on Chapter 5.2.1. On a 

local level, Byg (2004: 106) noted that the use of this botanical family and its products in the 

Nangaritza is much more important among the Shuar than among settlers (who are Mestizos 

and Saraguros, cf. CINFA et al. 2003). 

Herbs and trees are the principal life forms among the useful plant species (wild and 

cultivated) throughout the study area. The Shuar use mainly trees (43%, cf. Table 13), 

whereas the Saraguros and the Mestizos predominantly use herbs (both groups around 47%, 

cf. Tables 37 and 52). Among the wild species, trees are the most favored life form for all 

ethnic groups. Almost 53% of the wild species used by the Shuar are trees (cf. Table 13), 

which is in accordance with their traditional life style as forest dwellers. However, around 

45% of the wild species used by Saraguros and Mestizos are trees as well. Both ethnic groups 

168

are cattle ranchers, which makes this result intriguing. According to Fujisaka et al. (2000), in 

comparison with high frequencies of useful wild trees in natural forests, only low frequencies 

of wild trees are usually found in fields and fallows. As discussed in Chapter 7.1.3.1, those 

species should be taken into consideration when developing future agroforestry projects in 


In the study, herbaceous plants are the most common cultivated life form among all ethnic 

groups. Almost 48% of the cultivated species of the Shuar are herbs (cf. Table 13). In the case 

of the Saraguros and the Mestizos, this percentage lies over 60% (cf. Tables 37 and 52). This 

is a consequence of the high number of herbs used for medicinal purposes and for food (e.g. 

vegetables, starchy tubers, and spices) (cf. Ch. 5.2.2.1 and Ch. 5.2.2.2). The higher percentage 

of herbaceous plants among the cultivated species by the Saraguros and the Mestizos is also 

linked to the high number of ornamental plants in their respective plant inventories (cf. Ch. 

5.3.2.4 and Ch. 5.4.2.3). 

A comparison of the plant parts used reveals differences between the Shuar on the one hand 

and the Saraguros and the Mestizos on the other. The Shuar use mainly the fruits (30.4%, cf. 

Table 14), whereas the Saraguros and Mestizos principally use the whole plant 61 (34.3% and 

46.5%, cf. Tables 38 and 53). Taking only the useful wild species into consideration, the main 

plant parts used by the Shuar and the Saraguros are the trunk, stem and branches (35.5% and 

33.6% respectively), whereas the whole plant is the main plant part category among the plants 

used by the Mestizos (37.2%). The utilization of the main plant parts has ecological 

consequences, as the collection of certain plant parts, namely roots and bulbs, hearts and 

sprouts, trunks, and the whole plant, supposes the immediate removal of whole specimens, 

which can lead to the disappearance of plant species from local environment. Among the 

Shuar, 47.9% of the wild species (101) would fall into this category. This percentage rises to 

56.8% in the case of the Mestizos (84 species) and to 58.4% in the case of the Saraguros (73 

species) 62 . Furthermore, it should be noted that the removal of other plant parts like leaves, 

fruits, inflorescences, and seeds, parts of the bark, sap, resins, and latex could gradually 

eliminate plant species as well. This process is far more difficult to detect, as it depends on 

the frequency and the intensity of the harvest (cf. Peters 1996: 242). Yet, these calculations 

should be understood as an estimation, as other factors such as the variety of land use systems 

and land degradation also affect the populations of wild species. A calculation of the 

ecological impact of plant harvesting requires an exhaustive assessment of species density and 

monitoring; such investigations would go beyond the scope of this study. 

5.5.2 Comparing plant use and plant knowledge among the different ethnic groups 

The total of plant species in each main use category is graphically represented in Figures 17 

(Shuar), 29 (Saraguros) and 35 (Mestizos). Table 68 offers a more detailed schedule of the 

61 It should be noted that the use of the whole plant includes the use of the stem and other aerial parts. 

62 This calculation excludes species used only for fuel. In such cases, as a rule, only some branches are collected. 

169

number of uses in each use category and divides the category “other” into small, more 

specific categories. Following is a comparison of these data among the three ethnic groups. 

As traditional forest inhabitants, the Shuar have the most comprehensive knowledge of plants 

(316 species) and their uses (493). The use categories are described in Chapter 5.2.2. The 

Shuar use most of the plants as medicine (105) and food (100). Materials for the construction 

of accommodation, furniture, and boats are gained from numerous species (67). Commercial 

timber species are an important cash product as well. In addition, the Shuar manage 45 fodder 

species. Fuel is the next category, with 30 woody species. However, most Shuar living in 

Shaime use gas cylinders for cooking as well, while the Shuar of Chumpias and Napints still 

use only wood, probably due to the long distances to the establishments that sell cylinders. 

Other important use categories among the Shuar are Ornamental (22), Tools & Baskets (22), 

hunting & fishing (17) and crafts (15). These activities still play a very important role in local 

culture. A further 15 species have a hallucinogenic or ritual purpose. If domestic animals need 

veterinarian aid, the Shuar know different plants (15) to treat them. In order to paint, dye or 

varnish they use nine species, and five to produce fibers to make cords, straps, leads, or wad. 

Likewise, at least five plant species are managed to breed beetle larvae. The Shuar also use 

four species as soap, shampoo or perfume and a further three to prepare insecticides or 

fertilizers. Finally, a variety of plants covers very specific uses, such as poisons (2), seasonal 

(1) and soil (1) indicators, and a preservative agent for eggs (1). 

The ethnobotanical inventory of the Saraguros comprises 230 plant species with a total of 310 

uses (cf. Ch. 5.2.3 and Table 68). They make extensive use of plants for foodstuffs (84), 

medicines (75), decoration (39), and construction (37). The latter two categories include some 

species of commercial value (ornamental flowers, commercial timber species) that are being 

sold outside the communities. In addition, as ranchers, the Saraguros have a profound 

knowledge of wild and cultivated fodder plants (22), and living fences (13). Like the Shuar of 

Shaime, the Saraguros combine gas cylinders and firewood (13 species) for cooking. A 

further 10 woody species are used to produce tools and baskets, especially for agricultural 

use, e.g. yokes, hoes, and handholds for ploughs. A few species are used in Catholic religious 

ceremonies (2), veterinary remedies to treat cows (2) for female hygiene (1) or as soil quality 

indicators (1). Only the oldest informant indicated other marginal uses such as fibers (2), dyes 

(1), soaps (1), or pillow filling (1) as former uses. In contrast to the Shuar, the Saraguros do 

not use plants for hunting, fishing or to making of crafts. 

The plant inventory of the Mestizos includes 312 species with a total of 409 uses (cf. Ch. 

5.4.1 and Table 68). Just as the Mestizos are, as a group, heterogeneous, so is their plant 

knowledge and the variety of species used. The distribution and importance of plant 

categories is similar to that of the Saraguros. For the most part, they use plant species for food 

(93), medicine (99), ornamentation (79), and construction (37). Their next two highest plant 

use categories are related to cattle ranching. They use 29 species as fodder and 18 to plant 

living fences. Woody plant species used for fuel follow (14). Like the Shuar of Shaime and 

the Saraguros, the Mestizos combine firewood with gas cylinders to cook. Furthermore, they 

still use a few woody species to make shafts for hand tools and fencing poles, and baskets, 

and the older generation remembers the use of hard wood species to make spoons. A few 

170

species (4) have a use in veterinary, including remedies for cattle, mules, horses, and poultry. 

Other marginal uses are the use of palms during Catholic ceremonies (cf. Box 11), the 

cultivation of certain species as amulets (2), or the preparation of a baby lotion (1). The use of 

plant fibers to make cords (2) is known but it is no longer practiced, together with the use of 

seed hairs to fill pillows or the use of plants to curdle milk (1), to dye (1) or to fish (1). Like 

the Saraguros, in contrast to the Shuar, the Mestizos do not use any plant species to make 

crafts. The results report a higher arithmetic mean of uses per plant among the Shuar (1.6) 

than among the Saraguros and Mestizos (1.3). This could be related to a greater plant 

knowledge and familiarity with plants among the informants of the first ethnic group. 

The results show that for all ethnic groups food and medicine are the main use categories. 

This is in line with all studies conducted in Ecuador of Shuar ethnobotany (cf. Pohle & 

Reinhardt 2004; Santín 2004; Bennett et al 2002; Báez 1999). Medicine is the main use 

category among the indigenous groups of the Sierra and the Amazon of Ecuador (cf. de la 

Torre & Macía 2008 and literature therein), including the Saraguros (cf. Elleman 1990). For 

the Mestizos of the Sierra, the main categories in literature vary between ornamental and 

medicinal (Cerón 2002b), food (Kvist et al. 2006), or fuel and construction (Sánchez et al. 

2006). In our study, the category “Construction” is significant for all groups. Timber is a basic 

need in rural communities, as it is used to construct houses, furniture, posts and other items 

(including canoes in the case of the Shuar). Cattle ranching is also a prevalent activity among 

all groups, which explains the importance of the fodder category. As pointed out in Chapter 

5.2.2.4, the high number of useful fodders among the Shuar includes wild plants eaten by 

game, as the Shuar consider such plants to be fodder. The category “Living fences”, which is 

linked to cattle ranching, is only significant among Saraguros and Mestizos and has little 

importance among the Shuar due to differences in cattle management (cf. Ch. 6.1.3 and Ch. 

6.2.2). Saraguros and Mestizos clearly consider shade trees to be more important. While all 

shade trees of the Shuar had at least a second use, denoting that shade is a secondary use, only 

every second tree among the Saraguros and two thirds among the Mestizos had a second use. 

Fig. 41: Ornamental plants are very popular 

among Saraguros and Mestizos. This photo 

shows a Mestizo house in La Fragancia Sector. 


Despite the importance of firewood for the livelihoods of all groups, the category “Fuel” takes 

only an intermediate position, mainly due to the widespread use of gas cylinders. These are 

171

subsided by the Ecuadorian Government, a fact that surely reduces wood harvesting and 

deforestation (cf. Wunder 1996a: 145). All other use categories reflect specific needs of the 

different ethnic groups. For instance, the Saraguros and the Mestizos cultivate and collect a 

great variety of ornamental plants for the decoration of houses, gardens (cf. Fig. 41), and 

chapels, while some species are sold in Loja. 

Table 68: Total of plant species in each use category 

172 

Cultivated species Wild species gathered 

outside forests, weeds 

Wild species gathered from 

forest species* 

Shuar Saraguros Mestizos Shuar Saraguros Mestizos Shuar Saraguros Mestizos 

Medicinal 31 31 48 37 43 49 37 1 2 

Food 49 60 68 17 15 25 34 9 10 

Construction 6 6 7 18 15 16 43 16 14 

Fodder 10 11 15 14 11 14 21 0 0 

Fuel 4 1 2 8 8 8 18 4 4 

Ornamental 17 34 66 1 4 2 4 1 10 

Tools & Baskets 6 1 0 7 0 1 9 9 4 

Hunting & Fishing 9 0 0 4 0 1 4 0 0 

Crafts 4 0 0 8 0 0 3 0 0 

Paint & Dye & 

Varnish 

2 1 1 0 0 0 7 0 0 

Ritual & Mythical 9 0 2 0 0 0 6 2 1 

Veterinary 4 0 1 2 2 3 9 0 0 

Fibers 1 1 1 3 1 1 3 0 0 

Larvae production 3 0 0 2 0 0 0 0 0 

Living fences 2 10 16 0 3 2 0 0 0 

Shade 0 0 0 4 5 6 1 1 5 

Agricultural uses 2 0 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 

Soaps, shampoos, 

perfumes, lotions 

1 0 1 1 2 0 2 0 0 

Poisons (other than 

fish poisons) 

0 0 0 1 0 0 1 0 0 

Indicators 0 0 0 1 1 0 1 0 0 

Other uses 0 0 0 1 1 1 0 1 

Total uses 160 156 229 129 111 129 204 43 51 

Note: All categories are non-exclusive categories. The use categories in Figures 17, 29 and 35 were restricted to categories 

with at least five plants. In this table all species have been listed according to their use

Around 65% of the ornamental species among the Mestizos and 55% among the Saraguros 

are managed only because of their beauty, which denotes the cultural importance of 

ornamental plants in the area. For their part, the Shuar use their plant knowledge to cover all 

kinds of needs. The high number of plants in the “Tools and Baskets” category most likely 

reflects the fact that traditional tools and basketry are still relevant as ordinary everyday 

objects. Also, men fish regularly and organize hunting expeditions, and handicrafts are used 

daily. Moreover, the Shuar of southern Ecuador have only recently embraced Catholicism and 

still preserve many of their traditional rituals and myths. On the other hand, the higher 

purchase capacity of the Mestizos and Saraguros, which derives from cattle ranching and 

other activities, allows them to substitute traditional self-made products with manufactured 

goods. They acquire almost all tools, handicrafts and other commodities such as medication, 

soaps, and remedies for domestic animals, in markets and stores. As pointed out by Godoy 

and Bawa (1993), consumption of many wild plants falls when income rises because people 

replace forest goods with cheaper modern substitutes. 

5.5.3 A comparison of the areas of harvesting 

A close look at the sites where the species are principally collected shows the importance of 

the resource “forest” among the different groups as the place where they get plant resources. 

The yellow section of the bars shows the percentage of cultivated species in swidden fields, 

permanent fields, and home gardens. Figure 42 represents these differences graphically. 

The percentage of useful wild species that are usually collected in fields, gardens, pastures 

and other disturbed areas is represented in light green, while the percentage of useful species 

commonly gathered in secondary and mature forests, and of forest species that grow protected 

in pastures after forest clearing, appears in dark green. The categories are not exclusive; one 

species that is commonly collected in more than one of these site categories will appear in all 

categories in which it is collected. Figures 17, 29, and 35 follow the same principle for each 

use category. However, they show the total of species, not percentages. 

One-third (34%) of the plants used by the Shuar are cultivated plants in home and forest 

gardens. For the most part, they serve as nutritional items (43%) and medicines (27%). The 

Shuar mainly cultivate plant species to treat their ailments and ensure their health, to provide 

for a few cash crops, and plants which cannot be sufficiently or readily gathered from the 

forest but which are required for certain uses, such as plants needed in ritual ceremonies or 

plants used in hunting and fishing. Almost 42% of the plant species are collected in the forest, 

which provides a “safety net” for the Shuar’s livelihoods, attenuating the lack of direct access 

to markets and to a formal healthcare system (cf. Pohle & Reinhardt 2004). Furthermore, 

materials for the construction of accommodation, furniture, and boats are mainly collected in 

forests (31%). At the same time, the forest offers the Shuar easy access to wood used for fuel, 

to most of the species known as fodder for game, and to species needed to make dyes and 

paints and for veterinary use. Furthermore, around 24% of the useful species are collected in 

disturbed sites. These areas are important for the supply of fibers (3 species, 42.9% of the 

173

total of fiber species), woody species used in construction (25 species, 37.3%), and for 

medicinal plants (38 species, 36.2%). 

Total of species 

174 

Ethnic group 

Crops, cultivated species Wild species growing in disturbed Forest species (including forest 

areas, weeds 

species protected in pastures) 

Fig. 42: Plant species used by Shuar, Saraguros, and Mestizos according to their gathering places. 

Note: The numbers inside the columns indicate total values and not percentages 

In contrast, the Saraguros and the Mestizos produce around 50% of the plants they use 

(including fodder species in pastures) in their fields and home gardens. Food (53% - 40% 

respectively), ornamental plants (31% - 38%) and medicinal plants 27% - 28%) are the main 

needs covered met through cultivation. The cultivation of crops is mostly done for personal 

use, without producing significant surplus. Unlike the Shuar, the Saraguros and the Mestizos 

make very limited use of forest species. Only 9% of the species used by the Saraguros and 5% 

of the species used by the Mestizos are forest plants. Most of them (73%-88%) are timber 

species. The remaining forest species either do not play an important role in their livelihoods 

(culturally or economically), or can be easily substituted by other “non-forest species” that 

grow closer to the households, or by manufactured products. On the other hand, disturbed 

areas and pastures are quite important as collection sites. Around 42% of the useful plants are 

gathered here. As in the case of the Shuar, numerous medicinal plants are collected in such 

areas. In the case of the Saraguros and Mestizos, around 97% of the wild growing medicinal 

plants are found in disturbed sites and pastures. The data clearly support the position of Stepp 

& Moerman (2000), who argued that the trend of searching for new drugs in primary tropical

forest areas suggests that other habitats, such as disturbed areas, have been ignored by science 

so far. Lastly, edible plants collected in these sites complement the local diet, and fast 

growing pioneer species offer an alternative to forest species for fence posts and fuel. 

These data reflect the way of life of the ethnic groups; while the Shuar still depend on forest 

for subsistence, the Saraguros and the Mestizos consider it a reserve for new pasture land and 

for timber extraction, and made full use of weeds and other species that grow in disturbed 

sites and pastures. This aspect has consequences for local plant lore. As pointed out by Godoy 

& Bawa (1993), the less value the forest has, the greater the loss of traditional knowledge 

about forest plants. 

5.5.4 Comparing local trends in plant knowledge 

The Shuar’s knowledge of plant species and plant uses denotes a very dynamic process. As 

pointed out by Campos & Ehringhaus (2003: 325), and Bennett et al. (2002: 68) Amazonian 

indigenous peoples show great adaptability to adjust their culture by incorporating new 

resources from other Amazonian people. Bennett & Prance (2000) reported their widespread 

use of introduced plants, mainly as medicinal plants. Likewise, the Shuar of the Upper 

Nangaritza have adopted from the Mestizo settlers new activities and have introduced new 

uses and new cultivated plant species. With the acquisition of cattle, the Shuar have 

introduced some forage species into their territories and have opened grassland areas. The 

cultivation of ornamental plant species also seems to be a new trend acquired from the 

Mestizo settlers. This use has probably been adopted as a symbol of “civilization”, as most of 

the ornamental plant species are placed around new buildings constructed by the regional 

authorities. Also, Shuar women acquire new introduced ornamental species in Mestizo 

markets and plant them in their home gardens. The Mestizo method of house construction - 

which comprises corrugated iron and planks - has replaced traditional Shuar house 

manufacture and the species of wood used in construction. New houses require fewer palms 

and are easier to maintain, but require more high quality timber trees. However, the room 

temperature is higher in the new houses, and hygienic conditions worse (cf. Münzel 1977: 

187). In addition, the traditional use of resins, latex and plant oil is disappearing due to the use 

of flashlights. 

Traditional farmers in Amazonia actively participate in intra- as well as inter-community 

exchange networks to acquire seeds, cuttings or pseudostems (Coomes 2010: 326). The Shuar 

demonstrate a great interest in experimentation with new plant species and varieties, and they 

often exchange plants between neighbors and introduce new plants from other regions. 

During interviews, they mentioned new applications discovered for medicinal plants. Some of 

these plants had been originally brought from Morona Santiago Province and Peru. Bennett & 

Prance (2000) have also described the acquisition of recent knowledge of new medicinal 

plants by the Shuar in other areas of Ecuador. The data show also that, despite the 

incorporation of rice and noodles (cf. Park 2004: 26), the Shuar clearly base their diet on 

Manihot esculenta, starchy tubers and other traditional species, and they still produce baskets, 

175

owls, and handicrafts that coexist with modern, cheap plastic bins and bowls and imitation 

jewellery. In addition, even though most Shuar now hunt with shotguns and use motorized 

boats, the use of blowpipes and the traditional construction of canoes remains a local custom. 

These observations support the results by Byg (2004: 129), who studied the factors affecting 

local knowledge of palms and its loss among the Shuar in the Nangaritza, and who found only 

anecdotal evidence of knowledge erosion by way of people’s perceptions. 

As ranchers, the Saraguros of El Tibio and El Cristal have transformed most of the pristine 

vegetation of their community into pastures, home gardens and crop fields, leaving some 

forest remnants in the upper parts of the hills or in ravines (cf. Ch. 6.2). The same landscape 

can be observed in the area around San Lucas, which is the former point of origin of the 

Saraguro settlers (cf. Ch. 3.2.2). The clear-cuttings have changed the original landscape 

dramatically, reduced access to useful wild forest plants, and introduced new species. A 

reduced access to forest resources and their specialization in cattle raising during the 20th 

century (cf. Ch. 3.1.5.2) has probably caused a loss of forest plant knowledge, even before the 

Saraguros arrived in the area. Nevertheless, the studies by Elleman (1991, 1990) twenty years 

ago showed that the Saraguros of the area around the city of Saraguro retained extensive 

ethnobotanical knowledge, even of forest timber species (67). An explanation of such a 

divergence would require a direct comparison of both areas using the same ethnobotanical 

methods. Moreover, as pointed out above, comparisons are difficult because no two studies 

involve an equal level of research effort, and are predicated on the knowledge and willingness 

of the informants (cf. Phillips 1996). However, these results could indicate: 

176 

� that the Saraguros from the city of Saraguro have greater ethnobotanical knowledge 

than the Saraguros from San Lucas; 

� that there has been a general loss of ethnobotanical knowledge over the last 20 years 

due to acculturation and destruction of plant resources or other, undisclosed reasons; 

� there has been a loss of ethnobotanical knowledge among the Saraguros who 

migrated, especially among the second and third generations; 

� there is a high relevance of differences in ecological parameters, mainly due to 

differences in altitude (2400-2800 m a.s.l. in Saraguro versus 1700 - 2200 m a.s.l. in 

El Tibio and Los Guabos). These differences in relief result in dissimilarities in plant 

species composition and in the species used (cf. Van den Eyden 2004: 62; Ch. 5.5.5). 

The answer is probably a combination of the mentioned hypotheses. In any case, the study in 

El Tibio and El Cristal revealed the use of at least 133 plant species that are not included in 

Elleman’s research, from which 62 are cultivated species and 68 wild species 63 . This could 

represent an adaptation of the Saraguro settlers to the new species that grow in colonized 

areas. Furthermore, during the interviews, the Saraguros showed great interest in 

experimenting with new cultivated fodder species and ornamental species. Both plant use 

categories are related to commercial benefits, as any form of improvement in the quality of 

pastures or of ornamental plants could signify more income. Nevertheless, there exist clearer 

63 This includes only species that belong to families that are not present in Elleman’s research and species that 

have been identified to species or species affinity.

drivers that explain the low numbers of wild plants used. The purchase capacity derived from 

cattle raising and the proximity to market places allows the Saraguros to buy a large list of 

products that complement housekeeping. To date, according to the interviews, their diet is 

based on purchased products such as noodles and rice, and less in traditional maize or starchy 

tubers. Furthermore, pills bought in pharmacies often accompany the use of medicinal plants, 

and they acquire almost all tools, handicrafts and other commodities such as soaps, gas 

cylinders for cooking, and remedies used in veterinary, in markets and stores. 

The use of barbed wire has substituted almost completely the planting of living fences. The 

access to market places, the lack of time due to their specialization in cheese production, and 

the rising distances between households and forests has most probably brought about the 

substitution of traditional self-made products with manufactured goods. Reyes García et al. 

(2005) suggested that knowledge and uses of plants might correlate in self-sufficient regions, 

but as indigenous people become more integrated into the market economy and adopt plant 

substitutes, they stop using plants. For instance, older Saraguros knew which plants can be 

used as soap, dye or to stuff pillows, but they do not do it anymore because they can buy such 

items in markets. In a study of the Shiphibo Indians in Peru, Putsche (2000) described why 

the Indians purchased manufactured goods after introducing income-earning occupations. 

Those new activities required more time than traditional subsistence activities, so the Indians 

bought manufactured goods because they were more durable and they did not have to be 

repaired or replaced as often. 

The Saraguros of El Tibio undertake an intensive cultural exchange with neighboring Mestizo 

settlements. This closer and enduring contact with Mestizo communities and to the market 

economy in general has no doubt accelerated the loss of part of their plant knowledge and 

language as components of their cultural traditions. The process is likely to have commenced 

long before El Tibio was founded. Benz et al. (2000) suggest that traditional ethnobotanical 

knowledge is lost with the extinction of indigenous language and with modernization. The 

complaint of older people about the loss of traditional plant knowledge among the younger 

generations, the fact that the older informants clearly had a better plant knowledge than 

younger ones, and the absence of Quechua-speaking Saraguros in El Tibio and El Cristal, in 

spite of two primary bilingual (Spanish and Quechua) schools, supports this suggestion. 

The previous chapters have shown that Saraguro and Mestizo plant use is quite similar. These 

similarities in plant use are probably related to the similar land use systems of both ethnic 

groups, an aspect that is described in Chapter 6.2. Wunder (2000b: 159) highlighted this point 

in his study of the deforestation of Ecuador, and commented that the general impression in the 

Sierra region is that few differences exist between indigenous and Mestizo groups because 

they tend to have the same production models. Also, as pointed out by Rudel (1996: 63, 94), 

land-titling requirements, year of settlement, population growth, and road construction, are 

generic factors that homogenize the land-use patterns of different ethnic groups. However, the 

Mestizos apparently know more plants and (therefore) more uses than the Saraguros (cf. 

Table 68, Fig. 42). The geographical position and the total number of settlements studied 

could contribute to this difference, as the area covered by the studied Mestizo communities is 

certainly larger and includes a longer section of the altitudinal gradient. This point is 

177

discussed in Chapter 5.5.5. As has already been noted however, a comparison of plant use 

between two groups remains very difficult. In general, plant use and plant knowledge among 

the Mestizos was very heterogeneous. Again, it was the oldest generation who had the widest 

and most diverse plant knowledge, especially of wild plants growing in forests and disturbed 

sites. As in the case of the Saraguros, they know several uses that are not practiced anymore, 

because they have substituted items made with plants (dyes, some remedies, a product to 

curdle milk) with similar products bought in markets. However, almost all informants had 

experience with wild species used for construction, and they knew a few species used for food 

and medicine. As regards the cultivated species, most informants shared basic plant 

knowledge of food, fodder, and medicinal plants. Also, two midwives (one in Los Guabos and 

another one in El Retorno) showed the broadest knowledge of medicinal plants. An accurate 

estimation of the loss of traditional plant knowledge would go beyond the frame of this 

research. However, these results show a trend among Mestizos and Saraguros. Whilst the 

older generations preserve extensive and diverse plant lore, the younger generations seem to 

have smaller less, though specialized plant knowledge. 

5.5.5 Regional variations in the use of plants throughout the studied communities 

A total of 638 useful species was collected in the 10 study sites. The total of species and the 

species under use vary considerably. The similarity of species found in each studied village 

was tested by calculating the Dice similarity coefficient and conducting a hierarchical 

clustering analysis to provide a graphic representation of the dissimilarities. As pointed out in 

Chapter 4.3.2, both methods indicate respectively the similarity and dissimilarity of two sites 

based on whether a plant species occurs in one or both areas without taking the non-presence 

of species in both areas into account. 

Table 69: Similarity in cultivated plant species among the different study sites indicated by Dice 

similarity coefficients (in percentage) 

1,980- 

2,300 m 

El Cristal 100 

178 

El Cristal Los Guabos Sabanilla El Tibio El Retorno La Fragancia Napints Chumpias Shaime Shamatak 

1,770- 

2,000 m 

1,600- 

2,200 m 

1,600- 

1,900 m 

1,500- 

2,200 m 

1,100- 

2,000 m 

950- 

1,250 m 

Los Guabos 47,14 100 

Sabanilla 45,87 54,16 100 

El Tibio 51,28 57,43 54,97 100 

El Retorno 52,31 46,59 60,69 63,54 100 

La 

Fragancia 

39,29 39,24 40,94 48,28 43,24 100 

Napints 21,85 19,39 25,37 26,52 23,23 29,2 100 

950- 

1,200 m 

Chumpias 27,66 20 23,85 28,21 30,61 32,14 63,25 100 

920- 

1,200 m 

Shaime 24,79 22,75 29,41 32,79 28,03 40,29 56,16 64,46 100 

Shamatak 20,29 15,65 19,05 16,79 15,24 22,73 38,3 40,58 35,42 100 

900- 

1,000 m 

Note: The highest and lowest values are marked in bold. The altitude refers to approx. the lowest and the highest point of each 

settlement area

For the graphic representation of the results, the unweighted pair group method using 

arithmetic means (UPGMA) was chosen, as it showed the best cophenetic correlation for both 

cultivated (0.93) and wild (0.97) species. These results reflect a good fit with reality. The 

single-linkage or nearest neighbor gave 0.91 for cultivated species and 0.96 for wild species, 

while the complete linkage or farthest neighbor, gave only 0.92 and 0.89 respectively and are 

therefore not shown here. Table 69 shows the Dice index for cultivated species, while Figure 

43 is the cluster dendrogram for the same category of species. 

According to Table 69, Chumpias and Shaime are the most similar sites (64.5%), followed by 

El Tibio and El Retorno (63.5%) and Napints and Chumpias (63.3%). El Retorno, Los 

Guabos, and El Tibio have the lowest percentage of similarity with the Shuar settlement of 

Shamatak (15.2%, 15.7%, and 16.8% respectively). 

Fig. 43: Tree plot (UPGMA) indicating dissimilarities between study sites in terms of cultivated species 

The UPGMA method shows similar results (cf Fig. 43). Moreover, it clearly separates two 

main clusters or groups. The first one (orange) comprises the Shuar settlements, whereas the 

second group (blue) contains all Saraguro (El Tibio and El Cristal) and Mestizo (Los Guabos, 

Sabanilla, El Retorno, and La Fragancia) settlements. In this second group the Saraguro and 

the Mestizo settlements appear mixed in all sub clusters. 

Table 70: Similarity in useful wild plant species among the different study sites indicated by Dice 

similarity coefficients (in percentage) 

1,980- 

2,300 m 

El Cristal 100 

El Cristal Los Guabos Sabanilla El Tibio El Retorno La Fragancia Napints Chumpias Shaime Shamatak 

1,770- 

2,000 m 

Los Guabos 37.21 100 

1,600- 

2,200 m 

Sabanilla 30.93 31.43 100 

1,600- 

1,900 m 

El Tibio 33.33 42.65 35.75 100 

1,500- 

2,200 m 

El Retorno 35.09 28.03 40 33.67 100 

1,100- 

2,000 m 

La Fragancia 15.53 17.81 24.56 16.22 26.36 100 

950- 

1,250 m 

Napints 3.36 2.5 7.69 7.96 6.8 4.62 100 

950- 

1,200 m 

Chumpias 2.38 1.57 4.21 2.38 1.79 5.94 25.64 100 

920- 

1,200 m 

Shaime 2.74 4.58 7.83 6.64 8.1 6.78 21.43 22.12 100 

Shamatak 2.38 3.15 6.32 8.43 8.93 3.96 22.22 9.76 19.35 100 

900- 

1,000 m 

Note: The highest and lowest values are marked in bold. The altitude refers to approx. the lowest and the highest point of each 

settlement area 

179

The same procedure was repeated in order to analyze the similarities between villages and 

their use of wild plant species. The Dice index is listed in Table 70 and Figure 44 indicates 

the cluster dendrogram for useful wild species. The settlements of Los Guabos and El Tibio 

(42.7%), Sabanilla and El Retorno (40%), and El Cristal and Los Guabos (37.2%) have the 

highest similarity percentages. In contrast, Los Guabos – Chumpias (1.6%), El Retorno - 

Chumpias (1.8%), and El Cristal – Chumpias, and El Tibio – Chumpias (both with 2.4%) 

show the lowest similarity. As in the case of cultivated species, the cluster dendrogram shows 

two main groups. The first one (orange) is once again the group comprising the Shuar 

settlements, and the second group (blue) includes all other study sites. 

Fig. 44: Tree plot (UPGMA) indicating dissimilarities between study sites in terms of used wild species 

These Figures demonstrate a clear distribution of plant uses, supporting the described 

differences (and similarities) in plant use and knowledge statistically: on the one hand the 

Shuar settlements, on the other both Saraguro and Mestizo villages. Apart from cultural 

differences in plant use, one obvious factor that influences the similarities (and dissimilarities) 

is the varying ecological conditions along the altitudinal gradient. Abiotic and climatic 

conditions change profoundly with increasing altitude (cf. Beck et al. 2008; Fiedler & Beck 

2008; Homeier et al. 2008). These changes determine the vegetation types, and different 

vegetation types have obviously distinct (useful) species composition (cf. Ch. 3.1.3). Figures 

43 and 44 reflect these facts. All Shuar settlements are located in evergreen premontane 

rainforest areas under 1,250 m a.s.l. in the “tierra caliente” belt (cf. Ch. 3.1.2). Therefore, all 

settlements have similar ecological conditions and appear grouped in one of the main groups 

(orange box group) 64 . Among the Mestizo and Saraguro settlements and fincas (blue box 

group), the altitudinal gradient is clearly reflected in the outcome of the cluster analysis. 

Three different subgroups, namely La Fragancia, El Tibio-Los Guabos, and a group (with 

subgroups) formed by El Cristal, Sabanilla and El Retorno are easily recognized. La 

Fragancia is the only research site among the Mestizos and Saraguros that includes areas of 

evergreen premontane rainforest (“tierra caliente”), which probably explains its separate 

position. In contrast, El Cristal, Sabanilla and El Retorno are situated between 1,500 and 

64 Inside this group, the use of plants in Shamatak shows the lowest similarities with all other Shuar settlements. 

The reason remains unclear. It could be related to its location in an area of wetlands, or to the greater presence 

of pastures in this settlement. 

180

2,300 m a.s.l. in areas that include evergreen lower montane forest (1,500 – 2,100 m) and 

evergreen upper montane forest over 2,100 m a.s.l. (“tierra templada” and “tierra fresca”). 

El Tibio and Los Guabos are located over 1,500 m, but below 2,100 m a.s.l. Thus, they 

include only areas that are home to lower montane forest vegetation. As noted by Van den 

Eyden (2004: 64, 68), as a rule, the highest similarity in plant use occurs between villages 

situated at similar altitudes and climates. These differences are more relevant for useful wild 

species than for cultivated species. Wild species gathered in a settlement are the species that 

grow locally in a limited area. However, cultivated plants can to some extent trespass such 

limits, as they can be cultivated outside their natural areas in fields, home gardens or just in 

pots. Cultivated species can be acquired in markets, and the exchange of cultivated plants is a 

habitual practice among neighboring settlements (cf. Coomes & Ban 2004; Campos & 

Ehringhaus 2003; this study). 

In the area of research all ethnic groups share the use of 35 cultivated species, three cultivated 

and wild species, and only seven discrete wild species (cf. Table 71). Thus, the study sites 

show lower similarities for useful wild species (between 1.6% and 42.7%) than for cultivated 

plants (between 15.3% and 63.5%). For wild plants, Van den Eyden (2004: 63) showed very 

similar similarities for wild edible species growing between 1,000 and 2,500 m a.s.l., namely 

values between 2% and 44%. For cultivated plants, the calculated percentages are in line with 

those calculated by Wezel & Ohl (2005: 248) for two indigenous Matsiguenka Amazonian 

villages. They reported a similarity of 65%. 

However, the results of the statistical analyses cannot be explained only on the basis of 

ethnicity or altitudinal gradient. There exist other, less obvious drivers. For instance, the age 

of the settlements, together with proximity, could explain part of the high similarity in useful 

plant species of home gardens situated in the Saraguro settlement of El Tibio and the Mestizo 

settlement of Los Guabos. These villages are the oldest in the area (cf. Ch. 3.2), and in several 

cases the Saraguros of El Tibio have acquired land and home gardens (and the species therein) 

from previous Mestizo owners. As pointed out by Coomes & Ban (2004: 424), older home 

gardens are more likely to have changed ownership. These gardens bear an imprint of the 

personal preferences, tastes, interests, and skills of the previous owner. If the new owners 

adopt these aspects, they are reducing the dissimilarities in plant use between both settlements 

and ethnic groups. Furthermore, as pointed out in Chapter 5.5.4, the inhabitants of El Tibio 

undertake intensive cultural exchanges with neighboring Mestizo settlements. This exchange 

surely includes plant species and plant uses. For example, women of different villages (El 

Tibio, El Cristal, Tambo Blanco 65 , and Los Guabos) sometimes get together in order to make 

ornaments with plants to embellish the local chapels. These meetings probably contribute to a 

homogenization in the use of ornamental plants. 

65 Tambo Blanco is a disperse Mestizo settlement situated between El Tibio and Los Guabos. 

181

Table 71: Plant species used by all ethnic groups in the research area 

Family Scientific name Status (Wild/Cultivated) 

ALLIACEAE Allium cepa Cultivated 

AMARANTHACEAE Aerva sanguinolenta Cultivated 

APIACEAE Arracacia cf. xanthorriza. Cultivated 

ARACEAE Colocasia esculenta Cultivated 

ARACEAE Xanthosoma cf. sagittifolium Cultivated 

ASTERACEAE Ageratum conyzoides Wild 

ASTERACEAE Piptocoma discolor Wild 

BALSAMINACEAE Impatiens walleriana Cultivated 

BROMELIACEAE Ananas comosus Cultivated 

CANNACEAE Canna indica Cultivated 

CAPRIFOLIACEAE Sambucus nigra Cultivated 

CONVOLVULACEAE Ipomoea batatas Cultivated 

EUPHORBIACEAE Manihot esculenta Cultivated 

FABACEAE Phaseolus cf. vulgaris Cultivated 

LAMIACEAE Melissa officinalis Cultivated 

LAMIACEAE Mentha x piperita Cultivated 

LAURACEAE Persea americana Cultivated 

MALVACEAE Hibiscus rosa-sinensis Cultivated 

MELIACEAE Cedrela cf. odorata Wild 

MELIACEAE Guarea Kunthiana Wild 

MUSACEAE Musa x paradisiaca Cultivated 

MYRTACEAE Psidium guajava Cultivated, wild 

MYRTACEAE Syzygium jambos Cultivated 

PIPERACEAE Piper aduncum Cultivated, wild 

POACEAE Axonopus scoparius Cultivated 

POACEAE Cymbopogon citratus Cultivated 

POACEAE Pennisetum purpureum Cultivated 

POACEAE Saccharum officinarum Cultivated 

POACEAE Setaria sphacelata Cultivated 

POACEAE Zea mays Cultivated 

RUBIACEAE Coffea arabica Cultivated 

RUTACEAE Citrus maxima Cultivated 

RUTACEAE Citrus medica Cultivated 

RUTACEAE Citrus reticulata Cultivated 

SOLANACEAE Capsicum cf. annuum Cultivated 

SOLANACEAE Physalis peruviana Cultivated, wild 

SOLANACEAE Solanum americanum Wild 

SOLANACEAE Solanum betaceum Cultivated 

SOLANACEAE Solanum quitoense Cultivated 

SOLANACEAE Solanum tuberosum Cultivated 

TILIACEAE Heliocarpus americanus Wild 

VERBENACEAE Verbena litoralis Wild 

5.5.6 Ethnic variations in plant nomenclature 

During the ethnobotanical study, the vernacular names of the useful plant species were 

registered. The origin of plant names is sometimes difficult to determine and would require an 

182

in depth linguistic study that would go beyond the frame of this research. However, for most 

species it is possible to trace the main linguistic influences, namely Shuar, Quechua, and 

Spanish. The results reflect the cultural influences that are present in the area due to historical 

conquests and migration flows (Van den Eyden 2004: 148). While the Shuar are traditional 

inhabitants of the region, the Mestizos and Saraguros have colonized the area of study over 

the last 75 years (cf. Ch. 3.1.5). Table 72 shows the origin of the local nomenclature of the 

plants used by these ethnic groups. The origin of a few species remains uncertain, especially 

among the Saraguro plants (11.3%) and Mestizo plants (7.7%). This could be due to the 

cultural influence of pre-Inca languages that existed in the Andean part of southern Ecuador. 

As Van den Eyden et al. (2004) pointed out, no linguistic information about these languages 

exists, which impedes an analysis of their influences. 

According to Grenand (1995, cited in Van den Eyden et al. 2004), there are three mechanisms 

for naming plants among immigrants. The first one is transposition, which is the naming of 

plants using names of plants already known. The second one is borrowing, which 

encompasses the borrowing of names from other languages. The last one is neology, which 

consists of creating new names for the plants. The latter names are often very descriptive and 

refer to the appearance of the plant. As newcomers, the Saraguros and Mestizos had to name 

the new plants they found, while the Shuar have adopted new names for the introduced 

species as well, mainly through borrowing. 

Table 72: Origin of the local nomenclature of useful plants 

Shuar Saraguros Mestizos 

Total of plant species used 316 (100%) 230 (100%) 312 (100%) 

Shuar names 232 (72.8%) 0 0 

Quechua names 8 (2.5%) 25 (10.9%) 37 (11.9%) 

Spanish names 146 (46.2%) 169 (73.4%) 222 (71.1%) 

Unknown names 28 (8.9%) 20 (8.7%) 38 (12.2%) 

Species with names in more than one language 104 (32.9%) 10 (4.3%) 44 (14.1%) 

Uncertain origin of the name 9 (2.8%) 26 (11.3%) 24 (7.7%) 

The Shuar used their own language to name 232 (72.8%) species. They are bilingual (they 

commonly speak Spanish and Shuar), which is reflected by the high percentage of plants 

named in more than one language, namely 104 species (32.9%). However, the use of Spanish 

names was probably reinforced by our presence, as the Shuar usually prefer to speak in Shuar. 

Yet, 50 species that were apparently named only with borrowed Spanish names were 

recorded. Most of them are food species (14), medicinal species (13), species used for 

construction (12), or species used in introduced activities such as cattle ranching (nine fodder 

species) and ornamental gardening (6). A further 96 species were named in Shuar and in 

Spanish. Most of these Spanish names are transposed terms. As pointed by Van den Eyden et 

al. (2004), edible leaves from wild ARACEAE were named col de monte in Spanish (wild 

cabbage), even if the only thing they have in common with cabbages is the fact that the leaves 

are edible. Furthermore, berries from wild trees like Carica microcarpa and Pourouma spp. 

183

were called uvas (grapes), and the edible seeds of Caryodendron orinocense are called maní 

(peanuts) because they are roasted like peanuts. Papachi, the Shuar word for the introduced 

species Colocasia esculenta (taro), was surely borrowed and adapted from its Spanish name 

papa china (chinese potato). A further example, Arundo donax, another introduced species, is 

called caris in Shuar; it has probably been adapted from its Spanish name, carrizo. The Shuar 

used borrowed neology names for native plants as well, even if they have Shuar names 

already. For instance, tsémpu is the Shuar name for Otoba glycarpa. However, they use 

invented Spanish names like sangre de gallo (cocks blood) or llorasangre (blood weeper) to 

name this tree also. In addition, the Shuar used Quechua to name eight species. These 

Quechua names are very common names in the region and are used by all ethnic groups. For 

instance, chine is used in southern Ecuador to name different stinging nettles (Urera 

caracasana, Urtica spp.). The Shuar name three of these eight species (Brugmansia sp. 1, 

Brugmansia sp. 2, and Polygala paniculata) in all three languages. 

The Saraguros of El Tibio and El Cristal undertake intensive cultural exchanges with the 

neighboring Mestizo settlements of Los Guabos, Sabanilla, and El Retorno. Spanish is the 

mother tongue of both ethnic groups in these communities. The Saraguros use Spanish terms 

to name 73.4% of the species (169), while the Mestizos have Spanish names for a similar 

percentage, namely 71.1% (222 species). Moreover, both ethnic groups are settlers and share 

many customs, several plant uses, and most plant names. Despite their cultural origin, the 

inhabitants of the Saraguro settlements of El Tibio and El Cristal speak almost no Quechua. 

This traditional language has little importance even in plant nomenclature. Only 10.9% of the 

useful plants among the Saraguros (25) had a Quechua name, which is almost the same 

percentage as among the Mestizos (11.9%, 37 species). Likewise, Van den Eyden et al. 

(2004) registered only 6.7% (22 plant names of 328) of Quechua names among Mestizo plant 

nomenclature in southern Ecuador. The Saraguros named only 10 plant species (4.3%) with 

names in both languages. Interestingly, this percentage rises to 14.1% (44 species) among the 

Mestizos, maybe because the plant names were recorded in a larger area (including more 

Mestizo settlements), which implies a higher number of informants and broader area of origin 

of the Mestizo settlers. 

Among the Saraguros and Mestizos transposition as a plant naming mechanism was found 

only for a very few native useful species. Physalis peruviana, known locally in Spanish as 

uvilla (small grape), is one of them and has already been recorded by Van den Eyden et al. 

(2004). Another example is Trianea sp., which looks similar to a small pear and is 

consequently called perilla (little pear) by some Mestizos. The Saraguros also protect and eat 

this species, but they have not developed a name for it. Pichana, the local Spanish name for 

Scoparia dulcis, represents a mixture of transposition and borrowing, as the term is borrowed 

from a transposed Quechua name. Pichay means “to sweep” in Quechua, and this species is 

used to make brooms. Borrowing is a very common mechanism to name plants among 

Saraguros and Mestizos. Moreover, several Spanish names recognized by the Royal Spanish 

Academy are adaptations from original Quechua names. For instance, the vernacular Spanish 

name for Peperomia spp. is congona, which derives from its Quechua name concona. Also, 

the term chonta (Wettinia aequatorialis and other palms) is taken from its Quechua version 

chunta. Other examples are luma or lúcuma, which derive from its Quechua name rucma, 

184

guato (Erythrina spp.), which means cord in Quechua (guatu), and paico (Chenopodium 

ambrosioides), whose name in Quechua is páykko. 

Neology is quite common as well. Several examples already described by Van den Eyden et 

al. (2004) were found, namely cucharillo, (small spoon, for Oreocallis grandiflora), flor de 

novia (bride’s flower, for Yucca guatemalensis), perlilla (small pearl, for Arcyctophyllum sp.), 

or sierra (saw, for Miconia spp.). In addition, the use of neology was found among the names 

of some native species. For instance, in Los Guabos Cyclanthus bipartitus is named cola de 

pato (duck’s tail) due to the similarity of its leaves with a tail. Cimbaylo, which is the local 

name for Solanum caripense in Saraguro and Mestizo communities, is probably another name 

coined through neology. Its fruits hang like a small bell; cimbalillo is the Spanish name for a 

small bell used in churches. Cultivated species have neologized names also. In Los Guabos, 

Eichornia crassipes (cf. Fig. 40 Left) is called bombilla (bulb), as its shape resembles a bulb. 

Recently, introduced medicinal and ornamental plants have also been named through neology. 

For instance, Cordia sp., an herb used as an analgesic for abdominal cramps, has received the 

name of a chemical drug called buscapina which is used to treat the same ailment. Salvia 

splendens is cultivated by Mestizos and is very probably called coral in Spanish because of its 

red flowers, which have the same color as precious or red coral. Another example is 

Kalanchoe pinnata, an introduced ornamental plant cultivated by Saraguros and Mestizos. Its 

local name is amor de hombre (man’s love). According to the Mestizo female informant, the 

plant develops roots very easily and grows everywhere, like the love of a man (!). 

The informants of all ethnic groups were sometimes not able to remember or did not know the 

name of certain species. These plant names were listed in Table 72 under “unknown names”. 

The percentage of such plants is quite similar for all groups. It varies between about 9% 

among Saraguros and Shuar and 12% among the Mestizos. The registered names are listed in 

Annex. 

185

6 LAND USE IN THE STUDIED COMMUNITIES 

The results of the ethnobotanical survey (Ch. 5) revealed the comprehensive plant knowledge 

of the Shuar, the Mestizos, and the Saraguros. In this regard, the aim of this chapter is to 

describe the land use of these groups, an aspect that affects land cover and that in rural 

communities is closely linked to plant use and plant knowledge. As pointed out by Dagang & 

Nair (2003: 152) before assessing what is missing, first the existing resources and 

management must first be examined in order to bring about their improvement and 

optimization. Chapters 6.1.7 and 6.2.6 analyze whether this land use endangers biodiversity, 

highlighting the positive aspects and the main threats to biodiversity conservation. 

6.1 SHUAR LAND USE IN THE UPPER NANGARITZA 

Similar to other Amazonian cultures, the traditional subsistence system of the Shuar is based 

on a combination of home gardens, swidden cultivation and the extraction of resources from 

the forest (cf. Pohle et al. 2010; 2008; Reyes-Garcia et al. 2008; Pohle & Gerique 2006; 

Wezel & Ohl 2005; Bennett et al. 2002; Larmont et al. 1999). In the Shuar communities of the 

Upper Nangaritza, land use results in an extremely complex and heterogeneous array of 

spaces that change with decreasing intensity of use. Home gardens are located adjacent to or 

surrounding households. Close to and around the settlements the Shuar land use creates a 

mosaic of new and old forest gardens 66 and pastures inside secondary forest areas in different 

stages of the regeneration process, and patches of mature forest with limited impact from 

human activities. A few hours away from the settlements (2-3 hours) human pressure declines 

and the landscape appears dominated by mature forest. Duchelle (2007), Bennett et al. (2002), 

Rudel et al. (2002), Borgtoft et al. (1998), and Cerón (1991) described a similar structure in 

their research areas. Following is a detailed description of the land use that has created this 

landscape in Shuar areas of the Upper Nangaritza. 

6.1.1 The Shuar home gardens 

In general, Shuar households have one permanent home garden around or close to their 

houses. Home gardens play an essential role in supplementing the typical staple crop diet with 

fruits and vegetables, in furnishing households with medicinal and ritual plants, and in 

growing species used to make tools, containers and crafts. Proximity facilitates cultivation, 

and rapid access to these resources together with close surveillance, reduces the risk of 

thievery (cf. Coomes & Ban 2004: 422). 

66 Both home gardens and forest gardens are called chacras by the Shuar. 

186

The size of the home gardens vary between less than 4 x 5 m in some home gardens of 

Shaime and around 20 x 50 m or more in Chumpias and Napints. This is a result of 

differences between these settlements; for example, in Shaime there is a lack of space close to 

the houses due to its densely structure (cf. Chapter 3.2.1). Home gardens there include a few 

edible plants like Ananas comosus, Musa x paradisiaca, Inga spp. or Grias peruviana (cf. 

Fig. 45). 

Fig. 45: Partial view of a home garden 

in Shaime: Senna reticulata (a), Coix 

lacryma-jobi (b), Grias peruviana (c), 

Carludovica palmata (d), Musa x 

paradisiaca (e), Inga spectabilis (f). 


a 

In contrast, Chumpias, Napints and Shamatak are traditional Shuar settlements with a 

scattered structure (cf. Ch. 3.2.1.), allowing the presence of larger plots close to the houses 

with many edible species (Manihot esculenta, Ipomoea batatas, Arachis hypogaea) that are 

otherwise cultivated in forest gardens. In addition, the Shuar cultivate in their home gardens 

medicinal plants such as Aerva sanguinolenta, Bixa orellana, piripiri (Cyperus spp.), or 

Sambucus nigra, edible species like Passiflora pergrandis, Solanum quitoense and Citrus 

spp., and Gossypium barbadense in order to get wad, and ritual plants like natem 

(Banisteriopsis caapi), Brugmansia spp. or Nicotiana tabacum. Species used to make 

necklaces and other crafts, like Coix lacryma-jobi, Canna indica or Renealmia alpinia are 

also common in home gardens. Larger home gardens often contain species to make tools and 

containers such as Luffa cylindrica, which is used to make dishcloths, or Crescentia cujete, 

which is used to make chicha bowls, and plants used to make flutes and other instruments, 

e.g. Guadua angustifolia. In the home gardens of all settlements there are BROMELIACEAE 

collected in forests and used as ornamental plants. Some home gardens in Shaime are fenced 

with ornamental species such as Malvaviscus sp. and Hibiscus rosa-sinensis and some 

households have introduced in their home gardens ornamental plants like Clerodendrum 

thomsonae and Cordyline fruticosa bought in Mestizo markets. The use of cultivated plant 

species to fence and decorate gardens and public buildings like schools (as in Shaime and 

Chumpias) is a recent trend acquired from the Mestizo settlers 67 . Home gardens are, as a rule, 

managed by women. Children help their mothers, and men manage certain ritual plants like 

67 The schools of Shaime and Chumpias are decorated with ornamental plants like Caladium bicolor, 

Alternanthera spp., Inga spp. and other species in pots. 

d 

f 

e 

b 

c 

187

natem. In Chumpias and Napints, men take care of transplanted trees of commercial value 

such as Cedrela odorata, Cordia alliodora, Terminalia cf. amazonia, Cedrelinga 

cateniformes and Platymiscium cf. pinnatum. 

Apart from dogs for hunting and for protecting their houses, almost all Shuar families (86%) 

raise chickens in their home gardens (Park 2004: 26). Other, less common domestic animals 

are guinea pigs (Cavia porcellus), which are kept in the Shuar houses, and ducks and turkeys. 

Gardens receive food waste generated by the household. The Shuar let poultry and guinea 

pigs run loose and forage freely in the garden. In this way, these animals leave their own 

organic waste that serves as fertilizer (cf. Coomes & Ban 2004: 422). In Napints the use of 

termites as poultry fodder was observed. The Shuar collect termite nests in the forest and 

break them into the home gardens in order to disseminate the termites, which are immediately 

eaten by poultry (cf. Fig. 46). These nests can be stored for some days, allowing a better 

allocation of the resource. Some families raise a few pigs in a distant corner of the home 

gardens, mainly for sale. 

Fig. 46: A shuar from Napints in his family’s home garden 

feeding poultry with termites from a termite nest collected in 

the forest. (Photo by A. Gerique 2007) 

6.1.2 Forest gardens and shifting cultivation in the Upper Nangaritza 

Forest gardens are located between 30 and 60 minutes away from the house and have an 

average size of 0.5-1.0 ha 68 . An average Shuar household with three children and two adults 

keeps an average of three to four forest gardens of different years of age to guarantee the 

supply of plants for food and other uses (Informant 18F 2007). 

68 In recent years, larger gardens have been established to supply the local schools where the Shuar children get a 

daily meal. The management of these forest gardens is based on communal work; all scholars and their parents 

collaborate in their cultivation. The mothers also share the duty of cooking for the children at school. 

188

Shifting cultivation, a very common form of plant production among indigenous and local 

groups in tropical forest areas worldwide (cf. Scholz 2003; Warner 1991), is the local way of 

producing crops. Several authors (cf. Báez 1999; Münzel 1977; Harner 1972) have described 

the shifting cultivation system of the Shuar. In the area of study, the first step is to find an 

appropriate place for the field. According to Informant 42M (2004), in the past the Shuar 

looked first for dry places. There they tasted the top layer, looking for non-bitter soils, which 

were considered better for the cultivation of manioc. Today they look for gentle slopes within 

the secondary forest of their properties. 

The next step is forest clearing, which is done by men in mingas, the typical communal work 

team, where 10-20 Shuar from several families work together (cf. Fig. 47). If more workers 

are needed, the landowner offers a pig for lunch to the helpers. The Shuar first cut the understorey 

and then the trees, using chainsaws (cf. Fig. 47 Left and 50 Right) and machetes. The 

Shuar often kill unwanted trees by cutting strips of bark, saving time and power (cf. Fig. 47 

Right). Meanwhile, women take care of the children and prepare and serve chicha to the men. 

Fig. 47: Left: Shuar of Shaime clearing a forest plot. Right: The Shuar often kill unwanted trees by 

cutting strips of bark instead of felling the whole tree. (Photos by A. Gerique 2004) 

Certain trees are protected when the forest is cleared. There are different practical reasons for 

this. The first one is easy to perceive; most of these trees are useful and provide the Shuar 

with food and other forest products. Other reasons are less obvious; the Shuar protect many 

trees because they attract wildlife with their fruits, and Triplaris and Cecropia spp. trees are 

too painful to saw, as very aggressive ants, which live in association with those trees, protect 

them. 

It takes around 2-3 weeks to clear enough forest for a forest garden. If the Shuar consider that 

the vegetation is dry enough, clearing of the sawn vegetation is followed by burning (slash 

and burn technique). If not, they cut the vegetation into small pieces and leave it to rot on the 

field (slash and mulch technique). Figure 48 (Left) shows a recent forest garden created using 

189

the slash and mulch technique in Shamatak, and a mature forest garden (three years old) in 

Shaime (Right). 

Fig. 48: Left: A new forest garden in Shamatak. The garden was established without burning (slash 

and mulch). Right: A mature forest garden in Shaime (3 years old). (Photos by A. Gerique 2007 (Left) 

2004 (Right)) 

After clearing, Shuar women do all the work in the gardens. Figure 49 shows a group of 

Shuar women resting with their children in their forest garden. According to our informants, 

in the past, Shuar traditions forbade men for entering new forest gardens; only women were 

allowed to do so (Informant18F 2007). Shuar women use a stick called wái to drill (cf. Fig. 50 

Left). They make it from hardwood species such as Mouriri grandiflora, Myrcia sp., Iriartea 

deltoidea or Wettinia maynensis. Wais and machetes are the only tools used by local Shuar 

women to sow in their forest gardens. 

Fig. 49: Shuar women with their 

children taking a break in their 

family’s forest garden. (Photo by A. 

Gerique 2004) 

The Shuar forest gardens are characterized by a great diversity of species and breeds (cf. 

Pohle & Gerique 2006: 278). This diversity is represented graphically in Figure 51, which 

shows a forest garden in Napints (cf. Pohle & Reinhardt 2004). The fields begin to produce 

190

Manihot esculenta (manioc) after 8-9, months and they are used intensively for 3-5 years. 

During this period, manioc, Ipomoea batatas (sweet potato), Dioscorea trifida (yam), 

Colocasia esculenta (taro), and Xanthosoma spp. are the main crops cultivated. The 

importance of manioc has been noted in Chapter 5.2.2.2. In younger forest gardens (1-3 years 

old, cf. Fig. 48 Right) manioc dominates the landscape, while the latter species predominate 

in older fields (3-5 years). The starchy tubers of these species provide the basis of the daily 

diet of the Shuar together with Musa x paradisiaca (bananas), which grow in every field. The 

latter fruits are sometimes sold to Mestizo merchants. 

Fig. 50: Left: A wai, 

the traditional Shuar 

stick used to drill in 

forest gardens. Right: 

A shuar using a 

chainsaw to clear the 

forest. (Photos by A. 

Gerique 2004) 

Important crops cultivated in forest gardens are CUCURBITACEAE species, Bactris gasipaes, 

Phaseolus cf. vulgaris (beans), Ananas comosus (pineapple), Carica papaya (papaya) and 

Solanum quitoense (naranjilla). The latter two species, in particular naranjilla, are, together 

with bananas, the most important cash crops in the studied communities. About 90% of the 

families of Shaime (around 60 households), men and women, cultivate this crop and sell small 

amounts of these commodities to Mestizo traders (Informant 12M 2007). More recently, some 

Shuar families have begun to cultivate some cocoa trees (Theobroma cacao) inside their 

gardens. As well, the Shuar cultivate in their forest gardens fish poisons such as masú 

(Phyllanthus sp.) and barbasco or timiu (Lonchocarpus nicou). A series of protected and 

transplanted trees such as Inga spp., Pourouma cecropiifolia, and several palm species 

complete the typical array of species. Monocultures of bananas, Zea mays (maize), or Arachis 

hypogaea (peanuts) are often cultivated in smaller fields (less than one hectare). The Shuar 

have also begun to cultivate monocultures of naranjilla. In contrast to other crops, men are 

responsible for cultivating this species. This denotes a significant change in the role of men in 

Shuar society, namely the direct incorporation of men in the production of agricultural 

products, which was in the past restricted to women. They use commercial chemicals, as the 

cultivated variety is very susceptible to pathogens. If necessary, they employ day laborers 

during the harvest season (Informant 12M 2010).Yet, the Shuar do not use any commercial 

191

chemicals in their traditional forest gardens; they make insecticides using Urera caracasana 

and fertilizers with Inga edulis leaves, and believe that wuaimpiak (Canna indica) plants 

prevents the rotting of manioc. 

The Shuar women clean the harvested manioc tubers in the field, and the refuse is used as 

mulch. However, production in forest gardens declines after about five years of use 

(Informant 18F 2005). Even so, some species remain in use after the soil becomes exhausted 

and production declines, while new useful species grow spontaneously (cf. Morales Males & 

Schjellerup 1999: 98). 

Fig. 51: 

Shuar forest 

garden in 

Napints. 

(Taken from 

Pohle & 

Reinhardt 

2004) 

192

Figure 52 shows the secondary vegetation in a forest garden in Shaime after 15 years of 

fallow. It includes all trees with a diameter at breast height greater than 10 cm, together with 

the remaining cultivars. Useful pioneer and secondary forest trees such as Piptocoma 

discolor, Vismia confertiflora, Heliocarpus americanus, Cecropia sp., Miconia sp., Elaeagia 

sp., Trema integerrima, Inga punctata, Banara nitida, Alchornea latifolia and an 

undetermined LAURACEAE (Genus indet. 2) grow together with a formerly protected species 

(Cordia alliodora) and the remnants of Musa x paradisiaca perennial herbs and Coffea 

arabica bushes. 

Fig. 52: Most important plant species in a forest garden in Shaime after 15 years of fallow. (Draft by A. 

Gerique & J. Kieslinger 2009. Field survey by C. Chimbo, A. Gerique, B. Kukush, E. Tapia, D. 

Veintimilla 2004-2007). Note: Only useful species and trees (useful and not) with a dbh > 10 cm have been included. 

The latter species was the main regional cash crop until the coffee price crash in the early 

nineties 69 (Informant 18F 2005). Coffea arabica bushes were observed in older fallows in 

Shaime and Chumpias. Other useful species growing in the fallow area are Urera caracasana, 

Costus sp. and Uncaria tomentosa. However, the owners of the fallow did not consider the 

latter vine species useful. Ferns (Cyathea sp.) and Ficus cf. subandina have no use. A long 

fallow period allows for the recovery of soil fertility (cf. Atta-Krah et al. 2004: 183). 

According to the informants, more than 20 years of fallow are the rule in the study area. 

Apart from the production of plant products, a few Shuar families have begun to raise edible 

snails (Ampularia sp., cf. Fig. 53) in ponds. According to Informant 18F (2006), this activity 

has been introduced by a Shuar from Napints, who observed this use in Pastaza Province. The 

snails are fed with banana leaves and skins. It takes five months to produce adult individuals. 

More recently, the Shuar of Shaime have begun to raise red tilapias (Tilapia sp.) in the same 

69 For more information about this crisis, see FAO (2005: 36) and Osorio (2004). 

193

ponds. As in the case of the production of naranjilla, men collaborate in the task of raising 

snails and tilapias. 

Fig. 53: Edible water snails (Ampularia sp.) (Left) raised in ponds (Right) by the Shuar in Shaime. 

(Photos by A. Gerique 2006) 

6.1.3 Cattle raising and pasture management of the Shuar 

Among the Shuar, cattle raising is a new labor activity. As pointed out by Rudel et al. (2002: 

146), the Shuar became cattle ranchers in the early 1970’s in order to secure title to their 

lands. It was necessary to clear part of the forest land to demonstrate its occupation and use, 

which was a main prerequisite for titling (cf. Ch. 3.1.5.1). According to Informant 42M 

(2004) the first herd of cattle in Shaime (22 cows) arrived in 1972 thanks to a loan from the 

Shuar Federation. The credit went to the local cattle development group. At that time, their 

members maintained some pastures in common, and the number of cattle was raised to 46 

cows. However, cattle began to die and the cattle development group fell apart. Rudel et al. 

(2002: 149) observed the latter event in Morona Santiago Province as well. Today, about one 

half of the families raise cattle on their own land. Cattle herds in the Upper Nangaritza consist 

mainly of Holstein and Brahman crossed cows. Local herds consist of eight to 40 head of 

cattle. 

Cows raised for meat must be sold outside the community (Informant 11M 2004); they must 

be transported by boat to the next river port with road connection (Las Orquídeas), where 

Mestizo cattle traders await. The boats that cross the Nangaritza can carry a maximum of four 

to six cows per trip, which makes this transport expensive 70 and time-consuming. Milk 

production is less common among the Shuar; it is consumed locally or used to make curd, 

while the resulting whey is used to feed pigs. As a rule, cattle raising is a male occupation. 

Pastures are close to the settlements, 15 to 45 minutes away from the houses of their owners. 

This is a consequence of the Shuar technique of raising cattle, which is called sogueo, and 

which requires the presence of the rancher close to the cows. It involves securing the animal 

70 The Shuar have to pay around 20 US$ to transport one cow by boat to Las Orquídeas. 

194

with a rope of about three to four meters in length to a stake in the ground. In this way, the 

cow cannot escape. In addition, cows cannot reach and eat grasses outside the range of the 

rope (cf. Fig. 54). This helps to control the amount of pasture grasses eaten and avoids 

trampling damage. Moreover, the cows gain weight more efficiently due to the lack of 

movement. The rangers provide the animals with water to drink and change their location 

twice a day, in the morning and in the afternoon. During the breaks, they often remove weeds 

from pastures using machetes. The Shuar have adopted this technique from Saraguro and 

Mestizo settlers who have established their pastures in the Upper Nangaritza. 

Fig. 54: Shuar pastures in Shamatak. 

The “sogueo” technique allows 

controlled grazing. The pasture in the 

front has not been used recently, while 

the pasture in the back is almost 

exhausted. (Photo by A. Gerique 2007) 

Pastures are established in leveled areas. The process of clearing the forest in order to 

establish pastures is similar to the establishment of forest gardens. However, the cleared plots 

are more extensive. After forest clearing, the Shuar bring pasture grass from older pastures or 

seed new pastures with seeds bought in Mestizo markets in Guayzimi and Zurmi. As in the 

case of forest gardens, during this process useful trees and tree species living in association 

with ants are usually tolerated. In this way, Shuar pastures contain a high number of protected 

useful trees. Secondary growth species in pastures are tolerated if they are useful or if they 

offer shade to cattle (cf. Ch. 5.2.2.15). The extent of pastureland varies from one household to 

another depending on the number of cattle they have. As a rule, one cow needs around one 

hectare of pasture and the Shuar can have more than one plot of pasture if required. Urochloa 

brizantha (bracharia) is the most common fodder grass in the Nangaritza valley. Axonopus 

scoparius, known as gramalote, is another common fodder plant in the region (cf. Báez 1999: 

106; Belote 1998: 347). It is propagated by the division of clumps. Gramalote grows slowly, 

and needs six months to recover from grazing, as it does not endure well under grazing. This 

grass has another important disadvantage; around two hectares are needed for one cow. 

However, it is the preferred grass for milk production. Some Shuar improve their pastures 

with Arachis pintoi and an unidentified 71 herb called calopogonio (Calopogonium 

mucunoides?). Eriochloa sp., which is known as pasto alemán, is another common fodder 

71 We did not see this species; one informant, 11M (2004), mentioned it. 

195

species. It is cultivated in flood-prone areas where other species do not grow. Setaria 

sphacelata (Mequerón) is less common in the region, but according to the informants it is an 

interesting fodder species, as it recovers from grazing after only six weeks (Informant 39M 

2007). 

Fig. 55: Most important plant species in a pasture plot in Shaime after 15 years of fallow (Draft by A. 

Gerique & J. Kieslinger 2009. Field survey by A. Gerique, H. Salas, E. Tapia, D. Veintimilla, C. 

Sukonga 2004-2007). Note: Only useful species and trees with a dbh > 10 cm have been included. 

Figure 55 shows a pasture plot after 15 years of fallow; the owner abandoned it when he 

renounced cattle ranching 72 . As a comparison with Figure 52, Figure 55 demonstrates that 

abandoned pastures clearly require more regeneration time than forest gardens. The canopy is 

clearly denser in the former forest garden plot than in the pasture plot after the same fallow 

period. This is in line with the results by other authors (cf. Ferguson et al. 2003; Nepstad et al. 

1990; Uhl et al. 1988) who found that succession is clearly faster on swidden sites than on 

abandoned pastures. Only a few secondary tree species are growing, e.g., Piptocoma discolor, 

Heliocarpus americanus, Vernonanthura patens, Miconia sp., Cecropia sp. and Critoniopsis 

sp. Axonopus scoparius, the original fodder grass, remains as the dominant under-storey, even 

after fifteen years of fallow. Other main under-story species are Cissampelas pareira, Piper 

sp., Costus sp., Urera caracasana, Rubus sp., Psychotria sp. and Musa sp. The high density 

of the Axonopus scoparius pasture has probably retarded the growth of other less competitive 

plant species (cf. Belote 1998: 347). Bennett (2002: 234) mentioned this species as the 

dominant grass in abandoned Shuar chacras in Morona Santiago Province. Further, the 

secondary growth in abandoned pastures depends on sunlight tolerance (seedlings of shadeintolerant 

species can establish in larger gaps, cf. Yamamoto 2000: 226) and on seed dispersal 

from the forest, which is conditioned by birds and bats. These animals eat, as a rule, small 

72 By the end of 2007, the owner leased the plot to a Shuar rancher who introduced cattle in the plot. 

196

seeds (

Table 73: Transplanted and cultivated wild species and naturalized species 

Family Scientific name Uses Management 

ACANTHACEAE Dicliptera sp. MED, H/F trans, cult 

ARECACEAE Bactris gasipaes FOO, CON, BEE, H/F trans, cult 

198 

Iriartea deltoidea FOO, CON, T/C, FUE, BEE, H/F trans 

Oenocarpus bataua FOO, CON, F/H, T/C, BEE trans, cult 

Wettinia maynensis FOO, CON, T/C, FUE trans 

ASTERACEAE Ageratum conyzoides MED nat? 

BIGNONIACEAE Mansoa sp. VET, R/M trans 

BROMELIACEAE Aechmea spp. ORN trans 

Tillandsia spp. ORN trans 

CACTACEAE Hylocereus polyrhizus MED trans, cult 

CECROPIACEAE Pourouma cecropiifolia FOO trans 

COMBRETACEAE Terminalia sp. CON trans 

CYCLANTHACEAE Carludovica palmata FOO, CON, H/F, T/C trans, cult 

EUPHORBIACEAE Caryodendron orinocense FOO, FOD, FUE trans 

FABACEAE Cedrelinga cateniformes CON trans 

Platymiscium cf. pinnatum CON trans 

HELICONIACEAE Heliconia sp. 1 CON, H/F trans 

Heliconia sp. 2 FOO trans 

LECYTHIDACEAE Grias peruviana FOO, MED, FUE trans 

Gustavia macaranensis FOO trans 

MELIACEAE Cedrela odorata CON trans 

MYRTACEAE Psidium guajava FOO, FOD trans, cult, nat? 

PASSIFLORACEAE Passiflora pergrandis FOO trans, cult 

PIPERACEAE Piper aduncum MED trans, cult, nat? 

SOLANACEAE Physalis cf. peruviana FOO, FOD, MED nat? 

ULMACEAE Trema integerrima FIB, T/C, FUE, FOD trans 

ZINGIBERACEAE Renealmia alpinia FOO, CRA trans, cult 

MED: Medicine, H/F. Hunting/Fishing, FOO: Food, CON: Construction, BEE: Production of beetle larvae, T/C: Tools/Containers, 

FUE: Fuel, ORN: Ornamental, FOD: Fodder, CRA: Crafts, trans: transplanted species, cult: cultivated species, nat?: probably 

naturalized species 

Note: Cultivated species have arisen through human action; they have not only been transplanted 

6.1.5 Wildlife and fisheries in the Upper Nangaritza 

Among the Shuar, the exploitation of forest resources includes the hunting of wild animals 

and birds, and fishing, either for food or for sport. The Shuar diet includes a number of 

mammals and birds. The oilbird (cf. Box 12) plays a relevant role. It not only gives its name 

to the local Shuar Association (called “Tayunts”), but also, and according to Informant 12M 

(2007), the Shuar collect all the chicks of oilbirds that they can catch, sometimes up to 250, 

once a year during one day (in May). This happens in the cave of Los Tayos 74 , a deep cavern 

about two and a half hours away from Shaime in a primary forest area. These chicks are very 

fat due to their diet of palm fruits and are considered a delicacy. Other animals, like caimans, 

bears or jaguars, are hunted for diversion or prestige. Bears are hunted for other reasons as 

well; even though it is strictly forbidden, many people in southern Ecuador hunt bears 

because they believe that their fat is a good remedy for bone fractures. 

74 Tayo is the Spanish name for oilbird.

Box 12: The oilbird (Steatornis caripensis) (Excerpted from Kricher 1999, pp. 140-141) 

“Perhaps the most unique of many Neotropical frugivores is the oilbird, Steatornis caripensis, [...]. It 

ranges from Trinidad and northern South America to Bolivia. The Oilbird is a large nocturnal bird, its 

body measuring 18 inches (about 46 cm) in length and its wingspread nearly 3 feet (about 1 m). Its 

owl-like plumage is coloured soft brown with black barring and scattered white spots, and its head is 

punctuated by a large hooked bill and bulging, wide, staring eyes. Oilbirds are fascinating enough as 

individuals, but they come in groups. Colonies are widely scattered throughout the range of the 

species, as birds live in caves, venturing out at night to feed on the fruits of palms, laurels, and 

incense, often obtained only after flying long distances from the cave. Fruits are taken on the wing as 

the birds hover at the trees, picking off their dinners with their sharp hooked beaks. [...]. Enter an 

oilbird cave and be greeted by a cacophony of sound, a chaotic chorus of anxious growls and angry 

screams. In the dark, dank cave the flapping wings of the disturbed, protesting host conjure up 

thoughts of tropical demons awakened [...]. These vocalizations are one of the reasons why oilbirds 

are unique. They are the only birds capable of echolocation, the same technique by which bats find 

their way in the dark.” 

The Shuar capture wild animals such as peccaries, monkeys and some birds to use them as 

pets. The use of different parrot species as pets is quite common among the Shuar and 

Mestizo of the Upper Nangaritza. Further, the Shuar hunt certain bird species in order to get 

feathers to make traditional crafts (cf. Informant 12M 2005; Münzel 1977: 96). Figure 56 

shows two examples of animal resources. On the left, a Shuar hunter holds the cranium of a 

spectacled bear (Tremarctos ornatus), while on the right, two children show a white-fronted 

capuchin (Cebus albifrons) which is kept as a pet. 

Fig. 56: On the left side, a Shuar hunter shows his trophy, 

the cranium of a spectacled bear (Tremarctos ornatus). On 

the right side, two children from Napints show their pet, a 

white-fronted capuchin (Cebus albifrons). (Photos by A. 

Gerique 2004). 

Table 74 indicates all the useful mammals, reptiles, and birds that were mentioned during the 

interviews and observed during field work. 

199

Table 74: Main wild mammals, reptiles and birds hunted by the Shuar (based on own investigations) 

Scientific name Local name Class Main use Comments 

Aloutta seniculus?* Mono Mammal Food Occasionally hunted on the Peruvian side of the territory 

Aotus cf. 

vociferans?* 

Mono Mammal Food Occasionally hunted on the Peruvian side of the territory 

Ateles belzebuth?* Mono Mammal Food Occasionally hunted on the Peruvian side of the territory 

Cebus albifrons Mono Mammal Food, Pet Occasionally hunted on the Peruvian side of the territory 

Cuniculus paca Guanta Mammal Food 

Dasyprocta sp. Guatusa Mammal Food In the past, the Shuar did not eat it but hunted it for fun. Now they 

eat it 

Dasypus sp. Armadillo Mammal Food 

Leopardus sp. Tigrillo Mammal Trophy 

Manzama sp. Venado Mammal Food 

Melanosuchus niger Caimán Reptile Trophy According to Shuar, almost extinguished in the area 

Panthera onca Tigre Mammal Trophy According to Shuar, almost extinguished in the area 

Penelope sp. Pava de 

monte 

Bird Food, Pet 

Amazona spp. Loro Bird Pet 

Ara spp. Loro Bird Crafts 

Ramphastidae Tucán Bird Crafts 

Steatornis 

caripensis 

200 

Tayo Bird Food Once a year the Shuar visit the cave where the birds live and 

collect “as many chicks as they can” 

Tapirus terrestris Danta Mammal Food Hunted on the Peruvian side of the territory in the Achiume area 

Tayassu pecari Sajino Mammal Food, Pet 

Tremarctos ornatus Oso de Mammal Trophy The Shuar probably use or sell the fat to Mestizo settlers. It is 

anteojos 

used topically to treat fractures 

*The Shuar mentioned the existence of four monkey species, but we only saw and identified one. We used information by 

Albuja (1997) to list the other three species, as he identified four species in the area 

Hunting is a male activity. In order to hunt, the Shuar generally use guns and traps. The latter 

are made by using some plant species (cf. Ch. 5.2.2.8). Most of the households that were 

visited during the interviews retain blowguns, mainly for the fun of using them and as a 

tradition. Shuar hunting expeditions can take several days, as they visit distant forests in order 

to find game which has became scarce close to the settlements over recent years (Informant 

39M 2006). For instance, monkeys were easy to find about 10 years ago, as shown in a rapid 

faunal appraisal done by Conservation International in 1997 in Miazi, an area five kilometers 

north to Shaime (Albuja 1997: 74). By contrast, during the four years of field work no 

monkey was sighted; only one specimen was heard far away from the settlements, in a mature 

forest area close to the border with Peru. Large Neotropical primates are extremely rare and 

shy of humans wherever they have been hunted in the past (Peres 1990: 56). On their part, 

Milner-Gulland et al. (2003: 351) reported that large species, such as tapirs or primates, 

disappear first. 

According to the interviews, the Shuar hunt less that they did before, apparently due to the 

increasing difficulty of finding wild animals close to the settlements. However, there may be 

another reason. In Shaime, a family affirmed during the interviews that they do not hunt, raise 

cattle or extract timber anymore. As described in Chapter 6.1.2, this family sells naranjilla 

(Solanum quitoense) to Mestizos and produces snails for sale within the community instead. 

Consequently, the household head spends more time with the latter activities and has less time 

for hunting. This would support the results of Rosero (2004, cited in Duchelle 2007: 21), who 

indicated that the investment of Shuar men in new labor opportunities like the cultivation of

crops with economic value could be the main reason for the decline in hunting in his area of 

study. 

The Shuar fish in creeks and rivers using lances, nets, and fish-poisons (cf. Ch. 5.5.2.8). Fish 

plays an important role as a source of protein for the Shuar. A 24 hour recall conducted by 

Park (2004: 48) among the Shuar of Shaime, Chumpias and Napints showed that about 17% 

of the respondents ate fish daily. During research, the fishing of five species was observed. 

However, two species (Cordylancistrus platycephalus and Chaetostoma branickii 75 ), both 

called “corroncho” by the inhabitants of the Upper Nangaritza, play the most significant role 

in the Shuar diet, as they are very abundant and easy to catch. According to Barriga (1997: 

86), there are at least 32 fish species in the Upper Nangaritza river. 

6.1.6 Labor activities and tourism in the Upper Nangaritza 

Although a few Shuar from the Upper Nangaritza have worked in factories in Guayaquil or as 

taxi drivers or even as “DJs” in music clubs in Loja city, employment is still uncommon, apart 

from Shuar working for governmental institutions or political organizations (cf. Pohle et al. 

2010: 495). Without doubt, agriculture and timber extraction are the main economic activities 

in the area of study. 

Guiding tourists is a further local activity for some Shuar. As pointed out by Palacios (1997: 

41), the Upper Nangaritza constitutes one of the most beautiful landscapes in Ecuador. 

Orlando Falco, a former Galápagos National Park Ranger and the owner of an eco-lodge in 

Vilcabamba, went further by saying that “the Upper Nangaritza is the Galápagos of southern 

Ecuador” (Orlando Falco 2006). The Upper Nangaritza offers fantastic views (cf. Figure 8) 

and hosts an impressive biodiversity (cf. Ch. 3.1.4.3). The Tepuys host numerous plant and 

animal endemisms and rare species (cf. Conservation International 2009b; Neill 2005). Near 

Shaime, the Nangaritza River forms a spectacular canyon where many cascades fall over its 

walls (cf. Fig. 57 Right). Apart from this feature, there exist two main attractions. One is the 

“El Laberinto de las mil ilusiones” or „Labyrinth of the Thousand Illusions”, an impressive 

system of tunnels and corridors eroded by water in limestone, all the way to the Ecuadorian- 

Peruvian border. The other is the trek to the cave of Los Tayos and the oilbirds (Steatornis 

caripensis) that live inside the cave (cf. Ch. 6.1.5). The labyrinth is situated on the property of 

a Mestizo settler, while the cave is located in Shuar territory. In both cases, tourists must pay 

a fee to enter the area. The ruins of a Spanish settlement (called Ciudad Perdida or Lost City), 

which was abandoned after the Shuar revolt in 1599 (cf. Ch. 3.1.5.1), and the Shuar 

settlements and culture are other known tourist places of interest. However, tour operators do 

not offer visits to these places specifically. 

75 The fish species were kindly identified by Jonathan Armbruster, Associate Professor and Curator of Fishes at 

the Auburn University, Alabama, and by Nathan K. Lujan, postdoctoral researcher at the Section of Ecology, 

Evolution & Systematic Biology Department of Wildlife and Fisheries Sciences at the Texas A&M 

University. 

201

Fig. 57: Left: The boat of Yankuam Lodge with a small tourist group close to Shaime in the Upper 

Nangaritza. Right: The waterfall El manto de la novia, one of the local tourist attractions. (Photos by 

A. Gerique 2007 (left), 2005 (right)) 

Despite the attractiveness of the Upper Nangaritza, tourism plays a marginal role in the local 

economy, mainly due to the lack of infrastructure. The Ecuadorian Department of Tourism 

donated boats to the Shuar in order to promote tourism in the area. However, it was not until 

2002, that a basic tourist lodge was built in traditional Shuar style in Shaime, and four Shuar 

were trained as tourist guides within the Programa Podocarpus 76 (Informant 12M 2004). 

Unfortunately, as noted in Chapter 5.2.2.3, such constructions require intensive maintenance, 

but no Shuar felt responsible for its conservation, and by the end of 2005, the building 

collapsed. The existing visitor statistics of this lodge (taken from the visitors’ book) cover 

only a period of about seven months, (between September 2002 and April 2003) and show an 

average of seven tourists and 68 USD income 77 per month. The tourists came mainly from 

Germany (18), Ecuador (14), and Switzerland (5), and stayed one (12) or two (20) nights. 

Other visitors stayed up to eight nights, but, according to their occupation (students, 

biologists, journalists), they probably stayed for research purposes. In 2005, a Swedish- 

Ecuadorian couple opened Yankuam Lodge, the first and only quality lodge in the area. 

During an interview in 2006, the manager said that they had an average of 10 to 15 visitors 

per month, half of them nationals. The foreigners came mainly from France, Germany, the 

United States of America, and Sweden, and stayed one or two nights if they were tourists and 

three to four nights if they were students. As a rule, they visited the waterfalls, the cave of Los 

Tayos, and the “Labyrinth of the Thousand Illusions”. The manager hoped to reach an 

average of 20 visitors per month. However, the area seems to be unknown to most tourists. 

Only a handful of foreign tourists were sighted during research, and most of them were 

76 The Programa Podocarpus was a development project for the conservation of the Podocarpus National Park 

area sponsored by the Dutch Government (cf. Apolo & Becking 2003). 

77 The foreign visitors had to pay four USD per night, and nationals two USD. 

202

groups of Ecuadorian citizens from the cities of Loja and Zamora who stayed in the area for 

one or two nights. 

Due to the lack of official statistics about tourism trends in southern Ecuador and especially in 

the Upper Nangaritza, standard interviews were conducted during 2006 in four different 

lodges with different price categories, in Vilcabamba 78 . This town is the most famous 

destination in the region and the only place with an established tourism infrastructure, thus, 

most tourists visiting southern Ecuador make a stop here. In total, 106 tourists participated in 

the rapid appraisal (cf. Annex 4). Of them, 42 responded to the question asking if they had 

heard about the existence of the Nangaritza River. Only one tourist from South Korea 

answered in the affirmative. However, he did not know the city of Zamora, which makes his 

answer doubtful, as it is necessary to cross this city in order to reach the Nangaritza. Until 

2007, Biotours, a company located in Loja, offered treks to the area. However, this company 

closed, and to date, only the owners of Yankuam Lodge play a role in the marketing of the 

Upper Nangaritza. They organize trips through southern Ecuador that include this region, and 

facilitate access by organizing a shuttle service that picks up tourists in the cities of Loja and 

Zamora, reducing travel time by several hours and making it comfortable. Due to this, an 

increasing number of tourists in the coming years seems probable. This trend depends on the 

construction of the road through the Upper Nangaritza (cf. Ch. 3.1.4.3 and Ch. 6.1.7.3), which 

already facilitates tourist access, but which could reduce the attractiveness of the area to 

tourists. 

However, only a few Shuar benefit from tourism, and they do it merely in a marginal way. In 

the past, the fee for the use of the Shuar lodge went to the Shuar Tayunts association, and the 

whole community made some (little) profit from tourism. Nowadays, the Shuar community 

only takes advantage from the fee paid by tourists that want to visit the cave of Los Tayos. 

Nearly all tourists that visit the region book the accommodation and treks (including the boat 

rental) at Yankuam Lodge (cf. Fig. 57 Left). Moreover, due to the lack of tourists, only two of 

the four Shuar tourist guides are still active and work almost exclusively for the Yankuam 

tourist groups that enter Shuar territory in order to visit the cave. They earn most of their 

income from other activities like cattle raising and wage labor. One Shuar household produces 

handicrafts as souvenirs, but complains that only a few foreign tourists would buy something. 

According to the interviews, the construction of the Shuar lodge and the training of guides 

awakened expectations that were never fulfilled, mainly due to the lack of tourists. The poor 

results have given rise to disappointment and even to a certain opposition towards tourism in 

the community. 

6.1.7 Discussion: Does Shuar land use endanger forest plant diversity? 

Basing on the last Chapters this section gives an answer to the question if the Shuar land use 

endangers biodiversity. The discussion includes the role of activities that are not conducted by 

78 The following lodges kindly cooperated in the study: Hostal Las Margaritas (budget category), Rumi Wilco 

(ecolodge), Rendez vous (medium priced), and Izhcayluma (medium priced-upper class category). 

203

the Shuar themselves, such as mining and road construction, as they take place in the Shuar 

territories and affect them directly. 

6.1.7.1 The impact of Shuar agriculture on forest 

The Shuar’s traditional management of biodiversity is based on a sense of being closely 

bound culturally, spiritually and economically to the forest (Pohle & Gerique 2006: 278). 

According to several authors (cf. Coomes & Ban 2004: 420; Kumar & Nair 2004: 135; 

Eyzaguirre & Watson 2002: 10; Hodgkin 2002: 14; Méndez et al. 2001: 95; Lamont et al. 

1999), as in the case of other indigenous groups, the home gardens and forest gardens of the 

Shuar can be considered the epitome of sustainability, as they are places of great agrodiversity 

and refuges of genetic resources. Apart from 113 cultivated species, the existence of a large 

number of traditional local breeds of manioc (22) was documented (cf. Table 17). Moreover, 

forest gardens have a low impact on forest vegetation due to the small size of the garden plots, 

and to the presence of many tolerated and protected species in and around the forest gardens, 

which facilitate a rapid regeneration of vegetation cover after use. In the Shuar forest gardens 

of the Upper Nangaritza the fallow periods last for more than 20 years, while the cultivation 

periods cover four or five years (cf. Ch. 6.1.2). Cunningham (1996: 1) remarked that, at low 

human densities, forest disturbance by “forest peoples” rather creates than reduces 

biodiversity. Likewise, the fertilization of soils by mulching and natural fertilizers, the use of 

traditional tools like digging sticks, and the utilization of natural insecticides (and the absence 

of agrochemicals) makes it valid to include the Shuar among smallholders who practice 

ecologically sustainable agriculture (cf. Pohle & Gerique 2006: 278; Rudel et al. 2002: 157). 

Cattle ranching is clearly less sustainable than forest gardening, as pasture land requires the 

clearing of large areas of forest (cf. Ch. 6.1.3), and abandoned pastures recover more slowly 

than abandoned forest gardens. According to Uhl et al. (1988: 678), degraded pastures fall far 

short of the forest they supersede in structure, diversity and biological complexity. Shadetolerant 

plants, with seed dispersed by bats, other mammals, ants, and larger birds, are 

replaced by pioneer plants adapted to open conditions and producing large quantities of small 

seed, dispersed by smaller birds and the wind (Fujisaka et al. 2000: 175). Even if they recover 

forest-like properties, many of the complex interspecific interactions between species in 

forests may never come back. Further, the transformation of leveled wetland areas into 

pastures results in the destruction of the habitat of caimans, which could be, together with 

otters (Lutra longicuadis), significant tourist attractions (cf. UNL et al. 2006: 114), while the 

disappearance of wetlands also affects the hoatzin (Opisthocomus hoazin) 79 (cf. Figure 58). 

Several specimens were sighted during research in an oxbow lake close to Shamatak. 

According to the literature, the Upper Nangaritza is not included in the distribution area of the 

hoatzin (cf. Ridgely et al. 2001). Thus, our sight implies that this area could be the most 

79 The hoatzin is a flagship species for Amazonian ecotourism (Karp & Root: 2009: 3734; Müllner 2004: 120). It 

is a bizarre and enigmatic bird and the only known bird in the world that has a ruminant-like digestion. Its 

pheasant-like size and colorful plumage with a crest makes it conspicuous. 

204

westerly point of the range of the hoatzin, hundreds of kilometers away from the official 

range. 

Fig. 58: A Hoatzin (Opisthocomus hoazin) in 

Shamatak. This bird is a significant tourist 

attraction in other Amazonian regions. The 

Upper Nangaritza is probably the most 

westerly point of the range of the hoatzin. 


As pointed out in Chapter 6.1.2, the cultivation of naranjilla is very common in Shaime, 

mainly as an alternative income to over-exploited timber resources. In Morona Santiago 

Province, the Shuar are moving away from cattle ranching and returning to horticulture (cf. 

Duchelle 2007; Rudel et al. 2002). The widespread cultivation of this cash crop demonstrates 

a step in this direction, As Dubois (1990: 286) observed, the composition of cultivated species 

usually depends on the existence of markets. Furthermore, Rudel (1996: 137) described how 

the legalization of land titles probably supposes the loss of interest of the Shuar in cattle 

ranching. As described in Chapter 3.1.5.1, this activity was introduced as a prerequisite to 

raise legal land claims; this legalization process has now been completed in the Shuar 

territories of the upper Nangaritza. 

6.1.7.2 The consequences of the use of forest resources in the Upper Nangaritza 

The over-exploitation of commercial timber species in the Upper Nangaritza is an undisputed 

fact (cf. Ch. 6.1.4). Local timber commerce is in the hands of Mestizo traders; all 

intermediaries, carriers and dealers are Mestizos. Figure 59 shows the settlement of Las 

Orquídeas, which is an important trans-shipment center for timber. The Shuar have taken part 

in this process; they were encouraged to sell their trees for income generation. According to 

the interviews, timber extraction has been the most profitable income activity for the Shuar 

over recent decades. In fact, logging has been a common entry into the market economy for 

many indigenous groups (cf. Hamlin & Salick 2003). 

After the extraction of timber, the forest often seems at first sight to have an intact structure. It 

is seldom possible to determine the proportions of missing plant species (Lamb et al. 2005: 

310); however, studies in the Brazilian Amazon have shown that selective logging provokes 

considerable ground and canopy damage (cf. Asner et al. 2005; Fearnside 2005 and literature 

therein; Pereira et al. 2002). On the other hand, the Shuar have begun to experiment with 

native timber species on their own initiative in order to compensate for over-exploitation. As 

205

described in Chapter 6.1.1, the inhabitants of Chumpias and Napints transplant tree seedlings 

of commercial value to their home gardens in order to reforest their land. 

Fig. 59: Transfer of timber at Las Orquídeas, 

in the Upper Nangaritza. Mestizo 

intermediaries bring by boat timber from illegal 

logging areas upstream. From here, traders 

transport the planks by truck to timber 

markets. The Shuar benefit from this trading 

as well. (Photo by A. Gerique 2007) 

Even more difficult than appreciating the effects of timber extraction, is determining the 

impact of harvesting non-timber forest products (cf. Ch. 2.3.1). This kind of extractive 

activity is ubiquitous in tropical forests (Peres & Lake 2003: 521). Whereas controlled 

harvesting, protection, and deliberate planting of some forest species probably helps to 

increase their density, other species used by the Shuar might be over-exploited (cf. Bennett 

1992: 604). The removal of plants or of plant parts may affect the individual, the population, 

or the species depending on the frequency, the intensity of the harvest, and the plant part 

collected. The harvest of stems, bark and apical meristems can imply harvest of whole trees 

(Ticktin 2004: 14). Estimated harvest limits for seeds or fruits are much higher than those for 

leaves; however, intensive fruit harvest can substantially reduce bird species diversity 

(Moegenburg & Levey 2002). Destructive harvesting and over-exploitation can gradually 

eliminate plant species from the local environment. However, an analysis of the ecological 

disturbances caused by extractive activities targeting non-timber forest products would 

require long-term quantitative assessments of species density (cf. Peters 1996). Yet, based on 

survey data (cf. Ch. 6.1.4) only one plant (apart from timber species), an ORCHIDACEAE, has 

become more difficult to find due to an apparent over-exploitation. On her part, Báez (1999: 

113) reported the over-exploitation of certain palm species by the Shuar of two communities 

in Morona Santiago Province, probably due to the harvesting of their apical meristem, which 

makes felling the palm necessary, or due to over-collection of their fruits. Apparently, and 

according to own interviews and to the study by Santín (2004) in Chumpias and Shaime, 

which included ecological parameters such as species density, this does not apply to the palm 

species used in the Shuar communities of the Nangaritza area. However, Byg & Balslev 

(2006) concluded by interviewing Mestizo and Shuar people that both ethnic groups 

perceived a decline in palm abundance. Thus, while there appears to be some evidence of 

impact from non-timber forest products in the Upper Nangaritza, current research has not 

been able to determine the extent of the impact. In order to achieve this understanding more 

studies focusing on the use of non-timber forest products would need to be carried out. 

206

Another category of non-timber forest products, namely game, also seems to be overexploited. 

As described in Chapter 6.1.5, the Shuar complain about the difficulty of finding 

game close to the settlements (cf. Table 68). Once again, a research into the reasons for the 

decline of game and its consequences would go beyond the scope of this study. Nevertheless, 

the interviews offer a possible answer to over-exploitation. Alvard (1993), who studied 

hunting decisions among the Piro Indians in Amazonian Peru, deduced that hunters do not 

show any restraint in harvesting vulnerable species to the point of local extinction. In a later 

article he concluded that conservation is rare among subsistence hunters (Alvard 1998: 72). A 

similar behavior was observed during research among the Shuar during an interview about the 

collection of oilbird chicks in the Cave of Los Tayos. When asking about sustainable harvest 

techniques or traditions that would include a minimum of non-harvested chicks, the answer 

was: “Oh, we just harvest as many chicks as we can. The more, the merrier!” As pointed out 

by Zapata-Ríos et al. (2009), the need to conserve wildlife populations is not obvious to Shuar 

hunters who still enjoy what they perceive to be an inexhaustible source of wild meat, and this 

pattern of wildlife exploitation can be expected to intensify with population growth. Besides, 

as noted by Peres (2000), even small-scale subsistence hunting can result in evident 

population declines in large-bodied birds and mammals. An over-exploitation of game can, in 

turn, have effects at other trophic levels and even affect tropical forest dynamics. For instance, 

plant populations that depend on interactions with large vertebrates may be altered in absence 

of adequate dispersal of large seeds by frugivores. The sustainability of fishing with barbasco 

(Lonchocarpus nicou) roots (cf. Ch. 5.2.2.8) should be examined as well, as fishing with this 

plant poison temporarily eradicates most fish in the river (cf. Morales Males & Schjellerup 

1999: 110). Local complaints about decreasing fish numbers in local streams could be related 

to the use of quicksilver in artisanal gold mining (cf. Ramírez Requelme et al. 2003; Tarras- 

Wahlberg et al. 2000), while fish community structure could be strongly affected by 

deforestation (cf. Bojsen & Barriga 2002). 

6.1.7.3 Threats from inside and outside the Shuar communities 

The traditional livelihood system of the Shuar is based on subsistence activities that allow 

them to live almost autonomously and to preserve local biodiversity (cf. Pohle et al. 2010). As 

with other indigenous groups, at lower population levels the agricultural patterns of the Shuar 

have conservation benefits and create landscape mosaics that maintain biodiversity (cf. 

Alcorn 1996: 235). Low levels of land use contribute to the region’s species richness (cf. 

Fujisaka et al. 2000), while the lack of infrastructure and of access to market places has 

protected traditional Shuar plant lore and management. However, the increasing interface with 

the market economy and with Mestizo culture has intensified resource exploitation in the area. 

Recent studies in Morona Santiago Province of Shuar resource management (cf. Duchelle 

2007; Rosero 2004, cited in Duchelle 2007; Rudel et al. 2002; Borgtoft et al. 1998) suggest 

that the incorporation of the Shuar into the market economy through horticulture and 

particularly through cattle ranching has resulted in less biologically diverse landscapes and in 

a loss of traditional practices. Also, the intensification of local land use could go along with a 

rapid expansion of the areas under agricultural use, as the study by Clark et al. (2008) 

207

showed. These authors documented the indigenous land use in northeastern Ecuador, where 

significant oil deposits have been exploited since the 1960s. In this region Shuar and Secoya 

communities living close to or within the colonization areas manage large extensions of 

cultivated land and pastures, and a majority of this cultivated area is devoted to commercial 

activities. The study concluded that, in the context of expanding market opportunities, 

indigenous households near market places are likely to improve their livelihoods through 

market agriculture and the expansion of cultivated areas. Furthermore, these authors affirmed 

that the indigenous agricultural systems have become in general an intermediate step between 

subsistence-oriented indigenous agricultural systems and those of Mestizo colonists. In the 

same vein, Sierra (1999: 144) suggested that in the presence of markets, resource-use change 

among forest based households accelerates either in the form of commodity intensification or 

diversification. 

The Shuar territories in the Upper Nangaritza cannot be enlarged, as they are limited by the 

Podocarpus National Park in the West, by the (still mined) Peruvian border area in the east, 

and by settler communities in the south and in the north. Dubois (1990: 286) observed that the 

duration of cultivation periods and fallow periods varies in accordance to demographic 

pressure. In a Shuar community in Morona Santiago Province, Morales Males & Schjellerup 

(1999: 98) described fallow periods of only five years due to the scarcity of forest, while 

Rudel (1996: 138) reported land scarcity for the second and third generations in Uunt 

Chiwias, a Shuar settlement also in Morona Santiago Province. Moreover, in their study of 

the relationship between forest clearance and household income among native Amazonians, 

Godoy et al. (2009) estimated that in the near future, the forest will likely face increasing 

pressure from the indigenous groups themselves, not just from settlers, especially in societies 

with a smaller territory. Thus, future land scarcity due to the expansion of agriculture to 

increase crop production for income generation and due to natural demographic growth inside 

a limited area like the Upper Nangaritza could seriously endanger the traditional production 

system. The consequence would be critical changes in the local ecosystem if no sustainable 

income options are found (cf. Fig. 60). 

On the other hand, as pointed out above, own observations and the results by Santín (2004) 

and Rudel et al. (2002) imply that the Shuar land use is more sustainable than that practiced 

by Mestizos, even if the Shuar become more acculturated. In line with this, Duchelle (2007) 

commented that Shuar plant knowledge should be used to develop sustainable economic 

alternatives. The Shuar have already shown a great interest in protecting biodiversity in the 

Upper Nangaritza; they have set aside forest areas as hunting and fishing reserves where 

settlements, agriculture, and cattle ranching are strictly forbidden. They also established the 

collective which started a campaign to establish an Ecological Reserve in the area known as 

Cerro Plateado or Mura Nunka (Asociación de Centros Shuar Tayunts 2003, cited in Ordoñez 

Delgado & Flores Rosas 2007: 10). Furthermore, local experts consider the Shuar as the 

warrants of biodiversity conservation in the Nangaritza, especially when compared with 

Mestizo and Saraguro settlers (Informant 80M 2009; Informant 35M 2005). 

The main immediate threats to the sustainability of Shuar resource management and the 

Upper Nangaritza come from outside the Shuar communities. Different authors (Ordoñez 

208

Delgado & Flores Rosas 2007; UNL et al. 2006b; Becking 2003; CINFA et al. 2003; 

Informants 35M and 54M 2006) agree that deforestation by settlers and mining are the 

imminent threats to biodiversity conservation in the Upper Nangaritza. To date, as pointed out 

by UNL et al. (2006b: 114), the level of deforestation caused by timber extraction and 

especially by the establishment of new pastures remains low, mainly due to difficult access to 

the area. As mentioned before, cattle and timber are partially transported by boat, which 

makes these activities expensive and time consuming, and reduces revenue. The same reason 

makes mining unattractive. There are only a few artisan miners in the area, some of them 

Shuar (Informant 12M 2007). However, international mining companies have already 

conducted informal prospecting. Ironically, prospectors of The Rio Tinto Company were the 

first users of the boats donated by the 

209

210 

1 2 

Fig. 60: Landscape 

degradation due to shifting 

cultivation, cattle ranching and 

logging in Shuar communities 

of the Upper Nangaritza 

Pictures 1 to 3 show the structure that 

occurs in the Upper Nangaritza 

around Shuar settlements. Different 

stages of shifting cultivation and 

pastures share the landscape with 

mature forest, creating a highly 

biodiverse mosaic of vegetation types. 

The new settlement in Picture 4 

represents demographic growth, 

which results in an intensification of 

production systems. At first sight, the 

4 5 

landscape appears almost untouched. 

However, the over-exploitation of 

commercial timber as an extractive 

activity alters the species composition 

of mature forests. The construction of 

a road (5) allows a better integration 

into the market economy, leading to 

the extension of agricultural areas in 

order to produce cash crops, thus 

accelerating the process of landscape 

alteration and habitat destruction (6). 

(Draft by A. Gerique & J. Kieslinger) 

2010).

Prospecting rights are now under process for about 80% of the Upper Nangaritza (UNL et al. 

2006b: 114; CINFA et al. 2003: 35). A first serious attempt at large-scale prospecting failed 

in 2007 due to the armed resistance of the Shuar, who took arms to expel trespassing gold 

miners, and blockaded the Upper Nangaritza at Shaime (Informant 12M 2007). Nowadays, 

regional politicians are apparently against large-scale mining activities in the Upper 

Nangaritza (cf. Diario La Hora 2009). However, the position of the Ecuadorian Government, 

which is the legal holder of the subsoil, remains ambiguous, as it recently passed a new 

mining law that seeks to control environmental damage but supports large-scale mining 

activities in indigenous territories after a non-binding consultation with the local communities 

(cf. Diario La Hora 2010b). On the other hand, it plans a referendum in order to decide the 

future of mining activities in the country. Most alarming is the situation in Congüime, a Shuar 

settlement in the north of the Upper Nangaritza, where small and medium-scale gold miners 

have heavily changed the landscape with the acquiescence of the local Shuar community, who 

leased the land to the miners and earned a lot of money. The use of Caterpillars to extract the 

auriferous sands in the subsoil destroyed the upper fertile soil layer and has contaminated the 

soil with motor oil. In addition, the use of quicksilver has, in all probability, contaminated the 

area. Most of these mining activities were conducted without an official concession, which 

provoked a reaction from the Ecuadorian Government in September 2010. It sent 2000 

soldiers and police officers to expel the miners from the area (Diario La Hora 2010c). 

However, a lunar landscape has been left behind. Even more distressing is the fact that some 

Shuar in other communities of the Upper Nangaritza are losing their reserve against mining 

activities and their interest in forest conservation. They only (want to) see the positive aspects 

of what money from land lease for gold mining brings: motorcycles, satellite television, and 

more free time, at least as long as the savings last. 

In this situation, the construction of the so-called “Road of the Provincial Unity” between Las 

Orquídeas and Río Mayo-Zumba that will cross the Upper Nangaritza gains special 

importance. The main argument of the politicians of Zamora Chinchipe Province to support 

the construction of the road is the need for a route that connects the north and the south of 

Zamora Chinchipe Province without entering Loja Province, which is considered an affront. 

However, the projected secondary unpaved road will not reduce the driving distance between 

the north and the south when compared with the existing main route. Nevertheless, there are 

economic interests as driving forces behind this, as the road will increase the resale value of 

land. Interestingly, part of it belongs to local politicians (cf. Diario La Hora 2010d and 

Informant 84M 2010). 

In the Upper Nangaritza the new road will enable the extraction of forest products and crops. 

It will also facilitate access for tourists and access for regional markets, and will lower 

transportation costs for several products, making production more attractive and local 

inhabitants less dependent on boats. Reliable roads and good market links are vital to the 

successful distribution of cash crops. Thus, locals, including most of the Shuar inhabitants, 

support the construction of the road. This increased articulation with market economy is 

ubiquitous in indigenous Amazonia (cf. Clark et al. 2008; Hamlin & Salick 2003: 176). 

211

However, the negative effects of the road will prevail. The road could provoke a subdivision 

of populations, and an increase in edge habitat. Still, the main concern will be the negative 

aspects of increased access. The improved outlet will probably lead to an intensification and 

expansion of the production of cash crops and cattle and to the extraction of the remaining 

forest resources, accelerating the degradation processes described in Figure 60 (Picture 5). 

This can lead to drastic landscape changes and to the extinction of several species. Moreover, 

it will allow the colonization of areas suitable for the establishment of crops and pasture, 

attracting more settlers from other regions. Conflict between newcomers and local inhabitants 

is very likely, as a few existing land tenure questions are not completely resolved yet. The 

immigration of peasants from the Andean highlands may also threaten cultural continuity (cf. 

Hamlin & Salick 2003: 177). In addition, the road, in all probability, will attract mining 

activities to the area. Furthermore, the road will endanger the ruins of Ciudad Perdida (cf. Ch. 

6.1.6), as the planned course will border this site and will allow for open access to the area 

(and a probable plundering of archaeological evidence), facilitating the exploitation of the few 

remaining and almost untouched areas of the Upper Nangaritza. 

6.1.7.4 An answer to the question, “Does Shuar land use endanger forest biodiversity?” 

The results show that there is no “yes” or “no” answer to the question of whether or not 

Shuar land use endangers plant diversity in the Upper Nangaritza. Shuar home and forest 

gardens are places of great agricultural diversity and in-situ refuges of genetic resources for 

important crop species. At present low population levels, their traditional agriculture can be 

considered sustainable (cf. Pohle & Gerique 2010, 2008, 2006). Moreover, the Shuar of 

Shaime, Shamatak, Chumpias and Napints have a great interest in protecting certain areas of 

the Upper Nangaritza. Like other indigenous groups that face the depletion of forest products 

(cf. Putsche 2000), they have begun to develop a conservation ethic regarding timber, and 

have commenced to reforest with native species in order to counteract the over-exploitation 

and the loss of timber. They are still against large-scale mining activities. These aspects are in 

line with the position of several authors (cf. Shepard 2009; Schwartzman & Zimmerman 

2005; Colchester 2000; Schwartzman et al. 2000; UNEP 1999; Alcorn 1996, 1995) who argue 

that indigenous people can serve as effective protectors of biodiversity, and when possessed 

of the means, they will defend the territory that provides their livelihoods. According to own 

observations, local experts and the literature (cf. Byg 2004; Santín 2004; CINFA et al. 2003; 

Rudel et al. 2002; Colchester 2000; Schwartzman et al. 2000) the Shuar land use is, to date, 

clearly more sustainable than the land use of Mestizo and Saraguro settlers. 

However, the Shuar are definitively not “ecologically noble savages” (cf. Alvard 1993). The 

introduction of cattle has had negative impacts, as it requires the clearing of extensive areas of 

land where natural recovery and succession are manifestly slower than in sites cleared to 

establish forest gardens. The Shuar have also taken part in the over-exploitation of logging. 

Apparently, the extraction of NTFPs has not affected plant diversity, but the Shuar have overexploited 

game species, which could have consequences for plant diversity. There are also 

early signals of an intensification of crop production, which makes the future of traditional 

shifting cultivation methods uncertain. In addition, as Gray et al. (2008: 107) commented, 

212

future increases in population are likely to stimulate greater impacts, which implies that future 

sustainability of agricultural land use should not be assumed. Finally, as the example of 

Congüime shows, the Shuar seem not to be immune to greed. Yet, most of these activities that 

lead to significant changes in land cover and jeopardize local biodiversity have been imported 

directly or indirectly from outside the Shuar communities. If the main reason for introducing 

cattle ranching was to secure title to their lands, the new radical vehicle of change is their 

increasing dependence on the market economy. As with many other indigenous groups (cf. 

Godoy et al. 2009; Gray 2008; Hamlin & Salick 2003; Putsche 2000; Benz et al. 2000), the 

Shuar of the Upper Nangaritza are becoming economically and culturally dependent on “cash 

markets and Western culture” (cf. Hamlin & Salick 2003: 164). 

Among indigenous people, market integration appears to be a long process due to the high 

risks, uncertainty, and high transportation costs, keeping poor households from shifting 

completely into commercial activities (Sierra et al. 1999a). These processes are irrevocable, 

and, as pointed out by Terborgh & Peres (2002: 308), if indigenous people are not to be 

consigned to “living museums”, ways must be found to palliate the inevitable transition to 

modernity and assimilation. In the Upper Nangaritza, the main problem is, apart from 

acculturation, how to avoid the Shuar completely transforming their well-adapted traditional 

land use towards more intensive production systems that could seriously endanger the 

resilience of local ecosystems and hence, biodiversity. Adapted additional sources of income 

that improve human well-being while conserving local biodiversity are therefore essential and 

will be discussed in Chapter 7.1.3. 

6.2 LAND USE IN SARAGURO AND MESTIZO COMMUNITIES OF THE UPPER ZAMORA 

According to Pichón (1997, 1996a, 1996b), settlers in the Ecuadorian Amazon frontier have 

in common a production system characterized by intensive use of family labor, simple 

agricultural practices, a strong interest in cattle raising, and an over-exploitation of land 

through the continuous transformation of forest into cultivated areas. The situation in the 

Saraguro and Mestizo communities under study is very similar, even though they cannot be 

considered to represent a genuine frontier area, as the colonization process is mainly 

completed 80 . As pointed out in Chapter 5.5, the Saraguros and the Mestizos share plant use 

and land use. Both ethnic groups are engaged in agro-pastoral activities that combine market 

economy (cattle ranching) and subsistence economy (crop production and horticulture) 

activities, and have transformed most of the pristine vegetation of their communities into 

home gardens, crop fields, pastures, and forest fragments, the latter located mostly in the 

upper part of the hills or in ravines. Fallows and scrub or wastelands in degraded or steep 

areas - often dominated by the bracken fern (Pteridium arachnoideum) – complete the 

landscape (cf. Pohle et al. 2010; Rankl 2009; Pohle & Gerique 2006; Sælemyr 2004; 

80 Even if only a few settlers have legal property titles, most land is already under possession via informal buysell 

contracts of possessor rights (cf. Pohle et al. 2010: 498). 

213

Schneider 2000; Wunder 2000b; Belote 1998). However, as in other areas, there is an extreme 

variability from one settler to the next in their way of managing land, especially among 

Mestizo settlers (cf. Pacheco 2009; Marquette 1998; Pichón 1996a). This Chapter delineates 

the main characteristics of this land use which has created the described mosaic-like 

landscape. 

6.2.1 The use of forest resources and the colonization process of the Upper Zamora 

As noted in Chapter 5.5.3, both Saraguros and Mestizos make little use of forest plant 

resources. The forest supplies them with timber for their own use or for sale, and with a few 

species used mainly for food, medicine, ornamentals, or fuel. However, forest areas are in the 

main considered a reserve for new pastures and as plots for maize production; what matters in 

productive terms is the potential for agricultural use of the underlying soil (cf. Wunder 

1996b). Therefore, forests are highly valued economically by the local Saraguro and Mestizo 

farmers (cf. Pohle et al. 2010: 494). Nevertheless, as pointed out by Muchagata & Brown 

(2000: 373) and Pichón (1996a: 342), this land use jeopardizes the sustainability of the 

farming systems, as the forest, which is farming’s resource base, is being reduced each year. 

The exploitation of forest areas and forest species has changed during the past 70 years. Most 

settlers who colonized the area until the 1950s of the 20 th century were landless farmers from 

Loja Province seeking after own land to establish pastures and crops in order to raise legal 

claims on forest land. At the beginning of the colonization process forest clearing was a basic 

requirement to prove possession of land in order to get property titles 81 . This requirement was 

an agent for deforestation and the clearing up of most of the forest cover (cf. Pohle et al. 

2010: 498), provoking vast fires and conflict between settlers and in the region (Informant 8M 

2007). The expansion of colonization followed two routes: on the one hand, Saraguros from 

San Lucas, and Mestizo settlers from the surroundings of Loja city colonized the area of the 

Upper Zamora northeast of Loja. They established the settlement of La Chonta and Los 

Guabos (at the beginning of the 20th century, cf. Ch. 3.2.3) and later Imbana, and El Tibio 82 . 

The exploitation of land for subsistence commenced, and soon followed the over-exploitation 

of forest resources due to commercial activities. As stated by Informant 57F (2007), during a 

short period in the 1940s the bark of cascarilla (Cinchona spp.) was collected in the area for 

medicinal purposes, and became the first non-timber forest product to be over-exploited due 

to commercial activity after the arrival of settlers 83,84 . On the other hand, in the beginning of 

81 

These prerequisites were not eliminated until 1994 with the law of Agrarian Development. 

82 

The first colonization of the area occurred before the arrival of the Spaniards in the 16th century, cf. Chapter 

3.1.5.1. 

83 

During World War II, in the late winter of 1942, the Japanese invaded the Dutch East Indies and cut off the 

primary source of quinine for the United States of America. This country immediately organized a botanical 

mission to different South American countries, including Ecuador, where they collected great volumes of bark 

for research (cf. Campbell Steere 1945). The exploitation of Cinchona trees mentioned by Informant 57F is in 

all probability related to these expeditions. 

84 

This was the second over-exploitation of this resource in this region. According to Jaramillo Alvarado (2002: 

214), in 1782 the authorities of Loja already prohibited the collection of cascarilla to avoid its complete 

extinction. 

214

the 1950s a few Mestizo settlers followed the old path that went along the edge of the 

cordillera to the city of Zamora. They planted pastures and fields close to the tambo 

(roadhouse) of Sabanilla (cf. Ch. 3.2.3). However, the agronomic value of land was limited, 

field crops did not prosper and only dairy cattle proved profitable (Informant 45M 2007). The 

construction of a road during the 1950s and 1960s in order to build a hydropower plant close 

to Sabanilla and to open a better route to Zamora made the arrival of further settlers to the 

area possible 85 . While some newcomers acquired land, others worked for them as day 

laborers. 

An intensive extraction of high quality timber commenced at this time in both areas. It was as 

early as 1955 that a trader from Cuenca began to acquire romerillo timber (Podocarpus 

oleifolius and Prumnopitys montana) in Sabanilla. Such species were very abundant; former 

primary producers and middlemen commented during the interviews that large areas of forest 

were covered with romerillos, and that the forests were at that time very dark due to the 

dimensions of these trees (Informant 45M 2007; Informant 63M 2006). Due to this apparent 

abundance of trees and to their size, colonists considered this resource inexhaustible 86 . 

Furthermore, the introduction of chainsaws made timber extraction easier and faster. The 

yield from the biggest specimens reached 1000 to 1200 tablas (planks) 87 . 

In the Upper Zamora, timber producers founded El Cristal in the 1970s, and a new road to 

Jimbilla was built in the 1980s to enable faster extraction of timber (cf. Ch. 3.2.2). Until this 

time, primary producers sold their timber at Solamar, a settlement situated close to the old 

road to Cuenca (Informant 8M 2007). In the 1990s the road to Jimbilla was extended to 

Imbana, which became the new market for timber. 

Fig. 61: Highly eroded paths in Sabanilla 

(Left) and Los Guabos (Right). The 

transportation of thousands of timber 

planks by mules down to the roads 

between the 1950s and 1990s caused 

the erosion of these paths. (Photos A. 

Gerique 2006) 

85 According to Arias Benavides (2004: 146 ff.), the main (but concealed) reason to construct the hydropower 

plant of San Ramón in Sabanilla was to promote the road to Zamora and not the supply of electricity to Loja; 

other waterfalls in Catamayo or Jimbilla made more sense from a technical perspective. Besides, the course of 

the road did not follow technical criteria, as it did not follow the easiest and less steep way, namely the 

Zamora valley, but connected the fincas of important local politicians with Loja. 

86 In 1935, David Samaniego Shunaula (Serrano Calderón de Ayala 2002: 89) went from Loja to Zamora. He 

described the area close to the ECSF as follows: “During the afternoon of the first day, we arrived at a place 

called San Francisco, a river, a creek that descends from the Andes and forms the Zamora [...]. It was a 

rainforest with huge, enormous trees, the finest timber for construction: the romerillo azuceno and the 

romerillo fino”. 

87 The average was around 200 tablones per Podocarpus specimen. One tablón yields two tablas (planks). 

215

The road from Loja to Zamora promoted fast extraction of timber resources as well. The 

intermediaries met primary producers at certain points along these roads (Jimbilla, Imbana, 

and Sabanilla) with trucks. Once or twice per week rough planks were cut in remote areas and 

carried out by mules to these sites. 

The highly eroded paths used during those times can still be observed today and give an idea 

of the extent of timber exploitation (Fig. 61). According to Wunder (1996b: 375), the high 

value species extracted in Jimbilla and Imbana were sold not only in Cuenca and Loja, but 

also in Huaquillas and at the border with Peru. He highlighted the exceptionally large gross 

income in this area and explained it as the high labor costs for extraction. However, own 

informants pointed out that only a few local middlemen and not the primary producers made 

money with timber trading, as net revenues were very small due to high costs of fuel for 

chainsaws, and the cost of mules, food, and equipment (Informant 7M, Informant 45M, 

Informant 52M, 2007). During the 1990s the romerillo became scarce, and settlers begun to 

extract romerillo in remote areas inside or very close to the recently established Podocarpus 

National Park (Romerillos, Tunantza Alto) 88 . Furthermore, timber traders began to demand 

other species like cedro (Cedrela spp.), sanón (Hyeronima spp.), canelo (Nectandra spp. and 

other LAURACEAE species), and guayacán (Tabebuia chrysantha) (Informant 45M 2006). As 

remarked by Informant 7M (2007), during a short period of time (1993-1994) the inhabitants 

along the road between Loja and Zamora made a stop in timber extraction and exploited the 

latex of sangre de drago (Croton lechleri and Croton mutisianus). Sangre de drago was and 

still is one of the most popular traditional remedies among the Mestizos and Saraguros (cf. 

Chapters 5.3.2.2 and 5.4.2.2). Two liters from these tree species were as profitable as onemonth’s 

salary. 

By the end of the 1990s, profitable timber species were over-exploited; the few remaining 

timber trees were located far away from the roads, and the extracted planks that did arrive at 

the market places were dirty and damaged after too long a trip by mule. Therefore, traders 

often refused planks. Moreover, they had found new, more accessible reservoirs of timber 

south of the Podocarpus National Park (in sites like El Porvenir del Carmen and Zumba). 

These new timber sources led to the fall in timber prices in the area of study. Furthermore, 

from 1997-1998 police and military controls became very strict and the authorities began to 

confiscate timber that was being transported without the required permits (Informant 7M 

2007). Such controls have since then made legal timber extraction unattractive, as most 

settlers cannot afford the requirements to exploit wild timber. The prerequisites are 

complicated, restrictive, and too expensive. Besides, in order to obtain a forest management 

and exploitation permit it is necessary to attest the ownership of the forest, and several settlers 

do not have such documents. Due to jurisdiction problems for land entitlement between 

Ecuadorian State Institutions 89 tenure of land inside the Protective Forest Corazón de Oro (cf. 

Ch. 3.1.4.3), which has been in use for decades, cannot be passed to the next generation and 

farmers cannot get legal land titles (Pohle et al. 2010: 500). A consequence of this process has 

88 

The Podocarpus National Park was created in 1982 (cf. Chapter 3.1.4.2). 

89 

On the one hand, The National Institution of Agrarian Development (INDA); on the other hand, the Ministry 

of Environment. 

216

een a higher rate of illegal extraction of the last existing timber resources. Many settlers 

decided to exploit and sell all timber as soon as possible, as they were worried about the 

possibility of being left high and dry with no possibility of selling it in future (cf. Burbano 

2008: 58). 

Today, most inhabitants extract timber only for house construction (e.g. Cedrela spp., 

Tabebuia chrysantha, Pouteria sp., Nectandra spp., Podocarpus oleifolius, Prumnopitys 

montana), as fuel (e.g. Guatteria sp., Weinmannia sorbiflora, Aiouea sp., different 

MYRTACEAE) or to make agricultural tools and handicrafts (e.g. MYRTACEAE, Oreopanax 

spp.). As well, some landless settlers extract low quantities of timber from El Cristal, 

Chivatos (an area adjacent to El Cristal), and contiguous areas. They share 50% of the 

benefits or of the timber output with the owners of the areas from which they extract the 

planks. According to Wunder (1996b: 373), the standing timber price, that is the price paid for 

the primary source, constitutes only 20-25% of the final price. A few owners still conserve 

some specimens of valuable timber species in their fincas as a cash reserve. 

Apart from timber, many settlers collect BROMELIACEAE and ORCHIDACEAE in forest 

remnants and use them as ornamentals in their home gardens (cf. Fig. 62). This practice is 

more usual among the Mestizos; however, both Mestizos and Saraguros collect leaves from 

Prumnopitys montana and palms, and flowers from Saurauia laxiflora, Bejaria aestuans, and 

Gaiadendron punctatum in order to make ornaments for religious ceremonies ( cf. Ch. 5.3.2.4 

and Ch.5.4.2.3.). 

Fig. 62: A specimen of Tillandsia sp. The Mestizos 

and the Saraguros often extract epiphytes from the 

forests and replant them in their gardens for 

ornamental purposes. (Photo by A. Gerique 2006) 

Hunting activities are rare among Mestizos and Saraguros. This is probably related to the lack 

of animals in forest remnants and to the long distances to other, better conserved forest areas. 

Besides, it does not seem to be a traditional activity. However, parrots and monkeys are often 

killed, especially if they invade maize fields to eat the harvest, and monkey babies are 

sometimes captured as pets 90 . Also, both ethnic groups use the fat of the spectacled bear 

(Tremarctos ornatus) as a remedy for bone fractures. However, nobody revealed where this 

species is hunted, as it is strictly prohibited. Fishing is uncommon as well; apparently, fish 

resources are now scarce and only some inhabitants of Sabanilla, which is located near the 

90 According to the informants, there exist three monkey species in the area. 

217

San Francisco River, fish periodically. On this, Wunder (1996b: 380) commented more than a 

decade ago that resources such as fish and game were already over-exploited. 

6.2.2 Livestock production in the Upper Zamora 

As in other settled and deforested areas of the Amazon (cf. Pichón 1996b: 38), extensive 

cattle ranching is the dominant production system in this region, and according to local 

informants, the most profitable. The prices for milk and meat in regional markets are more 

stable than those for other farm products, the revenues are higher, and the keeping of cattle is 

less risky than the production of crops (cf. Schneider 2000: 58). 

In addition, as pointed out by several authors (Pohle et al. 2010: 501; Perz et al. 2006: 833; 

Marquette 2006: 401; Pichón 1996b: 38), cattle ranching awards a prestigious social status 

and represents a way of accumulating wealth as a private insurance, which is especially 

important in regions with weak healthcare, loan and pension systems. Furthermore, as pointed 

out in Chapter 6.2.1, pastures prove possession of land. 

6.2.2.1 Changing the landscape: Creating pastures and disturbed areas 

The fincas or ranches where animals are fed by grazing are managed ecosystems with a large 

number of factors affecting production (cf. Beukes et al. 2008). As in similar areas in Latin 

America (cf. Marquette 2006: 401), slash and burn is the traditional way of establishing new 

pastures. This technique is still in use, in spite of the prohibition of starting fires in the region 

since the establishment of the Podocarpus National Park and its buffer zones. The procedure 

is similar to the one described in Chapter 6.1.2. After choosing an area of primary forest or 

secondary regrowth of about one hectare, settlers remove the few remaining valuable forest 

timber species (such as Prumnopitys montana, Tabebuia chrysantha, Cedrela spp., and 

several LAURACEAE, cf. Ch. 6.2.1) by using chainsaws in order to make planks for sale. Later, 

during the beginning of the dry period (October, as a rule), they cut part of the under-storey 

and the remaining trees, again using chainsaws and machetes, and let the area dry. 

Afterwards, mainly in November, they burn the plot from its lower to its upper part. Fire 

usually stops at the plot edge, as forest moisture impedes the passage of fire. However, strong 

wind, very dry periods or just negligence can lead to the expansion of fire to adjacent forest 

areas. Also, settlers often establish pastures in areas that have been previously cleared and 

used to cultivate maize (cf. Ch. 6.2.4). Figure 63 shows a controlled fire during the slash and 

burn process and the resulting burned forest plot. 

In all cases, burning removes the physical obstruction of dead vegetation, releases plant 

nutrients into the soil, and raises the soil pH (Pichón 1996b: 35). Charred trunks and branches 

are sometimes left where they have fallen because of the excessive effort required to remove 

them (Beck et al. 2008c: 387; Fig. 63 Right). As soon as the soil cools down, farmers sow or 

plant pasture grasses. This should be done as soon as possible, as about three weeks after fire, 

llashipa or bracken fern (Pteridium arachnoideum, Fig. 64 A) sprouts vigorously on both the 

218

urnt and the heat-killed areas (cf. Beck et al. 2008c; Roos 2004). Then bracken and pasture 

grasses develop simultaneously after burning (Beck et al. 2008c). Farmers must eliminate the 

emerging bracken sprouts soon, if they do not do so, the bracken fern will expand and it will 

be very time-consuming to eradicate (Informant 8M 2006; cf. Fig. 64 B and C). Box 13 

describes this and other perils derived from the existence of this fern in pastures. 

Fig. 63: Left: A controlled fire during the slash and burn process. Right: A burned forest plot. The 

ranchers cultivate these plots as soon as the soil cools down. The figure shows Setaria sphacelata 

tillers growing on the burned surface. (Photos by A. Gerique 2005 Right, 2006 Left) 

A 

B C 

Fig 64: (A): A paddock invaded by the bracken fern or llashipa (Pteridium arachnoideum). (B): an 

area burned by an uncontrolled fire on December 5th 2005. (C): The same area covered by bracken 

fern on February 24th 2006, 81 days later. (Photos by A. Gerique 2005 (A, B), 2006 (C)) 

During this process both Saraguros and Mestizos often protect useful wild trees. These are 

principally timber trees that have not reached a commercial size (cf. Fig. 65 Left), medicinal 

species (Croton spp.), edible species (Annona spp., Inga spp.), multipurpose species (Juglans 

neotropica), or trees used for shade (Ficus spp.). Other trees are protected if they host useful 

epiphytes like perilla (Trianea sp.), which produces edible fruits, or if their timber can be 

used for fuel, or to make posts. 

219

Box 13: The powerful llashipa or bracken fern (Pteridium arachnoideum) 

Llashipa is one of the world’s strongest weeds and of considerable economic concern due to its 

resistance (cf. Petrov & Marrs 2001). Its competitive strength benefits from any kind of forest clearing, 

in particular from the use of fire (cf. Hartig & Beck 2003). Several studies (cf. Potthast et al. 2010; 

Beck et al. 2008c; Roos 2004; Hartig & Beck 2003; Petrov & Marrs 2001) have reported the difficulties 

of eradicating bracken from pastures. Also, bracken fern has serious consequences if cattle ingest it. 

During the interviews, ranchers often reported the occurrence of red urine, loss of weight, and even 

death in cows that had eaten llashipa. Different authors worldwide (cf. Carvalho et al. 2006; Perez- 

Alenza et al. 2006; Marrero et al. 2001) have reported the presence of multiple tumors in the bladder 

of cows due to bracken fern’s chronic toxicity. In their study in Bolivia, Marrero et al. (2001) found 

carcinomas in the urinary bladder and esophagus of 100% and 50% of the cattle, respectively. Even 

more alarming is a 2008 statement by the Committee on Toxicity of Chemicals in Food, Consumer 

Products, and the Environment of the United Kingdom (COT statement on the risk to consumers of 

eating foods derived from animals that have eaten bracken; http://cot.food.gov.uk). Apart from 

reporting about several cases of bracken poisoning in farm animals, the publication alerted: “It seems 

that toxic agents in bracken can be passed into the milk and can cross the placental barrier. There is a 

potential hazard from toxic components of bracken being passed into milk intended for human 

consumption. People who consume unbulked milk or dairy products from bracken infested areas 

would be expected to be at greater risk than those drinking only bulked milk from commercial dairies”. 

Moreover, the statement highlighted the possibility “that animals that are exposed to bracken could 

have residues of harmful bracken-derived chemicals in their tissues, which could be eaten by human 

consumers”. This is relevant for the study area as well, as llashipa rhizomes are considered an 

excellent fodder for pigs by both Mestizos and Saraguros (cf. Ch. 5.3.2.5 and Ch. 5.4.2.5). The 

grazing of pigs and sheep in llashipa-infested pastures is quite common among the latter group, not 

only for meat but also to clear it and reduce invasion of pastures. The Saraguros also use an infusion 

of bracken during childbirth in order to induce contractions as well (cf. Ch. 5.3.2.2). Evidently, more 

research about the consequences for human health of cattle raising in llashipa-infested areas is 

urgently needed. 

The prohibition against lighting fires and a better police control since 1994-1995 has reduced 

slash and burn, especially in the area close to the road between Loja and Zamora, which is 

easier to control than the core area of the Protective Forest Corazón de Oro (Informant 7M 

2007). Since then, some settlers have begun to clear forest by slash and mulch, whereby the 

felled vegetation is not burned. Besides, almost the whole territory is under private ownership 

(with or without legal titles), which has led to a better control of fire among neighbors. 

Furthermore, the substitution of most Melinis minutiflora pastures with the less inflammable 

Setaria sphacelata (cf. Ch. 6.2.2.3) has probably contributed to the reduction of large scale, 

uncontrolled fires in the region. Yet, dozens of small fires and a few big, uncontrolled and 

destructive fires are characteristic of the study area during November. 

220

Fig. 65: Left: Podocarpus oleifolius and Cedrela sp. specimens growing protected in a paddock in El 

Tibio. Right: A tolerated Tibouchina lepidota tree in La Fragancia. The owner does not cut it for 

aesthetic reasons. (Photos by A. Gerique 2005 Right, 2007 Left) 

Apart from the above mentioned protected forest tree species, ranchers tolerate different 

pioneer tree species (Hyptidendron arboreum, Psidium guayava, Piptocoma discolor, Vismia 

tomentosa, Heliocarpus americanus) in their pastures. Together with the protected trees, these 

species supply farmers with wood for construction, fuel for cooking, and shade for cattle. The 

expansion of pastures has led to increased distances between households and forests, making 

these protected and tolerated trees very important for the supply of timber and other products. 

However, settlers have different opinions about which species should be conserved or 

tolerated and to what extent. Some still prefer treeless pastures, as they consider that shade 

damages pastures. Therefore, pastures may include many trees or just a few depending on the 

owner. For instance, some species are tolerated just because the settlers like them (cf. Fig. 65 

Right). 

Nevertheless, according to the informants the general trend is to conserve more trees inside 

the new pastures than in past times. To fence off pastures, the Saraguros and the Mestizos use 

different cultivated plant species as living fences (e.g. Prunus persica, Erythrina spp., Citrus, 

spp., Euphorbia cotinifolia) or barbed wire fences made with posts of timber from tolerated 

and protected tree species (cf. Ch. 5.3.2.7 and Ch. 5.4.2.6). The use of living fences is 

decaying, as they are more labor-intensive and they occupy more space than barbed wire 

fences, so reducing the area dedicated to pasture. Furthermore, natural vegetation in creeks 

and ravines is conserved in order to delimit properties, and to prevent the entrance of cattle. 

On the one hand, cattle could suffer an accident due to the irregular and steep terrain; on the 

other hand, cattle excrements could contaminate the watercourses. Many households get their 

water supplies from such sources using plastic tubes. Aside this, vegetation in ravines has 

probably survived human action (including fires) simply due to higher moisture and difficult 

access. 

The Saraguros and the Mestizos use several weeds that grow in pastures and disturbed areas 

for different purposes. Most species (Cavendishia spp., Saurauia spp. Rubus spp., Solanum 

caripense, Fuchsia canescens, cf. Fig 66) provide a nutritional supplement, particularly for 

children. Other common weeds (Callisia gracilis, Ageratum conyzoides, Bidens pilosa, 

221

Clinodium spp., Plantago major, Minthostachys mollis) are used for their medicinal properties 

(cf. Ch. 5.3.2.2 and Ch. 5.4.2.2). 

Fig. 66: Left: Grapes of Fuchsia canescens. Right: The fruit of Solanum caripense. Both species 

grow protected and/or tolerated in disturbed areas and are consumed by Saraguros and Mestizos. 

(Photos by A. Gerique 2006 Right, 2007 Left) 

6.2.2.2 Cattle ranching among Saraguros and Mestizos 

As a rule, the Saraguros and the Mestizos follow a classical system of controlled rotations, 

where pastures are subdivided into potreros (paddocks), which are fenced areas of about four 

to ten hectares. Livestock is moved between paddocks at frequent intervals, giving cattle 

access to the fodder grass. The animals do not return to a potrero until the plants have 

recovered and regrown to the desired height for grazing. These breaks depend on the fodder 

species. The three main species are introduced African grasses, namely yaragua (Melinis 

minutiflora), mequerón (Setaria sphacelata), and kikuyo (Pennisetum clandestinum). Other 

grasses such as gramalote (Axonopus scoparius) or bracharia (Urochloa spp.), and a 

combination of native and naturalized species called pasto natural are used for fodder as well. 

Due to their relevance these species are described in a separate chapter (cf. Ch. 6.2.2.3). 

Decisions about when to move livestock are therefore based on the existing grass species in 

the different fincas and paddocks, on the number and type of animals grazing (dairy cows, 

bulls, calves), and the climatic conditions (during the wet season the risk of bogging damage 

increases, cf. Teitzel et al. 1991: 254). Rotations keep grasses from going to seed, so 

preserving forage quality, and avoid damage to the udders of dairy cows from the grasses 

being too high (Informant 8M 2007). Another technique, which is used mainly by the 

Saraguros, is the tethering of cattle. Ranchers tether their dairy cows with a six meter rope and 

hold about four (to a maximum of six) heads in one hectare for 15 days. They have to move 

them three times a day (in the early morning, at about 6 a.m., at 11 – 12 a.m., when they are 

milked and left with the calf and at 2-3 p.m., when they are separated and tied in a new place 

until the next day). This technique allows for higher stocking density, but it requires more 

labor capacity. As commented by Belote (1998), one Saraguro can manage about 15 cows 

using this technique. By contrast, according to own interviews, one person can manage up to 

222

25 dairy cows and many more bulls if they are untethered, especially if this person gets 

occasional aid for vaccinating cattle and for other seasonal activities. However, the tethering 

technique has an important advantage apart from a higher stock density: The intervals 

between the visits are used to keep the pastures free from llashipa and other weeds. 

To maximize time and labor, pregnant dairy cows and cows with calves are grazed in potreros 

close to the household (often tethered), as they have to be milked daily (over seven to nine 

months). When pregnant cows stop giving milk, they are sent to remote potreros until they 

are close to delivery (two-three weeks). The bulls and dry cows are usually located on remote 

potreros, as they do not require daily care. Bulls are not raised in paddocks situated in steep 

areas because of their tendency to fight, which can result in deadly accidents due to the local 

steep topography. Besides, it should be noted that bulls eat more grass than cows and require 

more grassland. Ranchers visit them once a week or even only every two weeks to give them 

salt and melaza (molasses). These complements are given to dairy cows as well. However, the 

frequency depends on the rancher. Cows must be vaccinated against anthrax, yellow fever and 

foot-and-mouth disease. These vaccinations are registered in a document that must be 

presented to the authorities if the rancher wants to transport the animals. Cattle checks are 

conducted every 1-4 months in order to remove parasites. Cows are washed regularly, mainly 

using soap and a bath prepared with the bark of Heliocarpus americanus (cf. Ch. 5.3.2.10 and 

Ch. 5.4.2.10). Once a year every owner (Saraguros and Mestizos) undertakes a general 

cleaning of the paddocks to remove all weeds. As a rule, they organize a minga, as this 

activity requires much labor. Figure 67 shows a minga in a mequerón paddock in El Tibio. 

Fig. 67: Annual clearing of mequerón paddocks in 

El Tibio. The owners often organize mingas 

(communal works) instead of contracting wage 

laborers. (Photo by A. Gerique 2007) 

According to own investigations, the stock density in the area varies between 0.5-1.5 

head/hectare 91 . The average stock density is 0.7 head/hectare, which is in line with the 

average stock density (0.7 head/hectare) reported for Zamora Chinchipe Province by Aguirre 

91 In order to calculate the stocking density, data and interview data by Park (unpublished data, 2007) were used. 

The calculation included households of El Tibio, Los Guabos, and the fincas along the road between Loja and 

Zamora owning at least four adult animals (heifers, steers, bulls or cows). Households with fewer animals 

were not considered. Due to the lack of data about the age and weight of the animals, the stock density was 

calculated dividing the total of adult animals/household by the total of hectares of pasture/household. 

223

& Maldonado (2004: 144, Ch. 3.1.6.2) 92 and for Imbana by Tutillo (2010) 93 . However, in 

many fincas the observed stock density is notably smaller. This could be related to an excess 

of existing pasture land or to a lack of labor capacity or capital to acquire more cows (cf. 

Browder et al 2008; Pacheco 2008; Browder et al. 2004; Pichón 1997). In the study area, data 

about cattle head per household and other relevant household specifications were very 

difficult to obtain, as ranchers are wary of giving sensitive information to foreigners. Almost 

all ranchers in El Tibio and Los Guabos are small producers; the average number of head per 

rancher household is 4-5 cows. Locals consider people with about 20 or more cows wealthy. 

Nevertheless, only two ranchers in Los Guabos own 20 or more (40) head, while in El Tibio, 

only three households admitted to owning 20 or more cows (25, 31 and 48). The herds in the 

fincas along the road between Loja and Zamora are clearly larger; in 2005-2006 they varied 

between nine and 65 head and seven of a total of 12 households had more than 20 cattle head 

(cf. Table 75). A higher number of cows in the fincas along the road is probably related to 

their larger size of these farms (which allows the raising of more animals) and to a better 

purchasing power of their owners when compared to the Mestizos in Los Guabos. Besides, 

these fincas have better production conditions (such as a better access to markets and day 

laborers and the possibility of selling milk (cf. Ch. 6.2.2.4)), which makes them more 

profitable allowing more cattle heads. 

92 

Aguirre & Maldonado (2004) did not describe their method of calculating stock density. They probably used 

data from MAGAP (2002). 

93 

Tutillo (2010: 101) based her calculations (0.66 – 0.86 cows/ha) on the information given by a local cattle 

expert. 

224

Table 75: Data about cattle ranching and pasture management and other income sources in fincas along the road between Loja and Zamora (based on own 

research, 2005-2007) 

Finca and location Cattle Main Products Milk 

Production 

Finca 1. (S) 

Finca 2. (S) 

7 dairy cows, 2 

bulls 

14 dairy cows, 1 

bull 

Finca 3. (S) 5 cows, 25 bulls 

Finca 4. (S) 58 cows, 7 bulls 

Quesillo for direct sale in Loja 

Quesillo for direct sale in Loja 

Production of bulls for meat. 

Quesillo for direct sale in Sabanilla 

Quesillo for direct sale in Loja, 

production of bulls for meat 

~ 6 

liters/cow 

~ 4 

liters/cow 

- 

~ 6 

liters/cow 

Main fodder Rotations/Breaks Other animals Other income sources 

Mequerón 

Mequerón 

Mequerón, 

yaragua 

Yaragua, 

mequerón 

Finca 5. (R) 22 cows, 5 bulls Purchase and sale of cattle - Mequerón, 

kikuyo, 

Finca 6. (R) 

12 cows, 13 

heifers, 1 bull 

Quesillo for direct sale in El 

Retorno 

~ 3 

liters/cow 

Finca 7. (R) 13 cows, 2 bulls Milk ~ 4 

liters/cow 

Finca 8. (R) 9 cows, 1 bull Milk 6-12 

liters/cow 

Finca 9. (F) 9 cows, 1 bull Milk ~ 4 

liters/cow 

Finca 10. (F) 23 cows, 7 bulls Quesillo for direct sale in Zamora ~ 4 

liters/cow 

Finca 11. (F) 

25 cows, 10 

bulls 

Finca 12. (F) 30 cows, 7 bulls 

(F): La Fragancia, (R): EL Retorno, (S): Sabanilla 

Quesillo for direct sale in Zamora 

Quesillo for direct sale in Zamora, 

sale of bulls for meat 

~ 4 

liters/cow 

~ 4 

liters/cow 

Mequerón 

15-20 days/60 

days 

8-30 days/30-45 

days 

15-30 days/60 

days 

1 donkey, poultry for own 

consumption 

1 pig, poultry for own 

consumption, 2 dogs 

2 pigs, 2 horses, poultry for 

own consumption, 2 dogs 

21 days/60 days 2 horses, a pond with Tilapias 

15-30 days/60-90 

days 

8 days /45-60 

days 

2 pigs and poultry for own 

consumption 

1 horse, 2 dogs, 6 pigs, 

poultry 

Pine plantations in 

Chuquiribamba 

The daughters own two shops 

in Loja 

Sale of fritada (fried pig meat) 

and tamales in Sabanilla 

A gallera (cockpit) in Loja, 

where the quesillo is sold 

Building labor 

Poultry production 

Mequerón 15 days/60 days - Renting of a stable, sale of 

terrain 

Mequerón 15 days/60 days 1 horse, 1 pig, poultry for own 

consumption, 2 dogs 

The family assists her 

Mequerón 15 days/60 days Poultry for own consumption Sale of cassava and vegetables 

in Zamora 

Mequerón 

20-30 days/45-60 

days 

2 pigs, poultry for own 

consumption 

Mequerón 60 days/ 90 days 1 donkey, 1 horse, poultry for 

own consumption, 2 dogs 

Mequerón, 

bracharia 

8-15 days/60 days 

1 mule, 1 pig, poultry for own 

consumption, cuys 

Wage labor in Zamora 

Sale of bananas in Zamora 

Sale of cassava in Zamora 

225

6.2.2.3 A few particularities of the Saraguro cattle ranching in El Tibio 

According to the interviews, most Mestizos perceive the Saraguros to be more successful in 

cattle raising than themselves, and that the latter are always taking care of cattle. A 

comparison of land-use in the neighboring settlements of El Tibio and Los Guabos highlights 

some differences. The preliminary results of a survey by Park in El Tibio and Los Guabos 

(2007) suggest that in general, the Saraguros are economically more successful than Mestizos 

who live in the same area 94 . More specifically, own results indicate that the Saraguros of El 

Tibio are specialized dual producers of commercial products from cattle ranching and 

subsistence crops, while most Mestizos of Los Guabos are mainly subsistence agriculturalists 

who hold some cows but who rely on annual crops for family consumption and on seasonal 

wage labor, so generating less cash income. Thus, they are less able to expand their herds, 

while the need to work off-farm is an additional constraint that limits their ability to work onfarm 

and maintain their pastures in the face of forest succession (cf. Pacheco 2009). Like 

most settlers in Latin America they tend to diversify their production over different activities 

rather than specialize in any single one in order to minimize risks (cf. Marquette 2006: 403; 

Perz 2005: 270). 

However, other, almost concealed differences may lead to a better optimization of the 

resources by the Saraguros as well. The following aspects could partially explain this 

supposed success: 

226 

� When a Saraguro child celebrates its 15th birthday he or she is given a cow as a gift, 

which is the first step towards owning a herd and receiving the benefits derived from 

grazing one’s own animals. Thus, as pointed out by Belote (1998), both boys and girls 

are raised to be autonomous, responsible and productive. 

� Inheritance among the Saraguros often occurs before the parents retire. In this way, 

the Saraguros counteract the negative effects of the household life cycle 95 . Being 

landowners, the children probably develop a stronger sense of belonging to the area of 

settlement and are more likely to stay or to come back to the community after 

migration. This results in more stable household labor over time. 

� Apparently, the Mestizos of the area of study are less bounded to their settlement and 

are more mobile. In contrast to the Saraguros, they have relatives in cities (mainly 

Loja and Cuenca) who will accommodate and help them to find a new occupation if 

they want to move out of their rural settlements. 

� Saraguro sons and daughters inherit equally. For instance, if five children inherit six 

plots, every child will get one fifth of every plot, not just one plot, and at the end, there 

will be 30 plots (cf. Belote 1998: 173). This leads to very small land plots, even if they 

94 The daily income of the Saraguro households of El Tibio is higher than the income of the Mestizos of Los 

Guabos (3.25 USD/pers./day versus 1.25 USD). These data were presented in 2009 during a DFG Symposium 

at the ECSF. 

95 The household lifecycle refers to the series of demographic and economic changes that households pass 

through over time with the birth of children and loss and gain of household members through death and 

migration. If the use of hired labor is limited, family labor is, as a rule, the same as farm labor (cf. Browder et 

al. 2008; Marquette 2006).

can reorganize the inheritance later. However, it has advantages. Everyone will inherit 

land, and as pointed out by Belote (1998: 175), a dispersion of plots reduces risks like 

floods, landslides, storms, or pests. Furthermore, the more plots the more borderlines 

and probably more vegetation and living fences, which reduces erosion. As Belote 

notes, such advantages are especially true in the case of crop production, as it is 

basically for subsistence and there is no special stimulus to increase productivity by 

putting more land under cultivation. Besides, it will be more affordable to sell or buy 

adjacent small plots than a complete finca. This could explain in part the lack of land 

for sale in El Tibio and surroundings and the difficulties that some ranchers along the 

road from Loja to Zamora face in selling their fincas, which are still around 50 

hectares. 

� Mutual assistance is the rule among Saraguros. All family members share obligations 

and benefits derived from cattle raising and crop production, which allows a better 

allocation of labor and time. The use of mingas in order to conduct labor intensive 

activities is apparently more common among Saraguros than among Mestizos. Thus, 

household life cycles may have less impact among Saraguros because of their 

availability of hired labor and because of their focus on profit beyond subsistence (cf. 

Pacheco 2009: 39). 

� The role of women in cattle ranching varies slightly between Saraguros and Mestizos. 

Among the Saraguros, gender division of labor is generally rather flexible (cf. Belote 

1998), and women often take part at all kinds of arduous agricultural activity. The 

words of a Saraguro head of household (Informant 68M 2007) confirm this assertion: 

“Women realize the same tasks as we men do, with the exception of constructing 

barbed wire fences and using the chainsaws”. In contrast, among the Mestizos there 

exists a trend of dividing the activities according to gender. Men are responsible for all 

cattle ranching activities, with the exception of milking, which is done by both sexes, 

often by the younger family members. This makes the allocation of manpower less 

flexible. 

The results suggest that the Saraguros have a stronger drive for cattle raising than the 

Mestizos, and that, to some extent, this drive comes from ethnic particularities and customs. 

As pointed out in Chapter 1.1, many drivers related to biodiversity loss affect only certain 

ethnic groups. These ethnic components should be taken into consideration when developing 

an alternative land use for increasing sustainability and containing deforestation. 

6.2.2.4 Main pasture grasses in the area of study 

Local pastures are monocultures of introduced fodder grasses. This chapter describes the most 

significant ones that are used in the study area. According to the informants, yaragua (Melinis 

minutiflora) (cf. Figures 68 b and 69 Right) was the first fodder grass that was introduced and 

cultivated in the study area. It establishes quickly from seed, developing into a competitive, 

almost impenetrable mat, where native species suffer severe light limitation (cf. Hoffmann & 

Haridasan 2008; Hughes & Vitousek 1993). It is sticky with a low, dense habit, and a very 

227

characteristic and strong aroma. Furthermore, it grows on well-drained soils, and grows 

vigorously on steep hillsides. However, it develops considerable fuel load that leads to fires in 

which the dense mats are only partly burned, allowing rapid regeneration (cf. Cook et al. 

2005a). As reported by D’Antonio et al. (2000) in a study of the impact of exotic grasses in 

relation to fire, the damage is more severe where yaragua is the dominant or codominant 

species. Ranchers often set these fires to rejuvenate the pastures, and Melinis minutiflora 

species can maintain its dominance after fire for more than 22 years (D’Antonio et al. 2001). 

Yaragua requires about six to seven months growth to be ready for cattle raising, and a break 

of around three months to recuperate from a 15 day grazing. One hectare of yaragua can feed 

about one cow, or up to four if they are tethered (cf. Ch. 6.2.2.2). It is considered the best 

fodder for dairy cows, as they produce very creamy milk if they are foddered with this grass. 

Fig. 68: The three main fodder grasses of the study area: (a) 

mequerón (Setaria sphacelata), (b) yaragua (Melinis 

minutiflora), and (c) kikuyo (Pennisetum clandestinum). 

(Photo by A.Gerique 2006) 

However, as noted by several authors (cf. Gawlik 2010; Rankl 2009; Hartig & Beck 2003; 

Hartig 2000; Schneider 2000), this species is now seldom cultivated. Today, light green 

pastures of mequerón (Setaria sphacelata) (cf. Fig. 13, Fig. 15, Fig. 16, Fig. 68 a, Fig. 69 

Left, Fig. 72, Table 75) dominate the landscape in the study area. It was Miguel Cabrera 

Zamora, a former cattle rancher from Sabanilla, who brought this grass in 1953 from Santo 

Domingo de los Colorados, an important agricultural town in northwestern Ecuador 

(Informant 9F 2006). Afterwards, he shared it with neighbors, and other ranchers simply stole 

it and planted it in their pastures. In order to establish a mequerón pasture, rooted tillers are 

planted in rows, with the tops exposed on a grid of about 50 to 100 x 100 centimeters. This 

plant is extremely competitive, and as soon as it covers the grids, only a very few species 

grow through it. One of these species is llashipa. Its fronds protrude from the spaces between 

the tillers and must be eliminated by the ranchers at an early stage. However, mequerón 

persists under frequent grazing, and survives occasional fire (Cook et al. 2005b, 2005c) If it 

has been cultivated in former yaragua pastures, both species share the hillsides of the fincas. 

As pointed out by Schneider (2000: 60), while the mequerón develops in the cattle paths, 

which are affected by trampling, yaragua grows better on the short steep slopes between 

228 

b 

c 

a

them, which can be clearly observed in Figure 68. One month after its cultivation, new 

mequerón pastures are ready for grazing; one hectare can feed up to two cows over 15 days. 

Yet, the average time of grazing in mequerón paddocks varies between eight and 30 days, and 

it requires only 45 to 60 days to recover from grazing. Mequerón pastures are burned less 

frequently than yaragua pastures. If the mequerón pastures are managed properly, their 

burning should only be necessary after 10 to 15 years in order to rejuvenate them. It is most 

important to avoid long grazing breaks such that the plants can go to seed; this would lead to 

decay in pasture quality. If this happens, the rancher will probably burn the pastures. 

Mequerón is the most cultivated fodder grass due to the low labor requirements; nevertheless, 

ranchers complain about the poor, watery quality of milk from dairy cows fed with this grass. 

Fig. 69: Left: Mequerón pastures in Sabanilla. The characteristic intense green color of this species 

dominates the landscape around Saraguro and Mestizo settlements. Right: One of the few remaining 

yaragua paddocks in the study area (in Sabanilla). (Photos by A. Gerique 2005) 

Kikuyo (Pennisetum clandestinum) (Fig. 68 c) is a very competitive pasture grass as well. 

Apparently, according to Miguel Ramón (Informant 45M 2007), it was introduced in the area 

of study during the 1950s by the Burneo family, who owned several haciendas around Loja 

(cf. Box 8). Another informant in Los Guabos (Informant 8M 2007) mentioned that it 

appeared naturalized in alluvial areas along the course of the Zamora. Indeed, this species 

grows best on high fertility soils of loam or clay, and on moist sandy soils. Harvested pieces 

of stolon or rhizome can be established vegetatively in grids like the mequerón (see above), or 

it can be cultivated from seed (cf. Cook et al. 2005d), which is the most common method in 

the study area. Pastures of kikuyu grow best in the colder, upper areas of the fincas (it does not 

grow in La Fragancia) and it can be used after two months growth, but it needs a long 

recovery time after grazing, up to five months. Kikuyo is highly valued as fodder grass for 

milk and meat production. However, most existing kikuyo pastures are old and have been 

cultivated by former finca owners. 

There are other relevant fodder species in the area of study. The first one is gramalote 

(Axonopus scoparius), which is a native (cf. Cook et al. 2005e) fodder plant that grows 

cultivated in the lower areas of Zamora Chinchipe Province such as the Upper Nangaritza (cf. 

Ch. 6.1.3). This species was the main fodder grass among the Saraguros of El Tibio until a 

229

pest eliminated most gramalote pastures during the 1970s. Today, only small patches of this 

species can be found and it is mainly used to feed guinea pigs (Informant 68M 2006). 

Bracharia is the local denomination for at least two Urochloa species cultivated from seeds 

that have been recently introduced in the lower part of the study area, especially in the fincas 

of La Fragancia. Some ranchers living in other areas reported their intention to introduce 

bracharia in their fincas, as it develops quite well and seems to be an alternative to mequerón. 

This species is very common, and is valued by ranchers in the Upper Nangaritza. 

Fig. 70: A paddock with pasto natural or “natural 

pasture” growing in a finca in Sabanilla. These 

sites are species-rich natural or semi-natural 

grasslands. (Photo by A. Gerique 2005) 

The Saraguros and the Mestizos describe various types of pasto natural or natural and seminatural 

grasslands (Fig. 70). These are species-rich pastures that grow in leveled, fertile soils 

and that are considered very good fodder. Their species composition varies between pastures 

and along the altitudinal gradient. 

Table 76: Main species growing in pasto natural according to Hartig (2000), Gawlik (2010), and 

Gerique & Veintimilla (unpublished, 2009) 

Hartig (2000) 

Gawlik (2010) 

Gerique & Veintimilla (2009) Gerique & Veintimilla (2009) 

Upper Zamora 

Sabanilla 

El Retorno 

La Fragancia 

Hordeum muticum Axonopus compressus Axonopus sp. Axonopus sp. 

Poa pratensis Holcus lanatus Digitaria abyssinica Paspalum sp. 

Holcus lanatus Drymaria cordata Setaria parviflora Desmodium sp. 

Sida rhombifolia Acmella oppositifolia Paspalum notatum Panicum laxum 

Rumex sp. Hypericum canadense Paspalum sp. Paspalum conjugatum 

Pseudoelephantopus sp. Hydrocotyle ranunculoides Polypogon elongatus Lantana sp. 

Pteridium aquilinum Sisyrinchium chilense Daucus montanus Galinsoga sp. 

Cerastium sp. Gamochaeta americana Hydrocotyle humboldtii Panicum pilosum 

Trifolium repens Kyllinga pumila Panicum laxum Ageratum sp. 

Philoglossa peruviana Trifolium repens Sporobolus indicus Sisyrinchium sp. 

Bidens sp. Bidens pilosa Bidens pilosa Pseudoelephantopus spicatus 

Plantago sp. Plantago australis Galinsoga sp. 

Juncus bufonius Acmella oppositifolia 

Pseudoelephantopus spicatus Pteridium sp. 

Ageratina elegans 

Cuphea racemosa 

Lachemilla aphanoides 

Begonia fischeri 

Many of the useful species of pasto natural are common ubiquitous weeds (Axonopus spp., 

Eleusine indica, Holcus lanatus, Poa spp., Panicum spp., Paspalum spp.) or typical species 

cultivated in grasslands (Trifolium repens or Poa pratensis) (cf. Geißler 1980). The seeds of 

these species probably arrived in the past with cattle brought from areas with more developed 

230

grazing management and established “naturally”, as the local name indicates. However, no 

informant had any data about the emergence of pasto natural. In a study conducted during the 

1960s and 1970s in the area around Saraguro city, Belote (1998: 204) had this same result. 

6.2.2.5 The sale and relevance of milk products and meat 

The main products derived from cattle ranching are milk, quesillo (a fresh unsalted cheese), 

and meat. According to own investigations and to data by Calvas et al. (submitted), milk 

production per dairy cow is low, about four to six liters. These values are in line with the data 

offered by Aguirre & Maldonado (2004: 144) for Zamora Chinchipe Province (cf. Ch. 

3.1.6.2). Milk is sold to ECOLAC, a regional producer of dairy products owned by the UTPL, 

a private university in Loja 96 . In 2007, the price of one liter of milk was approximately 0.33 

USD. The company’s trucks pick up the milk from the fincas daily. However, this requires 

good access to the main roads, and therefore, no household from El Tibio, El Cristal or Los 

Guabos produced milk for sale in 2007. Moreover, among the 12 studied fincas along the road 

between Loja and Zamora only three sold milk. All were small households with little labor 

capacity that relied on the steady income of dairy production (cf. Table 75). 

Quesillo (cf. Fig. 30) is the main product in the study area. It is produced in pastures and 

stored during the week until it is sold, mainly on Sundays. In order to prepare one libra 

(pound) of cheese, ranchers require three liters of milk (cf. Fig. 71 Left). In 2007, 

intermediaries in Loja paid around 0.85-0.95 USD for one pound of quesillo. The final 

consumer paid between 1.05 and 1.20 USD. As noted by Belote (1998: 224), those prices 

should make the production of quesillo, when compared with milk, unattractive. However, its 

durability (at least one week) makes this product ideal for cattle ranchers who live in areas far 

away from good roads and with high transportation costs. According to Pohle et al. (2010: 

496), in El Tibio and Los Guabos almost half (23) of the 47 studied households 97 produced 

quesillo in 2007. A total of 30.9% of the total income of these households was derived from 

cheese vending. Nine of the 12 investigated fincas along the road between Loja and Zamora 

also produced quesillo (cf. Table 75). Whereas the Saraguros sell the weekly quesillo 

production to intermediaries, most Mestizos sell it in Loja, Sabanilla or Zamora in restaurants 

or shops run by relatives, which increases the net income. 

According to the informants, meat is the most profitable product derived from cattle ranching. 

Meat is sold in Loja and Zamora and cattle for meat production is often transported to 

Guayaquil for its sale. As reported by Pichón (1996b: 38), even when fluctuations in meat 

prices occur, ranchers are better able than crop producers to deal with these variations. Cattle 

for meat production, unlike crops or milking cows, does not have to be harvested or milked, 

nor sold at a particular time, but can be saved or sold rapidly if necessary. Moreover, beef 

cattle production is simple and requires less labor (cf. Ch. 6.2.2.2). Bulls with a bodyweight 

of six to ten arrobas (approx. 70 to 115 kg) 98 are bought from breeding traders and are 

96 Universidad Técnica Particular de Loja UTPL (Private Technical University of Loja). 

97 This total included households that did not possess any pastures. 

98 According to the RAE (http://www.rae.es/), one arroba is a unit of weight equal to about 11.5 kilograms. 

231

fattened over one year to a bodyweight of about 17 to 23 arrobas (approx. 195-265 kg). It is 

not possible to calculate the fattening of bulls until they have a weight of eight to ten arrobas 

(approx. 90 -110 kg). After this, they gain around one arroba (11.5 kg) per month. With an 

approximate price of 22 USD per arroba in 2007, the net revenue per bull after one year was 

about 200-250 USD per cow 99 . Figure 71 (Right) shows two adult bulls raised for beef 

production in La Fragancia. 

Fig. 71: Left: A Saraguro woman milking a cow in a mequerón paddock close to her home in El Tibio. 

This is the first step in the production of the typical quesillo (fresh cheese). Right: Two adult bulls 

raised for meat by a Mestizo rancher in a mequerón paddock in La Fragancia. (Photos by A. Gerique 

2006) 

The raising of cattle for beef production, even if it requires less labor input and produces high 

benefits, is reserved for those ranchers who have savings or other sources of income and who 

are not dependent on daily or weekly revenues. This is because cows must be raised for one 

year before they are sold, which implies high opportunity costs. Therefore, a common option 

is to combine quesillo and meat production. In fact, no household in the study area was 

specialized only in meat production (cf. Table 75). 

6.2.3 Home gardens, horticulture, and domestic animals in the Upper Zamora 

The huertas of the Saraguros and the Mestizos are quite similar; no discrepancies clearly 

attributable to ethnicity were found. However, some factors establish a difference between 

home gardens in the study area. The most obvious one is their position along the altitudinal 

gradient. Home gardens in La Fragancia include crops - like Bixa orellana and Carica papaya 

- that are typical at lower altitudes, while a crop like Solanum tuberosum grows only in 

settlements located at higher altitudes. Another factor is the age of home gardens. Older home 

gardens do not only show a higher similarity in plant composition than recent ones (cf. Ch. 

99 

An average family in Sabanilla (two adults, three children) needs a minimum of 250 USD per month to cover 

the most basic needs (data of 2007). 

232

5.5.5); but they also include more plant species (Wezel & Ohl 2005; Coomes & Ban 2004: 

425; Van den Eyden 2004: 64). 

Furthermore, specialization and personal taste are likely to play an important role in plant 

composition. For instance, the gardens of two Mestizo midwives contained more medicinal 

plant species than other gardens, and some included clearly more ornamental plants than 

others. Also, some settlers along the road from Loja to Zamora live only part time in their 

fincas (cf. Table 8) and cannot afford to properly maintain their home gardens or simply do 

not need them for sustenance. 

a 

b c 

a 

d 

d 

f f 

Fig. 72: Left: A Mestizo home garden in Los Guabos with tomate de árbol (a) (Solanum betaceum), 

(b) malva goma (Abutilon striatum), (c) achira (Canna indica), and (d) sango (Xanthosoma sp.). Right: 

A Saraguro home garden in El Tibio with (d) sango (Xanthosoma sp.), (e) zapallo (Cucurbita ficifolia), 

(f) yuca (Manihot esculenta), (g) sugar cane (Saccharum officinarum), and (h) bananas (Musa x 

paradisiaca). (Photos by A. Gerique (2005 Right, 2006 Left)) 

Despite this heterogeneity, it is possible to make a draft of a typical huerta of the study area. 

The huertas are situated adjacent to the home in rectangular areas that vary in size between 80 

m 2 and 300 m 2 . Braem (1997, cited in van den Eyden 2004: 93) categorized home gardens in 

southern Ecuador and concluded that the focus of home gardens in the area of study is on 

medicinal plants, ornamental plants, and edible plants. The results of this research show the 

same three main categories, but in an inverse sequence (cf. Fig. 29 and 35). Home gardens 

include vegetables such as Allium fistulosum, Brassica spp., Phaseolus spp., different 

squashes (CUCURBITACEAE) and PASSIFLORACEAE, Lactuca sativa, the popular spice cilantro 

(Coriandrum sativum), achira (Canna indica), and starchy tubers such as Colocasia sp., and 

Xanthosoma sp. and a few specimens of sugar cane (Saccharum officinarum). These 

vegetables are often cultivated in small fenced plots (around 2 m x 2 m) inside the home 

gardens. According to different informants, this happens due to the scarcity of flat fertile soils 

near the houses, and especially in order to keep vegetables safe from poultry, as they damage 

the cultivated plants. Fruit trees and shrubs such as Persea spp., Citrus spp., durazno (Prunus 

spp.) luma (Pouteria spp.), guabas (Inga spp.), café (Coffea arabica), naranjilla (Solanum 

quitoense), or tomate de árbol (Solanum betaceum), also grow in huertas (cf. Ch. 5.3.2.1 and 

Ch. 5.4.2.1). All visited huertas included at least one area cultivated with guineos (Musa x 

g 

e 

g 

h 

e 

g 

h 

e 

233

paradisica); this area is generally used as a latrine and often hosts the pigsty. Figure 72 shows 

home gardens in Los Guabos and El Tibio. 

If the peasant has enough land, sugar cane is often cultivated in plots inside home gardens or 

in small fields of about half a hectare (cf. Fig. 73 Left). The Saraguros and Mestizos extract 

guarapo (sugar juice) from sugar cane in special presses called trapiches (Fig.73 Right). 

From this juice, which is a refreshing sweet drink, they prepare different products. From its 

boiling and evaporation they obtain panela, which is basically a solid piece of sugar that is 

used as a sweetener. They also use guarapo to produce a very popular high alcohol drink 

called punta. A by-product of panela production is melaza, which is used as fodder for cattle 

and pigs. 

Fig. 73: Left: A field in La Fragancia with cassavas (Manihot esculenta) in the front, and (b) sugar 

cane in the back. On the right side it is possible to see an orange tree (Citrus maxima). Right: A 

trapiche or press to make sugar cane juice in El Tibio. (Photos by A. Gerique 2004 Right, 2006 Left) 

The most common use of medicinal plants in home gardens are, among others, diverse 

AMARANTHACEAE, malva goma (Abutilon striatum), cedrón (Aloysia tryphilla), hierba luisa 

(Cymbopogon citratus), Matricaria sp., matico (Piper aduncum), ruda (Ruta graveolens), 

sauco negro (Sambucus nigra) and Mentha spp (cf. Ch. 5.3.2.2 and 5Ch .4.2.2). Many of 

these plants are used to prepare horchatas as well. Among the ornamental plants (cf. Chapter 

5.3.2.4 and 5.4.2.3), several CRASSULACEAE, species belonging to the genera Impatiens 

(chabelas), Rosa, or Begonia, and species such as azucena (Lilium sp.), lirio (Hemerocallis 

flava), hortensia (Hydrangea macrophylla), or susana de los ojos negros (Thunbergia alata) 

grow close to the buildings (cf. Fig. 38) and in several pots. It is also common to observe a 

few specimens of transplanted timber species such as cedro (Cedrela spp.) or romerillo 

(Prumnopitys montana) that are cultivated as ornamentals in home gardens. To avoid poultry 

damage and to demarcate home gardens peasants often plant living fences of species such as 

Malvaviscus sp. Euphorbia spp., Erythrina edulis, Eriobotrya japonica or Ananas comosus 

(cf. Ch. 5.3.2.7 and Ch. 5.4.2.6). Moreover, the latter three species produce edible fruits. 

Guando shrubs (Brugmansia x candida) are common as well; they have been traditionally 

planted by the Mestizos as talismans to protect the fincas against thieves (cf. Ch. 5.4.2.10). 

Despite the described inconveniences, most households keep poultry for the purpose of 

234

collecting eggs or for meat, and many families raise guinea pigs (Cavia porcellus) as well. In 

order to feed the latter domestic animals, they use kitchen refuse and leaves of cariamanga 

(Tripsacum sp.), which is cultivated in huertas. Furthermore, several households raise one or 

two pigs with all kinds of agricultural and kitchen refuse in order to gain extra money. Figure 

74 shows an outline by Pohle (2004: 18) of a home garden in El Tibio. 

Fig. 74: Saraguro home garden in El Tibio (1770 m), southern Ecuador. (Taken from Pohle & Gerique 

2008) 

235

As reported by Coomes and Ban (2004: 427) in Mestizo communities of Amazonian Peru, 

Saraguro and Mestizo households commonly exchange plants that are then incorporated into 

the home gardens. This plant material tends to be given rather than sold or bartered. Home 

gardens are often proving grounds where plant species are compiled, and experimented with 

until they are transplanted (Informant 68M 2005). As in the case of the Shuar, both Saraguro 

and Mestizo women manage home gardens. However, the use of commercial insecticides 

such as malathion 100 in home gardens and fields is restricted to men. The use of chemical 

fertilizers is known, but apparently nobody use them as they are considered expensive and 

even harmful by some informants. Rather, the Saraguros use sheep excrements as fertilizer in 

huertas. Sheep are also used to reduce the invasion of pastures by bracken (Fig. 75). 

Moreover, sheep are sheared twice a year, and the wool is sold and used to make fibers and 

fillings. 

Fig. 75: Sheep breeding in El Tibio. Sheep are 

used to reduce the invasion of pastures by 

bracken and to produce wool and meat. (Photo 

by A. Gerique 2005) 

As pointed out in Chapter 3.1.6.2, equines provide the main means of transport in rural areas. 

Most families own at least one mule and/or a horse which is used to transport the dairy 

products down to the houses and roads. Equines also allow for faster access to distant 

potreros. As pointed out by Schneider (2000), these animals are not raised in the region but 

are mainly bought in Celica and other locations situated in the southwestern part of Loja 

Province. Belote (1998) and Temme (1972) described this tendency as well. Dogs are kept as 

pets and especially to protect houses and cattle from possible intruders. In contrast to the 

Shuar, neither the Saraguros nor the Mestizos of the studied communities raise snails or fish. 

Frog farms are common some kilometers to the east in the Yacuambi valley, and frog legs are 

a typical dish in Zamora city. However, they are not raised in the studied communities. An 

attempt to raise red tilapias (Tilapia sp.) in El Tibio failed when a flood destroyed the ponds. 

According to the interviews, fish in the El Tibio River became scarce after that flood. 

100 Malathion is an organophosphate, a broad-spectrum insecticide used to control a variety of outdoor insects in 

both agricultural and residential settings. Effects on human health and the environment depend on how much 

malathion is present and the length and frequency of exposure. Effects also depend on the health of a person 

and/or certain environmental factors (NPIC 2009). We recorded cases of intoxication due to a probable 

misuse of malathion in El Tibio and Los Guabos. 

236

6.2.4 Crop production in the Upper Zamora 

As in the case of home gardens, Saraguros and Mestizos produce similar crops and have 

analogous cultivation methods. Maize (Zea mays) is the most common crop among both 

groups. The importance of maize in Saraguro culture has been described in Chapter 5.3.2.1. 

However, in southern Ecuador maize represents the basis of the traditional Mestizo diet as 

well. For instance, the most typical local Mestizo dishes (tamales, humitas and other dishes, 

cf. Castillo Vivanco 2003: 111) are corn-based. 

A B 

C 

Fig. 76: Maize cultivation among Saraguros and Mestizos. (A): A permanent maize field in Los 

Guabos. According to the informants, the same plot has been used for cultivation without any 

interruption for the last 20 years. (B): A detail of the same field. It shows the traditional inter-cropping 

of maize and beans. (C): A maize field in a cleared forest plot in El Tibio. (D): A detail of the plot 

shows a protected Inga sp. in the field. (Photos by A. Gerique 2005 (c, d) and 2006 (a, b)) 

Maize is cultivated in fields of about 0.5 to 1 hectare (Fig. 76 A). If the peasant owns enough 

flat fertile land the soils are prepared for seed sowing using a plough. As pointed out by 

Belote (1998: 242), fields are often cross-ploughed at 90-degree angles. The purpose of 

ploughing is to turn over the topsoil, bringing nutrients to the surface, while burying weeds 

and the remains of previous crops. To remove weeds after sowing, peasants sometimes use 

simple hand-held digging sticks or hoes. This activity is done at least once; it depends on the 

D 

237

occurrence of weeds. In most cases an intercrop of maize and porotos (Phaseolus spp., a 

further important ingredient of local culinary traditions), is grown (Figure 76 B). Maize 

towers high over the porotos, which grow as a cover crop that prevents erosion and fixes 

nitrogen in the soil. Farmers often plant squash (CUCURBITACEAE) adjacent to maize to 

provide the former plants with stalks on which to extend their vines. This mixture of species 

is very common in traditional cropping systems in Latin America, mainly in the Maya 

agroecosystem known as milpa (cf. Montes-Hernández et al. 2005; Levasseur & Olivier 

2000). As noted by Schneider (2000: 57), maize is sown between August and December, but 

mostly in October, and harvested in February. After harvest, the remnants are eaten by cattle 

which are allowed to enter the fields for this purpose (cf. Ch. 5.3.2.5 and Ch. 5.4.2.5). In this 

way, their excrement fertilizes the soil. The fields then remain unused until the next 

cultivation period. The Saraguros and the Mestizos along the road between Loja and Zamora 

seldom cultivate maize at the same site for more than two years. After cultivation follows a 

fallow period or the cultivation of pastures. On the other hand, the Mestizos of Los Guabos 

seem to have optimized the cultivation of maize. According to local informants, they have 

been cultivating maize by inter-cropping with beans in the same plots for over 20 years, 

apparently without using any chemical fertilizers. To this end, they have been able to take 

advantage of gentle slopes and especially of existing ancient terraces (cf. Ch. 3.2.3). 

Farmers of all study sites (Saraguro and Mestizo) make use of slash-and-burn agriculture to 

produce maize. Due to land scarcity, this occurs mainly on marginal steep mountain slopes 

and entails the felling of a forest plot (around 0.5 hectare) adjacent to pasture areas and the 

subsequent torching of foliage and timber left in the course of clearance (Fig. 76 C). As in the 

case of the cultivation of pastures (cf. Ch. 6.2.2), during this operation farmers usually protect 

useful timber trees or edible species (Fig. 76 D). Once the forest parcel has been cleared and 

the soil is cold enough, sticks are used to pierce the soil for the sowing of maize grains in the 

charred timbers. Local peasants often cultivate beans as well. On such slopes soils are poor 

and crop production is limited to one or two years; afterwards the plot is abandoned or used 

for the cultivation of new pastures. The same cycle has been observed among settlers in the 

Ecuadorian Amazon (cf. Pichón 1996: 36). 

The cultivation of maize takes place to meet nutritional needs; there is virtually no 

commercialization of the produced corn. Part of the harvest is put in storage and conserved 

for use the following year. Peasants of both ethnic groups dry the surplus maize cobs for 

human consumption on their verandas before putting them into storage. Nevertheless, the 

purchase of commercial maize as fodder (mainly to feed poultry) in the markets of the city of 

Loja is common. Apart from maize, the owners of two of the three fincas of La Fragancia that 

were included in this research cultivate cassava (Manihot esculenta, cf. Fig. 73 Left) in fields 

and sell the yield in the markets of Zamora together with other horticulture products such as 

salad (Lactuca sativa), cabbage (Brassica spp.), pineapples (Ananas comosus), and guineo 

(Musa x paradisiaca). Both owners have their own cars; therefore they have low 

transportation costs. 

Noteworthy, the cultivation of a typical Andean species such as oca (Oxalis tuberosa) has not 

been reported in the study area. Other regional widespread species such as quinoa 

(Chenopodium quinoa), wheat (Triticum spp.) and barley (Hordeum vulgare), were 

238

apparently cultivated in the past but are not found anymore. According to Informant 34M and 

Informant 8M (2007), the cultivation of wheat and barley was common in the area close to 

Los Guabos and El Tibio until 1976 -1980. According to these informants, pests and probably 

the introduction of high quality white flour from the United States of America by a NGO 

(called Alianza para el Progreso) that dispensed it for free ruined the local production of 

these crops. This conforms precisely with Sick (1988: 315), who reported that between 1968 

and 1985 the production area of cereals in the Ecuadorian Andes sunk from 99.000 to 18.100 

ha due to the import of cheap cereals and flour from North America. 

6.2.5 Other sources of income in the Upper Zamora 

As reported in the foregoing chapters, the use of forest resources and the sale of agricultural 

products are the most important sources of income for the households of the studied 

communities. According to Pohle et al. (2010: 496), three-quarters (35) of the households in 

El Tibio and Los Guabos produced any agricultural products and extracted timber. And all 

owners of the fincas under study along the road between Loja and Zamora affirmed that the 

sale of products from cattle ranching was their main source of income. 

Nevertheless, income from other sources plays a significant role in the study area as well, 

especially in El Tibio, Los Guabos, and El Cristal. According to Pohle et al. (2010: 496), in 

the first two settlements paid labor is an important source of earnings, and 60% (28) of the 

households receive income from such activities, especially from informal work providing 

wage labor on the pastures and fields of larger landowners (55%, 26 households). Yet, quite a 

number of these households are landless or are households with extremely small holdings 

(less than one hectare), especially among the Mestizos, and such employment possibilities 

remain scarce and irregular. The situation is very different among the 12 studied Mestizo 

finca-owners along the road between Loja and Zamora, who are clearly wealthier. Almost all 

(11) are newcomers who arrived 20 to 30 years ago (cf. Table 8) and who acquired their 

fincas from older settlers. Thus, they had greater initial capital endowments and were not poor 

frontier settlers looking for a lot of forest to clear. Moreover, as pointed out by Perz (2005: 

273), buying a lot with land already cleared reduced the costs of implementing a farming 

system. In this context, only two households reported wage labor as a secondary source of 

income, while a further two (the top two owners based on number of dairy cows, cf. Table 75) 

affirmed that they employed wage workers regularly to assist them in cattle management. In 

this area, the labor situation appears to be better than in Los Guabos and El Tibio due to the 

existence of the road. On the one hand, the area is well connected by public transport, 

allowing for a rapid change of location and better access to employment opportunities and 

markets; on the other hand, the Ministry of Construction often employs locals for road 

maintenance. Agriculture is the main source of income for only two of the 16 households of 

the hamlet of Sabanilla, which is located on the road halfway between the mentioned cities. 

However, migration has gained importance during the past decades. Many inhabitants change 

location seasonally in order to find an occupation. Their focus is directed either towards cities 

239

in Ecuador, mainly Loja, Cuenca, Quito and Lago Agrio (also called Nueva Loja due to high 

number of newcomers from Loja), or abroad, to foreign countries like the U.S.A, and until the 

current economic crisis, to Spain (cf. Pohle et al. 2010: 496; Pohle 2008: 36, Ch. 3.1.5.2 and 

Ch. 3.1.5.3). The remittances from migrants are one of the most important sources of national 

income (cf. Ch. 3.1.5.2). These transfers surely play a relevant role in the study area as well. 

According to the interviews, during the last ten years at least two families from El Tibio and 

five families from Sabanilla migrated to Spain. However, as in Cañar Province, migration has 

apparently neither led to agricultural abandonment nor have remittances been dedicated to 

agricultural improvements (cf. Jokisch 2002). Finally yet importantly, as in the case of the 

Shuar of the Upper Nangaritza, the 30 USD/month social aid check (bono de desarrollo 

humano, cf. Ch. 6.1.6) undoubtedly represents a significant source of income for several poor 

households in the study area. 

6.2.6 Discussion: Does Saraguro and Mestizo land use endanger forest biodiversity? 

This section deals with the impact of Saraguro and Mestizo land use on forest resources, 

including the impact of agriculture, of the extraction of forest resources, and the consequences 

of road construction for biodiversity in montane areas. 

6.2.6.1 The impact of Saraguro and Mestizo agriculture on forests 

As in the case of the Shuar (cf. Ch. 6.1.1) the traditional home gardens and fields of the 

Saraguros and Mestizos conserve high levels of agrobiodiversity. Given their relatively dense 

and tall stands of trees, the multi-tiered arrangement of plants and the great diversity of 

species, the huertas of the Saraguros can be seen as an optimal form of exploitation in the 

region of tropical montane rainforests (Pohle & Gerique 2006: 278). Also, the cultivation of 

maize by intercropping with beans in the same plots for over 20 years without any chemical 

inputs in the Mestizo settlement of Los Guabos can be rated as sustainable. These traditional 

and ecologically based agricultural practices should be promoted and conserved (cf. Harvey et 

al. 2008: 11). However, along the road between Loja and Zamora not every Mestizo 

household keeps a huerta and/or a field, as they acquire most products at local markets with 

the income from raising cattle. Also, there exists an increasing tendency to use agrochemicals 

in home gardens and fields. This is not only environmentally questionable but also dangerous 

for the health of the peasants, as it is done without any precautions. 

Of major concern is the yearly use of slash-and-burn agriculture to produce maize in small 

plots on marginal steep slopes, which results in the slow but steady deforestation of the 

remaining forest areas and which often leads to accidental forest fires due to negligence. 

However, the most important driver of deforestation in the area of study is cattle ranching, 

which has a great impact on the landscape. Under current conditions, it can be clearly rated as 

a threat for biodiversity, as this activity leads to a rapid increase of pastures at the expense of 

forest (cf. Pohle et al. 2010: 501). Ranchers regularly clear forest plots in order to establish 

240

new pastures to compensate for the fertility loss of older paddocks and their lower stock rates, 

or, if they have enough capital, to expand the production. Other studies (cf. Potthast et al. 

2010; Beck et al. 2008c; Hartig & Beck 2003) have reported the abandonment of pastures 

when bracken fern colonizes pastures, which makes the establishment of new pastures 

necessary. However, own data suggest that in many cases farmers first abandon the pastures 

and then the bracken fern colonizes them. But, why should farmers abandon a paddock after 

so much input (e.g. forest clearing, planting or sowing, regular cleaning)? There exist 

important reasons apart from a low productivity that have been overlooked. Ranchers 

abandon paddocks simply due to labor scarcity to maintain them, or due to the lack of capital 

to acquire enough cattle for proper pasture management. If existing pastures are not used to 

capacity, their productivity sinks as grasses go to seed, which strongly reduces pasture 

quality. Further, bracken fern also occurs in areas that have suffered an uncontrolled forest 

fire or that have not been cultivated after a controlled burning. As pointed out by Perz et al. 

(2006: 838), fire damage may exceed a household’s ability to use burned land productively, 

leading to a substantial loss of forest and land resources without producing any benefits (cf. 

Figure 79). Farmers must strike a balance between the amount of land that can be cleared and 

the area that can realistically be maintained under production (Pichón 1996b: 36). 

However, cattle ranching per se does not necessarily lead to a spiral of deforestation. If 

pastures are properly managed, (e.g. avoiding grasses going to seed, not exceeding the 

carrying capacity of pastures) they can be under use for a long time. For instance, many 

paddocks in the studied communities are as old as colonization, which means that some 

pastures are older than 50 years. At this point it must be commented that ranchers do not use 

any kind of fertilizers nor cultivate any plants that fix nitrogen; hence it has probably been the 

correct use of pastures that has made such a long use possible, at least in favorable locations 

with fertile soils and a low risk of erosion. But cattle ranching does result in biodiversity-poor 

pasture areas with difficult natural regeneration due to the presence of bracken and of a few 

highly competitive pasture species. And the vigorous growth of pasture grasses produces high 

amounts of litter (Makeschin et al. 2008: 424), which increases fire risk (cf. Hoffmann & 

Haridasan 2008; D’antonio et al. 2000). 

6.2.6.2 Over-exploitation of forest resources and forest fragmentation in the Upper Zamora 

At middle elevations of tropical montane forests high grading of timber and other extraction is 

the first step in deforestation (Young 1994: 974). This is the case in the study area as well; 

commercial timber species have been over-exploited in the study area during the last 50 years 

(cf. Ch. 6.2.1). Today, the Saraguros and the Mestizos make little use of forest resources (cf. 

Ch. 5.5.3), and the conversion of forests into pastures is the predominant long-term land-use 

change (Wunder 1996b: 367). As commented in previous chapters, at present, the economy of 

the Saraguros and Mestizos is based on extensive cattle ranching and the production of crops. 

The described land use results not only in the substitution of forest with pastures but also in a 

high fragmentation of the remaining forest areas and their disturbance with subsequent edge 

effects. According to the literature, the conversion of forest to pasture or agriculture causes 

microclimatic alterations in the forest edges through increased penetration of sunlight and 

241

wind. While air and soil moisture decrease, temperature, vapor pressure deficit, and the 

availability of photosynthetically active radiation to the under-storey increase. As well, litter 

fall production can increase, as so the litter layer, resulting in a higher susceptibility to fire 

(cf. Broadbent et al. 2008 and literature therein). Moreover, fragmented communities 

surrounded by pastures, which are regularly burned, are subjected to recurring disturbance 

from fires, and over time, they will become increasingly dominated by tolerant generalists, 

disturbance-adapted opportunists, and species with small area requirements (Broadbent et al. 

2008: 1752; Laurance et al. 2002: 614). This leads to highly degraded and poorly connected 

forest patches. Figure 77 shows an example of the mosaic structure in the study area which 

results from the described over-exploitation of forest resources. 

Fig. 77: Forest degradation 

and fragmentation in the study 

area (El Tibio). Highly 

degraded forest remnants in 

the upper parts and ravines (a) 

are surrounded by pastures 

(b), abandoned land (c), recent 

slash and burn areas (d) and 

maize fields (e). As well, areas 

affected by uncontrolled fires 

are covered by bracken (f). 


242 

a 

a 

The recovery of abandoned pastures and degraded areas after disturbance is complex, and 

follows different patterns depending of the intensity of pasture use (Buschbacher et al. 1988: 

682). Nevertheless, the regenerative ability of neotropical forest vegetation after large–scale 

pasture disturbances is high if land use intensity has not been severe (Uhl et al. 1988: 663). 

This depends on seed dispersal from forest remnants (cf. Ch. 6.1.7.2). However, species 

composition can be quite distinct from the original forest. According to Parrotta et al. (1997a) 

and Neptstad et al. (1990), only a small percentage of rainforest tree seeds are dispersed by 

wind. Seed dispersal is here mainly conducted by birds and bats. Yet, these animals act as a 

filter, as they ingest only small seeds and disperse the seeds only along the areas where they 

inhabit. Weber et al. (2008) conducted a survey of natural regeneration in abandoned pastures 

in the area of study. Although the investigated pastures were surrounded by forest, the speed 

of natural regeneration as well as the species composition of the natural regrowth was not 

satisfying. The total abundance of species was high, but the abundance of valuable species 

was insufficient. The vegetation communities differ from that of the adjacent natural forest 

with increasing distance from the forest edge, maybe due to stressful microclimatic 

conditions, the influence of topography, the described seed dispersal patterns or to the 

inability of late succesional species to germinate on the abandoned pasture due to competition 

c 

d 

e 

b 

d 

a 

f 

b 

a

with pasture grasses and soil compactation (cf. Gradstein 2008; Werner & Gradstein 2008; 

Homeier 2008; Weber et al. 2008: 449; Werner et al. 2005; Holl 2002 cited in Vieira et al. 

2009). As a consequence, in advanced stages of degeneration, the regeneration of abandoned 

pastures will not always occur on a time scale compatible with human needs (Parrotta et al. 

1997b: 2). These results suggest that management interventions may be required to accelerate 

regeneration of degraded areas (cf. Chazdon 2008; Lamb et al. 2005; Parrotta et al. 1997a). 

Concerning the question of which household type participates most in deforestation processes 

derived from crop production and cattle ranching, landless and poor households are probably 

not significant actors in this respect (Pohle et al. 2010: 497). The decision to clear forest is not 

taken by the poor wage laborer, but rather by the privileged landowner who hires him in order 

to extend cattle ranching (cf. Wunder 1996b. 376). Wealthy farmers not only have the 

propensity for deforesting more in absolute terms, they also tend to deforest more whatever 

their production system is (Pacheco 2009: 37). 

6.2.6.3 Road construction in montane areas 

f 

a 

The impact of roads on biodiversity has been already described 

c 

a 

in Chapter 6.1.7.3. Some 

aspects are different in the Upper Zamora. In contrast to the Upper Nangaritza, most land is 

clearly under private ownership, even if many fincas have not been yet legalized. Thus, the 

construction of roads and other infrastructure facilitates the extraction of forest resources and 

agricultural products, but does not open up access for new colonization. New roads also 

increase land values here, leading the original (mainly Mestizo) colonists to sell their land to 

newcomers who bring renewed amounts of resources which are invested in clearing more 

land. Improved transport for agricultural and livestock production also makes farming more 

profitable, leading to the clearing and planting of larger areas (Pichón 1996a: 350). 

Fig. 78: The new road between Imbana and El Tibio. Rubble from construction is pushed off the side, 

leaving large down-slope scars. Besides, the road undercuts slopes on the uphill side. (Photos by A. 

Gerique 2005) 

The construction of roads in mountains has severe impacts on the environment. As Young 

(1994: 973) commented, roads increase the natural instability of montane zones. For instance, 

243

ubble from construction and maintenance is pushed off the side, leaving large down-slope 

scars. Further, roads undercut slopes on the uphill side, causing severe landslides onto the 

roadbed, while the combination of compacted road surfaces and high rainfall and inadequate 

drainage causes runoff and an increase in slope instability (cf. Fig. 78). Moreover, roads in 

montane areas divide ecosystems, which can have even more severe consequences on 

biodiversity than in the case of lowland forest. Many montane species are restricted to narrow 

and specific elevational ranges and therefore they are more sensitive to habitat degradation 

(cf. Young 1994: 974). Furthermore, as pointed out by Young (1994: 973) the construction of 

new roads is politically more attractive than its maintenance, which results in minimal 

conservation efforts where heavy machinery is only brought out during the rainy season. This 

phenomenon was noted by Wunder (2000b: 223) as well, who wrote: “[...] it seems that a 

point has been reached where certain road projects not only trigger exorbitant environmental 

but also excessive financial costs, and net development benefits appear highly dubious, except 

for a range of vested interests. Ecuadorean politicians are eager physically to “deliver 

works” to their voters that document a “politically correct” entrepreneurship, but this 

comprises even road projects of ambiguous social value”. This is the case with the roads from 

Imbana to El Tibio and from Jimbilla to Los Guabos. According to the informants, both roads 

were constructed by the regional authorities in order to secure their re-election in 2004, but 

little effort is invested in maintaining them. More alarming is the fact that both roads were 

constructed inside a protective forest (Corazón de Oro, Ch. 3.1.4.3). In these sites Ecuadorian 

law allows only preferential public works and expressly only with the formal agreement of the 

Environmental Department. However, according to the interviews this approval did not exist. 

6.2.6.4 The impacts on forest resulting from the Saraguro and Mestizo land use 

Under current conditions the Saraguro and Mestizo land use is clearly not sustainable, as they 

are destroying local biodiversity. As commented by Pichón (1996b: 45) settler agriculture 

expands essentially through the continuous incorporation of new land, and, ironically, by the 

degradation of its own resource base. The high biodiverse montane rainforest is being felled 

and substituted by low productive pastures and degraded areas, and forest resources are 

principally viewed as land reserves for future conversion (cf. Wunder 2000b). If the trend 

continues, most forest will be cleared and lost for land use and conservation, as Figure 79 

details. In light of these results, alternative uses should be developed. Chapter 7.2 deals with 

this challenge. 

244

Fig. 79: Impacts on forests 

resulting from the Saraguro 

and Mestizo land use 

In the first stage, settlers clear small 

areas for subsistence agriculture and 

to raise legal claims on land (2). The 

construction of roads follows. With 

better connections to local markets, 

settlers enter the market economy and 

expand the area under production, 

mainly in order to produce cattle 

ranching products (3) The construction 

of roads allows for the arrival of 

newcomers who establish own 

pastures (4). The productivity of older 

pastures sinks and areas for new 

pastures are established. Landless 

settlers arrive and work for other 

settlers (5). Due to over-exploitation, 

certain timber species disappear from 

the area. Uncontrolled fires due to 

negligence or the burning of more land 

than the peasant can hold under 

production leads to substantial loss of 

forest and to the establishment of 

large bracken areas (5, 6). Finally, the 

system results in an almost treeless 

and over-exploited landscape (6). 

(Draft by A. Gerique & J. Kieslinger 

2010) 

4 

245

7 ALTERNATIVE LAND USE PRACTICES FOR BIODIVERSITY CONSERVATION 

As stated in Chapters 6.1.7 and 6.2.6, the current land use of the Shuar of the Upper 

Nangaritza and of the Saraguros and Mestizos of the Upper Zamora affects plant diversity. 

The following sections (Ch. 7.1 and Ch. 7.2) present a series of suggestions to face the 

challenge of finding site-specific sustainable land use options. They include the fitness for 

purpose of the instruments for biodiversity conservation that have been described for Ecuador 

in Chapter 2.3, namely improved agroforestry (including non-timber forest products and 

forest restoration), ecotourism, payments for environmental services, and bioprospecting. 

Finally, the question of whether the Biosphere Reserve Podocarpus-El Cóndor represents the 

right framework to face biodiversity loss in southern Ecuador is discussed (Ch. 7.3). 

7.1 A REVIEW OF SHUAR LAND USE: CHALLENGES AND ALTERNATIVES IN THE UPPER 

NANGARITZA 

The development of alternatives requires a clear picture of the actual land uses in the area of 

study. According to own observations, local experts (Informant 80M 2009; Informant 35M 

2005) and the literature (Pohle et al. 2010; Pohle & Gerique 2008; Duchelle 2007; Pohle & 

Gerique 2006; Santín 2004; Rudel et al. 2002) Shuar land use is more sustainable than the 

land use of Mestizo and Saraguro settlers. However, certain aspects of Shuar land use are 

questionable. A summing up of the main results regarding land use provides a better insight to 

both positive and negative characteristics of Shuar land use in the studied settlements: 

246 

� The Shuar know and make use of a broad spectrum of plant species. Most wild species 

are collected in forest areas. The Shuar depend on forest resources are closely bound 

culturally, spiritually and economically to the forest (Pohle & Gerique 2006: 278). 

Therefore, they are interested in forest conservation. 

� The Shuar’s home and forest gardens are places of high agrodiversity and refuges of 

genetic resources. Moreover, their traditional agriculture can be described as 

sustainable at present low population levels (Pohle et al. 2010: 491). However, an 

intensification and extension of crop production due to demographic growth and 

integration into the market economy could occur. 

� The Shuar have taken part in timber logging. In the recent past, this activity has been 

an important income activity for them. Due to the over-exploitation of this resource, 

some Shuar households have begun to reforest their land with native species. Timber 

scarcity has led to a shift towards new economic activities such as the production of 

naranjilla (Solanum quitoense) and other products (Ch. 6.1.7.1 and Ch. 6.1.7.2). 

� Apparently, the extraction of NTFPs has not affected plant diversity. However, the 

Shuar probably have over-exploited game species, and this could have consequences

for plant diversity. Fish diversity could be affected by over-fishing and by quicksilver 

from mining. On the other hand, the Shuar have protected certain areas as hunting and 

fishing reserves, where agricultural activities and settlements are prohibited, and have 

started a campaign to establish an Ecological Reserve in their territory (Ch. 6.17.2. 

and Ch. 6.1.7.3). 

� The introduction of cattle ranching as a new activity has had negative impacts, as it 

requires the clearing of extensive areas of land. Furthermore, in these areas natural 

recovery and succession are manifestly slower than in sites cleared to establish forest 

gardens (Ch. 6.17.1.). 

� The main threats for the Upper Nangaritza come from outside the Shuar communities. 

These are mining and the construction of a road that will cross the valley. The latter 

implies an increment of deforestation due to the expansion of agriculture, the probable 

arrival of settlers, and the extraction of the remaining timber species. On the other 

hand, the road supposes a better market integration (Ch.6.1.7.3). 

In light of these results and in order to conserve forest biodiversity according to the strategy 

of “protection by use” by Janzen (cf. Pohle & Gerique 2006; Daily & Ellison 2002), three 

interrelated main lines of work should be followed: 

� The traditional way of life of the Shuar should be supported in order to prevent the 

loss of traditional ecological knowledge, in particular of plant lore. 

� The collaboration between Shuar communities and Ecuadorian authorities and NGOs 

should be reinforced in order to manage and protect biodiversity in the Upper 

Nangaritza. 

� Non-traditional, non-sustainable practices should be removed and prevented, and 

additional sustainable sources of income should be introduced. 

Following is a description of how these lines of work could operate. 

7.1.1 Supporting traditional ecological knowledge in the Upper Nangaritza 

As pointed out in Chapter 6.1.7, acculturation processes as a result from market integration 

are underway among the Shuar. In indigenous communities the process of cultural change and 

the loss of traditional ways of interacting with nature can occur very quickly (cf. Tuxill & 

Nabhan 2001: 14). Thus, the goal should be the preservation, recovery, and diffusion of local 

botanical knowledge and wisdom and the reinforcement of ethnic Shuar identity. In order to 

achieve this, Martin (2004: 231) stressed the need to provide opportunities for the younger 

generation to learn the traditional ecological knowledge of their elders and particularly of the 

resource users. As an example, he described a project by Conservation International (a nonprofit 

organization from the United States), which supports a program in Costa Rica and 

Surinam where traditional healers teach apprentices and children about the use of local flora 

in an effort to combat deforestation and acculturation. However, not only NGOs should be 

247

involved. As pointed out by Shanley & Laird (2002: 102), researchers and research 

institutions rarely put their results in a form that local communities can use when making 

decisions about resource management. Hamilton et al. (2003: 14) warned of “the danger of 

universities becoming ‘ivory towers’ and mere ‘talking shops’ of little relevance to the lives of 

people outside their gates”. Apart from highlighting the need for conserving local knowledge, 

Shanley & Laird (2002) noted that traditional groups need more than ever information and 

tools to participate and successfully negotiate their position in the broader context of national 

and international economics and politics. Moreover, indigenous and traditional peoples often 

cannot read or write well and do not understand the complex interrelationships within 

ecosystems and the problem of extinction. In order to translate data into valuable forms for 

local groups the same authors offered some ideas that might be considered, namely the use of 

interactive workshops and seminars, travelling theatres, songs, lectures, manuals and 

illustrated booklets. The publications about Shuar culture of the Centro de Documentación, 

Investigación y Publicaciones in Sucúa in Morona Santiago Province are a good example of 

what to do. Another possibility would be to train some young Shuar as “parabiologists”. This 

was done by the Missouri Botanical Garden and the Wildlife Conservation Society during 

2002-2004 in Shuar communities located in the Cordillera del Cóndor (Neill 2005: 19). The 

idea behind it was to enable these “parabiologists” to serve their communities and their 

Federation in programs of environmental management and conservation of plants, animals 

and other natural resources. These Shuar experts could train Shuar living in the Upper 

Nangaritza about conservation biology issues. This would probably better accepted than being 

taught by Spanish speaking foreigners. 

7.1.2 Reinforcing partnerships with resource users 

Regarding the second line of work and as commented by du Toit et al. (2004: 13) effective 

conservation undoubtedly needs partnerships with local resource users. The combination of 

government support and local co-management of protected areas can be a model to effectively 

guarantee conservation in the area (cf. Curan et al. 2008: 1590). In the Upper Nangaritza the 

initiative came from the local Shuar association, which showed interest in protecting certain 

land areas. On the one hand, this interest derives from the cultural, spiritual and economical 

relation of the Shuar with the forest; on the other hand the Shuar want to ensure their 

territorial claims and regional political weight. As the ancestral inhabitants of the area, they 

can legitimately to raise such demands and – a second aspect which is much more relevant 

from a conservational point of view - they can be considered the warrants of biodiversity 

conservation in the Upper Nangaritza, especially when compared with settlers and the mining 

industry (cf. Ch. 6.1.7.3). Therefore, this interest in protecting biodiversity and legal claims 

on land should be supported. As described in Box 6, during the 2000s the regional office of 

the Ecuadorian Ministry of Environment, with the assistance of the German Development 

Service (DED 101 ), successfully conducted efforts in this field. However, the region will 

101 DED: Deutscher Entwicklungsdienst. 

248

probably face new conflicts over land tenure and deforestation as a result of the construction 

of the road across the Upper Nangaritza. Ecuadorian and international NGOs and authorities 

must continue to help the Shuar to clear all legal claims on land in order to avoid new land 

invasions. 

Also, NGOs and academic institutions should divulge the environmental, health and social 

risks resulting from the establishment of mining companies in such biodiverse areas. At the 

same time, due to the lack of income opportunities and poverty in southern Ecuador (cf. Ch. 

3.1.6.2) and the high prices of gold in the world markets, small-scale gold mining will remain 

one of the activities inside the Upper Nangaritza. Thus, local NGOs should promote 

environmental education, training and technical assistance among the existing small-scale 

miners. There exist numerous positive examples of projects that have minimized the impacts 

of mercury use in artisanal and small-scale gold-mining activity throughout the world (cf. 

McDaniels et al. 2010; Spiegel 2009) including the Amazon and Ecuador (Mesa et al. 2010; 

Sousa & Veiga 2009). 

7.1.3 Alternatives to actual land use practices in the Upper Nangaritza 

Among the Shuar of the Upper Nangaritza cattle ranching represents an introduced practice 

with a high environmental impact and should be reduced or if possible, substituted by other 

practices. This measure should be affordable in the medium term, as it would not represent a 

rooted tradition and would affect only some families. Further, timber logging practices should 

be done in a more sustainable way, and for certain species a seasonal hunting ban should be 

established, not only in certain areas but also during the breeding season. A successful 

introduction of such changes requires attractive alternatives from both an economical and 

cultural point of view. If local people can benefit financially from enterprises that depend on 

the biodiversity of the forest within which they live, then they might reasonably be expected 

to support the conservation and sustainable use of the forest ecosystem (McNeely 2004: 161). 

The following four chapters analyze the fitness for purpose of the instruments for biodiversity 

conservation described in Chapter 2.3. In the short term, the traditional ICDPs tools (cf. Ch. 

1.1 and Ch. 2.3) seem to be the best answer to deforestation and forest degradation. 

7.1.3.1 The use of improved agroforestry and NTFPs 

In the Upper Nangaritza the traditional Shuar agricultural system should be promoted. The 

probable expansion of forest gardens could be partially counteracted by introducing a wider 

spectrum of cash crops that generate higher yields and reduce risks. The large decline of 

naranjilla production after pest problems in the late 1980s (Rudel et al. 2002: 151) and the 

collapse of coffee production during the 1990s (FAO 2005: 36; Osorio 2004) in Shuar 

communities showed the economic risks of producing only one cash crop. 

However, a diversification of crop production requires a previous study of the demand of 

local and regional markets and capacity building. A further possibility would be the 

249

cultivation of niche products for international markets. For instance, a private-publicpartnership 

between German enterprises and universities in the Philippines has successfully 

produced fibers form abaca (Musa textilis), a native banana, in agroforestry systems (cf. 

Göltenboth 2004). In a local context, cocoa (Theobroma cacao) could represent an important 

resource. Many Shuar have experience with this species already, and the international demand 

for cocoa is high. Swiss companies and the German GTZ 102 have recently showed interest in 

the production of this crop in Zamora Chinchipe Province. In this regard Schulz et al. (1994) 

noted that forest gardens without external inputs can provide the same cocoa yields as the 

surrounding cocoa plantations, where significant amounts of fertilizer and pesticides were 

used. However, in the short term, this possibility is complicated by the fact that international 

customers demand reliable quality and quantities which are difficult to produce under 

traditional production systems. In addition, cocoa production would require expertise and a 

long period of adaptation (cf. Franzel et al. 2004; FAO 1995). External expertise from NGOs 

and the BIOTRADE Initiative (cf. Box 14) could help to find agricultural products produced 

in a traditional way for local, regional, or even international markets. 

Apart from producing alternative agricultural products in forest gardens, enriched 

silvopastoral systems should be established in marginal pasture areas as a first step in 

substituting cattle ranching and in restoring forest. As pointed out by Chazdon (2008: 1458) 

in sites at intermediate levels of degradation reforestation with native species, agroforestry, 

and assisted natural regeneration can increase biodiversity and ecosystem services while 

providing income for local livelihoods. Timber and other useful plant products should be 

produced in these systems taking advantage of the existing Shuar management of certain 

species in pastures and fallow land (cf. Ch. 6.1.4), thus offering alternative income to those 

who stop raising cattle. Protected and tolerated species could be complemented with locally 

and regionally demanded timber species such as Terminalia amazonia, Platymiscium 

pinnatum or Cedrelinga cateniformes, and other species. According to the literature, tree 

species for silvopastoral systems that would fit in the area are Trema micrantha and Inga spp. 

for site amelioration (Revelo & Palacios 2005; Vázquez-Yanes 1998), Bactris gasipaes and 

Oenocarpus bataua for the production of fruits (Miller 2002; Van den Eyden et al. 1999), and 

Cordia alliodora (Camargo 2003; Somarriba et al. 2001), and Cedrela odorata for timber 

production. The same should be done to improve biodiversity by adding species that 

otherwise would be unable to colonize and regenerate or that are less interesting from an 

economic point of view but which are ecologically threatened or vulnerable. Mixtures of 

species may be useful to enhance both financial resilience and ecological resilience of these 

new systems (cf. Lamb et al. 2005). Similar models have recently denominated agrosuccessional 

restoration (cf. Vieira et al. 2009). 

Nonetheless, in a comparative study of the literature on settler welfare in tropical forest 

frontiers in Latin America, Marquette (2006: 403) reported that the adoption of agroforestry 

systems has had mixed success because it remains less profitable than cattle raising. 

Moreover, agroforestry is critically dependent on external factors such as market access 

102 The Deutsche Gesellschaft für Internationale Zusammenarbeit (GTZ) is a federally owned organization. It 

works worldwide in the field of international cooperation for sustainable development (http://www.gtz.de). 

250

(McNeely 2004: 161). Local knowledge of tree characteristics, capacity building, a 

sustainable supply of propagules, and in particular information about market options are also 

urgently needed (cf. Chazdon 2008; Franzel et al. 2004). 

Box 14: BIOTRADE 

Through its BIOTRADE Initiative, the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development 

(UNCTAD) works with partners in developing countries to promote trade in biodiversity products and 

services. These countries increasing need for hands-on assistance in export promotion has led to the 

creation of a special trade promotion program: The BioTrade Facilitation Program (BTFP) for 

biodiversity products and services. 

The BTFP helps small, medium, and community-based enterprises in developing countries with export 

promotion. To achieve this, it joins several partners in developing and developed countries. The 

program supports products that have market potential and can be produced with the participation of 

local communities, without harming biodiversity. To develop and trade these products, sector plans 

are formulated and then implemented through a set of practical trade promotion services, including 

market information collection, product development, quality improvement, certification, labeling, trade 

fair participation and matchmaking. Priority product groups include edible plant products (e.g. fruit and 

nuts), food ingredients (e.g. coloring and flavoring materials), cosmetic and pharmaceutical ingredients 

(e.g. medicinal plants, essential fatty and aromatic oils), fibers, latex, resins, gums and gum by- 

products. These products have high value-adding potential and can generate local income by 

involving local and indigenous communities while also contributing to the conservation of biodiversity. 

In Ecuador, the initiative is called Programa Nacional Biocomercio Sostenible del Ecuador (PNBSE) 

and has helped to commercialize aromatic plants, medicinal plants, condiments and derivates, 

Amazonian fruits like arazá, borojó, cocona, pitahaya and guayaba, and cocoa. In addition, it supports 

bird watching, and the trade with natural fibers, alpacas and other camelids. 

The PNBSE is executed by the Exports and Promotion Corporation of Ecuador (Corporación para la 

Promoción de exportaciones e Inversiones del Ecuador, CORPEI) in alliance with EcoCiencia, an 

Ecuadorian conservationist NGO (Excerpted from Argüello & Albán 2006, Merchán & Ibañez 2004, 

and www.corpei.org). 

According to own observations and the literature (Revelo & Palacios 2005; Añazco et al. 

2004; Van den Eyden et al. 1999), different species listed in this research could be important 

NTFPs if markets could be found. Some examples are Caryodendron orinocense, (edible 

seeds), Croton cf. lechleri and Uncaria tomentosa (medicinal uses), Inga spp., Pourouma 

spp., and Bactris gasipaes (edible fruits) or Carludovica palmata (fibers). Although, the 

harvesting of these products may be less damaging than alternative land uses like cattle 

ranching or timber logging, it would probably not be without impact. Furthermore, while it 

could help to preserve forest cover it would be less biodiverse than the original forest (Arnold 

& Ruiz Pérez 2001: 444). As regards non-vegetal NTFPs, a controlled reintroduction and 

sustainable use of caimans in Upper Nangaritza could be a promising income alternative. On 

251

the one hand caimans could represent a tourist attraction; on the other hand caiman leather 

and meat could be sold in local and regional markets. South-Ecuadorian consumers seem to 

be open to new edible products. For instance, according to own experience, the acceptance 

and popularity of two non-native, non-traditional products, such as tilapias (Tilapia sp.) and 

frogs legs, has been significant. Moreover, such a venture could be based on a similar 

successful project in the Bolivian Amazon supported by the BioTrade Initiative (BioTrade 

Initiative 2006). Further, a zoning scheme should be established, prohibiting hunting in 

specified areas that are set aside for tourism and for the protection of threatened species. 

Moreover, a monthly maximum hunting quota per family should be implemented. These 

measures have been successful among the Cofán in Cuyabeno Nature Reserve (cf. Wunder 

1999). 

In order to avoid over-exploitation and guarantee sustainable production, it is necessary to 

understand the ecology of NTFPs. As noted in Chapter 2.3.1, it would be necessary to 

develop producer manuals and standards before these products are collected. Moreover, as 

pointed out by Laird et al. (2009), NTFP standards should be developed and considered as 

part of an entire pattern of land uses and their regulation. All these points make this option 

interesting, but it would only be possible in the medium-long term and as part of a package 

that includes other options as well. 

7.1.3.2 Community based ecotourism in the Upper Nangaritza 

Even detractors of the “protecting by use” strategy consider ecotourism as a valid tool to 

protect forest biodiversity (cf. Terborgh & Peres 2002: 314). This instrument has a great 

potential in the Upper Nangaritza, as Ecuador has its own expertise in ecotourism (cf. Zeppel 

2006; Buckley 2003; Wunder 1999; Amend & Amend 1997), the area can be considered one 

of the most attractive landscapes in the country (cf. Palacios 1997: 41), and there is already an 

incipient local tourism industry that could be improved (cf. Ch. 6.16). However, until today 

tourism ventures in the Upper Nangaritza seem to have occurred in an uncoordinated way 

without a clear idea of the goals that are being pursued. The Dutch cooperation constructed a 

lodge that should have been run by the Shuar, but the responsibility of maintaining it 

remained unclear and the building collapsed. Besides, the Shuar were trained as tourist 

guides, not as lodge operators. Moreover, nothing was really done to attract tourists to the 

Upper Nangaritza and the expectations were not fulfilled. Boats were bought by the 

Ecuadorian Department of Tourism in order to transport tourists, but they have been used to 

transport locals, merchandise, and miners instead. Own interviews have shown that the area 

remains unknown outside southern Ecuador; most foreign and even national tourists do not 

know anything about this attractive region. The situation was similar to another failed 

ecotourism project in the northern Ecuadorian Amazon that was described by Wunder (2000a: 

477): “the somewhat naive belief about easy money from tourism marketing and the romantic 

vision of indigenous autonomy were not justified and led to excessive community expectations 

and misled investments”. The only local tour operator in the Upper Nangaritza does his 

business more professionally, but it cannot be considered an ecotourism venture, as it 

provides very little ecological education to the tourist, and it does not secure a significant 

252

economic participation by the Shuar, who are often considered part of the problem and not 

part of the solution among local Mestizo settlers. 

The conflicts between Ecuadorian national authorities, the Shuar, and Mestizo settlers that 

occurred in the 2000s in the Upper Nangaritza showed that solutions to problems that affect 

the area should be arrived at an integrated way. As explained in Box 6 and illustrated in 

Figure 80, an integrated environmental and land ownership concept restored social peace and 

convinced locals of the advantages of conserving nature – a pre-requisite for ecotourism. On 

the basis of these agreements and of the resulting local interest in conserving local 

biodiversity this paper proposes a community-based ecotourism company managed by 

representatives of all ethnic groups. All settlements inside the protective forest would share 

the revenues, avoiding inequity between those taking part in ecotourism and those left out. 

Rather than creating fully community-led tours, external professional assistance should 

establish this system and specific tasks should be transferred step-by-step to local 

management (cf. Wunder 2000a: 477). The assistance could include an ecolodge and/or 

cooperation with the existing private Yankuam Lodge (cf. Ch. 6.1.6). The new lodge could 

share a location with a scientific station and/or a hypothetic caiman farm (see above) and/or 

an interpretation centre, which would be tourist attractions in themselves. 

Fig. 80: Two road signs at Las Orquídeas as a symbol of change. The first one (Left) shows the local 

opposition to the establishment of the Protective Reserve Upper Nangaritza in March 2005 (The 

people and Las Orquídeas say NO to the Protective Forest). The second one (Right) was placed in 

late 2007. It invites visitors to the local Colono-Shuar Conservation Area of Los Tepuyes, and it is 

signed by the main local Mestizo and Saraguro associations (the same who opposed the 

establishment of the Protective Forest) and the Ecuadorian Department of Environment. (Photos by A. 

Gerique 2005 (Left), 2007 (Right). 

Such an ecotourism program could contribute to a better understanding of all ethnic groups 

and to the conservation of the area, especially considering the lack of resources of the 

Ecuadorian Environmental Department and the negative consequences of the new road that 

will cross the valley. As pointed out by Wunder (1999: 16), once an area has been “opened 

up” by roads, it becomes impossible for the national authorities to protect it without the 

collaboration of local inhabitants. It should be noted that, as a rule, ecotourism generates 

support for conservation as long as local communities see benefits and if it does not interfere 

with local culture and the main sources of income (Kiss 2004: 234). 

253

In the Upper Nangaritza a feasibility study about the introduction of an entrance fee should be 

conducted. The fee could be shared by all communities and the environmental authorities in 

the form of management contracts (these are allocated use rights to a defined area of forest in 

return for a commitment to protect the area from practices that harm biodiversity, cf. Table 1). 

As pointed out by Davenport et al. (2002: 297) this measure improves public support, 

especially where conflicts between local communities and parks exist. The revenues would 

probably be limited; however, even a small amount of additional income is welcome in cashpoor 

rural areas (cf. Kiss 2004: 234). In Ecuador, a fee structure that charges more for 

foreigners than for nationals is the rule in conservation areas managed by national authorities. 

This is fair and reasonable, as a study in Costa Rica demonstrated (Davenport et al. 2002: 

296) and could be established in the Upper Nangaritza as well. According to own interviews, 

most foreign tourists (65%) would accept a fee of 10 USD or more per person. Nevertheless, 

domestic ecotourism should also be increased. The expectations of domestic tourists for 

services usually conform more closely to those actually available, and help to stabilize 

visitation rates (Davenport et al. 2002: 302). 

Once again, it is necessary to make attractive and informative materials. Local 

conservationists and foreign researchers can provide significant help in this effort. This is 

especially relevant in forest areas, where animals cannot be observed on demand, and more 

emphasis should be placed on plants than is usual (Davenport et al. 2002: 303). Own 

interviews revealed that 72% of the tourists who visit southern Ecuador are indeed interested 

in flora. According to the same interviews, the archaeological sites and the Shuar would be 

further attractions; 71% of the visitors want to visit archaeological sites and 80% are 

interested in learning more about indigenous groups. Canopy walkways, botanical and faunal 

photo-safaris, which are successful ecotourism tools in Costa Rica (cf. Ellenberg 1999) could 

complete the offer. Also, as in other tourist areas in the Amazon, the oilbird (cf. Box 12) or 

the hoatzin (cf. Fig. 58) could be used as flagship species 103 . This could be of particular 

interest for birdwatchers. Birdwatching represented an attractive option for 60% of the 

interviewed tourists. Moreover, in a multivariate analysis, Krüger (2005) showed the 

importance of flag species in making ecotourism more attractive. 

Ecotourism specialists often recommend that income from ecotourism should not be 

substitutive but complementary, in order to avoid dependency (Wunder 2000a: 477). One way 

to reduce the alienation of local peoples could be to promote small business development to 

diversify the attractions available to tourists. Possibilities include home stays, handicraft 

cooperatives, musical performances and traditional dance programs (which have already been 

offered by the Shuar of Shaime). Small loans to finance start-up costs and training can help to 

catalyze the founding of such businesses (Davenport et al. 2002: 295). 

103 Flagship species have been defined as „popular, charismatic species that serve as symbols and rallying points 

to stimulate conservation awareness and action“, (Heywood 1995, cited in Veríssimo et al. 2009: 549). 

Examples include the panda and several species of whale. 

254

7.1.3.3 Payments for environmental services in the Upper Nangaritza 

The complexity and interrelation of payments for environmental services has been described 

in Chapter 2.3.3. Apart from research permits paid by academic institutions who want to work 

in the area and the proposed management contracts and entrance fees (payments for landscape 

beauty) that have been described above, private land acquisition (cf. Table 1) could be an 

option, especially for very sensitive and unique areas close to the future course of the road. 

Ideally, the area could include the already mentioned research station. The success of the San 

Francisco Research Station (cf. Ch. 3.1.4.4) could serve as inspiration. A further proposal 

would be to support biodiversity-conserving businesses by introducing eco-labeling for 

NTFPs. However, this faces several problems. First, as pointed out in Chapter 7.1.3.1 

appropriate NTFPS should be identified and enough ecological information about them 

should be generated in order to avoid over-exploitation; this process is expensive and time 

consuming. As Shanley & Stockdale (2008: 64) concluded, for the majority of locally and 

regionally traded NTFPs, international certification schemes are only appropriate for products 

with large markets. 

The production of certified cocoa or coffee in forest gardens could be an alternative, as such 

large markets exist; certified organic coffee is being produced for international markets in 

Zamora Chinchipe Province already (cf. Ch. 2.3.1). However, the successful production and 

certification of crops could represent a serious problem for biodiversity conservation, as crop 

production could lead to an intensification of production and to shorter fallow periods, and 

fields may compete with forest for land (cf. Fig. 60). Community conservation agreements 

(CAA) could provide the conditions for the sustainable use of forest resources (cf. Seeberg- 

Elverfeldt et al. 2010, especially if bundled with the proposed community based ecotourism. 

Together they could be an attractive framework to implement forest PES projects (cf. Ch. 

2.3.3). 

The remaining PES instruments are more difficult to implement in the Upper Nangaritza. The 

importance of the ecological services of the Upper Nangaritza is uncontested; however, 

payments for watershed protection are difficult to introduce in this area, as no important 

settlements or hydropower plant operators - who are the typical beneficiaries - exist 

downstream. Besides, carbon sequestration and storage projects, including REDD projects 

conducted under the Ecuadorian Socio Bosque Initiative (Box 5) have little future in the short 

term. As noted in Chapter 2.3.3, the indigenous organizations are against such ventures. 

REDD projects may be of interest in future if the existing concerns are resolved and clear 

definitions and rules are defined within the frame of the UNFCCC. 

7.1.3.4 Bioprospecting in the Upper Nangaritza 

The assertion by Vogel (1997: 4), who wrote that bioprospecting has received 

disproportionate attention as a means to finance habitat preservation, is, in all probability true 

for the Upper Nangaritza. As noted in Chapter 2.3.4, the unclear legal framework, the failed 

experiences in Ecuador, and especially the bad image of bioprospectors among the indigenous 

groups make the use of this tool in the Upper Nangaritza very difficult. During field research 

255

the Shuar in general and the inhabitants of the settlement of Chumpias in particular were wary 

of sharing information about plants specifically for this reason. In order to conduct successful 

bioprospecting studies in the area, it is first necessary to clean up its image. Thus, this tool 

does not represent a conservation option in the short term. 

7.2 A REVIEW OF THE SARAGURO AND MESTIZO LAND USE: CHALLENGES AND ALTERNATIVES IN 

THE UPPER ZAMORA 

The study shows that the trends in land use among Saraguros and Mestizos differ clearly from 

those of the Shuar. The main outcomes are: 

256 

� The Saraguros and the Mestizos know and use a considerable number of plant species. 

However, as agro-pastoralists, they have converted most of the forest into pastures, 

fields and home gardens, leaving forest remains only along mountain ridges or in river 

ravines (Pohle & Gerique 2008). 

� In contrast to the Shuar, most wild species are collected outside the forest in pastures 

and disturbed areas. The forest basically supplies them with timber (Pohle & Gerique 

2010: 488). However, most timber resources are exhausted and forests are seen as a 

land reserve for new pastures and for the cultivation of maize by slash and burn. 

NTFPs are virtually ignored as a resource. 

� The Saraguro and the Mestizo home gardens host a large agricultural biodiversity and 

contribute significantly to securing and diversifying food supplies (Pohle et al. 2010: 

490). The majority of plants are of nutritional value, followed by medicinal and 

ornamental. The commercialization of products from home gardens and fields is 

almost nonexistent. 

� Cattle ranching is the main production system in the region. This activity fulfills 

multiple objectives. The production of beef and dairy products provides households 

with regular income. Cattle ranching also awards a prestigious social status and 

represents a way of accumulating wealth as a private insurance (Pohle et al. 2010: 

502). Furthermore, pastures prove possession of land. However, the demand for land 

for pastures and their subsequent negligent management are the main drivers of forest 

loss in the area. 

� In the research site, a conflict exists between the local Saraguro and Mestizo 

communities and the Protective Forest Corazón de Oro. This conservation area was 

declared without consulting or informing the inhabitants. This lack of information and 

the difficulties in getting legal land titles inside this area result in high scepticism of 

conservation (Pohle et al. 2010: 500). 

In consideration of these results, the following main lines of work should be adopted in order 

to protect local biodiversity:

� The fragmentation and conversion of forests into agricultural and pasture land should 

be stopped. Attractive sustainable income alternatives to cattle ranching should be 

introduced. 

� The actual borders of the Protective Forest Corazón de Oro are unrealistic and should 

be modified. Simultaneously, local inhabitants should become aware of the 

importance of conserving biodiversity. 

A discussion of what needs to be done in order to successfully adopt these lines of work 

follows in the next Chapters. 

7.2.1 Reversing the trend: New sustainable land use practices to reduce deforestation 

In order to protect the remaining forests and forest patches it is necessary to find land use 

systems that offer interesting and affordable alternatives, abandoning the bias towards cattle 

ranching (Marquette 2006: 404; Wunder 1996b: 381). However, cattle ranching will in all 

probability remain as one of the main land use activities in the area. The multiple objectives 

that this activity fulfils make its complete substitution almost impossible. Small producers, for 

example, may be reluctant to shift from a traditional land-use system to a new one that 

promises higher yields but may involve greater risks of failure. (Pichón 1996a: 357). 

Moreover, decades of global efforts to conserve biodiversity have shown that people are more 

likely to incorporate new sources of income as complements to their existing activities than as 

substitutes for them (cf. Ferraro & Kiss 2002). Alternative land use systems should include 

local experience and agricultural techniques that are easy to learn by farmers in order to avoid 

high training costs and to allow for faster implementation. The following chapters propose a 

solution based on the combination of two of the classic tools of ICDPs, namely agroforestry 

and tourism, with new instruments for biodiversity conservation such as PES. 

7.2.2.1 The use of improved agroforestry and NTFPs in the Saraguro and Mestizo study sites 

From a conservation perspective, the challenge is to stop deforestation and to reduce the 

amount of cleared land going to pasture, while preserving or increasing farm incomes (cf. 

Carpentier et al. 2000). Labor should be well-distributed throughout the year and over 

multiple years, and risk of loss from market fluctuations should be minimized by diversifying 

production (cf. Vieira et al. 2009: 455; Landell-Mills & Porras 2002: 61). Figure 81 delineates 

a draft of an alternative agroforestry system (cf. Ch. 2.3.1) that could be implemented in the 

study area in order to achieve these objectives: The left side of the figure represents a typical 

Saraguro or Mestizo finca under the actual land use agro-pastoral system (cf. Ch. 6.2). The 

production of dairy products and beef for commercial purposes are the main activities in the 

finca, and pasture land, which is divided into paddocks with barbed wire fences, dominates 

the landscape (cf. Fig. 81 Left, a). Some degraded and/or abandoned paddocks are invaded by 

bracken (cf. Fig. 81 Left, b). Some forest patches exist in the mountain ridges and along the 

257

avines (cf. Fig. 81 Left, c). The housing area includes a home garden and a maize field for 

subsistence (cf. Fig. 81 Left, d and e respectively). 

1 

Fig. 81: Left: Actual land use in the study area: Pasture land (a), including abandoned or overexploited 

paddocks (b), and forest patches (c) dominate the landscape. Around the housings home 

gardens (d) and corn fields (e) are cultivated for subsistence. Right: A proposal for a more sustainable 

land use: The existing system is completed with plantations of (exotic and native) trees (f, g), improved 

pasture management including leguminous trees and living fences (h), the use of NTFPs from 

restored forest areas (i), and the cultivation of new agricultural products (j) at the expense of pasture 

and/or fallowed land. Draft: A. Gerique & J. Kieslinger 2009 

The right side of Figure 81 shows a model of an improved agroforestry system for the area of 

study. It combines the existing land use system with the introduction of tree plantations and 

the cultivation of new agricultural products at the expense of pasture and fallowed land, and 

includes the use of NTFPs. The purpose is to favor land-saving, labor-using technologies and 

to diversify production. As pointed out by authors who conducted research in Ecuador (cf. 

Wunder 2000b: 230; Pichón 1996a: 366; Wunder 1996b: 380), land-saving, labor-using 

technologies increase per-hectare productivity and reduce demand for new land and 

deforestation, at least in established agricultural areas with few forests left. However, as 

pointed out by Wunder (2000b: 229), applying these measures in frontier areas could have 

negative impacts as well. In a model to study the deforestation effects of land-use systems in 

Brazil developed by Carpentier et al. (2000) 104 the intensification of non-livestock activities 

on cleared land resulted in the largest deforestation rates, while intensification systems on 

forested lands provided better results because they increased the value of the standing forest, 

counteracting the pressure to deforest. According to Kaimowitz & Angelsen (1998: 93) laborintensive 

technologies may stimulate land expansion by improving the profitability of 

agriculture, but will tend to limit the total of land cultivated because each farmer will be able 

to cultivate less land with available household labor. This seems to be especially true in the 

area of study, as labor capacity, which is as a rule limited to the household members, is 

scarce, especially among Mestizos (cf. Ch. 6.2.6). Also, the hypothetical cultivation of labor 

intensive crops would require leveled sites similar to home gardens close to the housing areas. 

104 The study included four intensification types: No intensification, intensification of non-livestock activities on 

cleared land, intensification on all cleared land, and intensification on both cleared and forested land. 

258 

c 

b 

a 

b 

c 

d e f 

h 

j 

g 

i

Such places are rare and cannot be expanded via deforestation. Finally, in contrast to pioneer 

areas, free land to expand production is a scarce resource, as property titles or at least 

informal buy-sell contracts or possessor rights exist for almost the whole area. 

(1) Forest plantations (cf. Point (f) in Fig. 82 Right): Abandoned land is generally little used, 

and of little interest for their owners (Benjamin et al. 2008: 603). In the shown model, highly 

degraded pastures located far away from forest patches have been substituted by exotic fast 

growing monocultures of Pinus patula. Such plantations “do not seem to have an ecological 

justification but should be considered as a relatively low-impact agricultural crop” 

(Hofstede et al. 2002: 166). Exotic plantations can restore forest cover and produce revenues 

within acceptable times (cf. Brockerhof et al. 2008; Lamb et al. 2005). The latter is important 

in order to offer an attractive alternative. It seems necessary to give initial priority to forms of 

reforestation that produce financial benefits in the short term. In subsequent rotations native 

species should be introduced to these plots, as exotic plantations also have a nurse effect for 

native species, facilitating the reestablishment of more natural forest sites (cf. Weber et al. 

2008). As demonstrated by Aguirre et al. (2006) native species of commercial interest like 

Alnus acuminata, Cedrela montana and Tabebuia chrysantha can be successfully cultivated 

under the cover of fast growing monocultures of Pinus patula. Plantations of native Andean 

alder (Alnus acuminata) represent another possibility. Knoke et al. (2009a) and Calvas et al. 

(submitted) demonstrated the financial viability of plantations of Andean alder in southern 

Ecuador. According to these authors, by planting Andean alder the farmer could reintegrate 

unproductive sites into productive areas while achieving restoration effects, given that this 

species accumulates nitrogen in the soil. Moreover, increased levels of carbon sequestration 

would be another ecological benefit of Andean alder plantations (Knoke et al. 2009a: 550). 

Commercial forest plantations can play a relevant role in landscape restoration if they are 

managed as components of a landscape mosaic (cf. Chazdon 2008). In addition, according to 

Tomaselli (2009: 34) the expansion of forest plantations is the only option for sustaining the 

development of Ecuador’s forest industry. In an economic model offered by Knoke et al. 

(2009b) the net revenue of the farmers stabilized by combining plantations and selective and 

sustainable logging and accumulated substantial monetary value until the harvest of the 

plantations after twenty years. In the meantime, revenue from thinning was expected. 

(2) Forest restoration (cf. Point (g) in Fig. 81 Right): Forest patches and faunal dispersal 

agents are the cheapest and most rapid forest restoration agents (cf. Chazdon 2008: 1458), 

especially in areas where residual trees remain. Even small and degraded forest patches and 

their residents can be important for certain species, they supply people and domestic animals 

with fruits, shade, clean water, crop pollination, and other ecosystem services, and they 

provide landscape connectivity (cf. Sekercioglu et al. 2007). As highlighted in Chapter 

6.2.7.2, successional development can be rapid at sites close to forest and forest patches 

where seedling banks and soil seed stores composed of native species remain. However, 

Günter et al. (2007: 73) concluded for the area of study that only a limited number of 

surrounding forest species can naturally regenerate on the abandoned area. Therefore, 

following the recommendations by Lamb et al. (2005) degraded pastures close to forest 

remnants could be reforested with a mixture of commercially attractive native species in 

demand and native species that otherwise would be unable to colonize and regenerate or are 

259

ecologically vulnerable. In future, timber trees from these enlarged forest patches could be 

managed and harvested under low-impact felling regimes during periods when demand for 

labor in other farm activities is low (cf. Scherr 2004: 359). As shown by Günter et al. (2008) a 

sustainable, reduced impact management of timber species with a very low impact on 

biodiversity and on nutrient cycling of tropical mountain forest would be possible in the study 

area. 

(3) Improvement of pastures (cf. Point (h) in Fig. 81 Right): In order to offer higher benefits 

during this interval the model includes the amelioration of the pastures under use and better 

pasture management. Certainly, improved pastures could lead to higher incomes and to an 

intensification of cattle ranching, inducing further deforestation. Thus, it intends to increase 

pasture yields and pasture longevity, but only by intensifying labor-using activities. For 

instance, better cow breeds should be excluded, as they would produce more income without 

requiring extra labor. The establishment of trees in pastures represents one possibility. 

Leguminous trees in pastures provide quality fodder and serve to improve nitrogen content in 

soils (cf. Haffner 1997; Pichón 1996b). Leaves of leguminous fodder trees like Erythrina spp. 

are high quality forage, as they contain high percentages of crude protein (cf. Nagang & Nair 

2003: 150 and literature therein). In some cases, nitrogen fixing trees planted in silvopastoral 

systems transfer nitrogen to companion grasses. Jayasundara et al. (1997, cited in Dagang & 

Nair 2003: 150) reported that pastures of Setaria sphacelata had 16% higher nitrogen yield 

thanks to the presence of nitrogen fixing trees (Leucaena diversifolia). The model includes the 

substitution of barbed wire fences with living fences. According to this study (cf. Ch. 6.2.2.1), 

most Saraguro and Mestizo ranchers have substituted living fences with barbed wire fences, 

as the latter are easier to install. However, they only serve as barriers to animal movement, 

while living fences are sources of fodder, firewood, timber, fruits, and host numerous plant 

and animal species. The harvest of products from living fences would generate extra income 

while intensifying labor. Moreover, they can contribute to the nutrient content and longevity 

of pastures (Pichón 1996b: 41; Proyecto FAO-Holanda 1995: 178) and be a first step to 

reforesting pasture areas. In a study by Love et al. (2009), trees planted into living fences 

showed a greater survival, relative growth and final height compared to those planted in open 

pasture after two years. As they noted, living fences could be an effective low-cost approach 

to establishing trees in tropical pasture landscapes. From an ecological point of view, living 

fences are important in increasing the structural connectivity of woody habitat across the 

landscape and can host a high biodiversity and help to protect soils from erosion, especially in 

steep areas (cf. Harvey et al. 2003). Living fences support seed dispersal by bats and 

especially by birds, as the latter do not cross open pasture areas unless trees or forest patches 

are in sight (cf. Matt et al. 2008; Martínez-Garza & González-Montagut 2002; Guevara et al. 

1992). The Opuntia project described in Chapter 2.3.1 (cf. Matallo Jr. et al. 2002) and the 

successful use of living fences to reconnect and expand the habitat of Resplendent Quetzals 

(Pharomacrus mocinno) in Costa Rica, which represent an attraction for birdwatchers (cf. 

Sekercioglu et al. 2007), are two examples of the possibilities offered by living fences. In 

addition, as pointed out in Chapter 6.2.7.1, better pasture management which avoids grasses 

going to seed without exceeding the carrying capacity of pastures should be established. 

Improved management would reduce the use of fire to rejuvenate pastures or to expand them. 

260

In this regard, farmers should be convinced to abandon the local belief that smoke from forest 

fires attracts rain clouds (cf. Ch. 3.1.4.3). Improving fire management measures would also 

reduce carbon emissions. 

(4) The use of non-timber forest products (cf. Point (i) in Fig. 81 Right): Another 

possibility for protecting forest biodiversity would be to raise the local monetary value of 

forests through selected NTFPs (Wunder 1996b: 380). As noted by Arnold & Ruiz-Pérez 

(2001: 444), NTFPs can contribute to biodiversity conservation as a component of a wider 

strategy that encompasses a spectrum from intensively altered to little disturbed forests 

providing diversity at species, ecosystem and landscape levels. In fact, a few native wild plant 

species in forests and disturbed areas could be of interest if they could be collected following 

good collection practices, or even better, if they could be domesticated or propagated off-site 

(cf. Serrăo et al. 1996: 9). The most promising species are Fuchsia canescens (tasty edible 

grapes), Trianea sp. (edible fruits), and Solanum caripense (fruits). The high number of 

attractive BROMELIACEAE and ORCHIDACEAE species (ornamental) and species such as 

Tibouchina oroensis (ornamental) suppose further resources that should be considered. 

Nevertheless, in the short term the use of these species for income generation is highly 

problematic. The difficulties of implementing this alternative in the area are similar to those 

described in Chapter 7.1.3.1 for the Shuar. Furthermore, the very limited number of forest 

species used by Saraguros and Mestizos (cf. Ch. 5.5.3), and the small number of existing 

specimens in the forest patches make this option less attractive. Moreover, their exploitation 

requires regulation, which presuppose growth and yield studies and/or studies of the viability 

of domesticating these species or propagating them off-site, and their commercialization 

requires effective control of the whole process by Ecuadorian authorities. 

A few species would require less effort; as commented in Chapter 2.3.1, Equisetum bogotense 

and Oreocallis grandiflora are wild plant species used in the production of horchata tea in 

Loja Province. These species also grow in the study area, have an established market and 

could be collected under an existing code of good collection practice developed by the 

Agroartesanal Association of Producers of Dried Medicinal Plants of Ecuador (Asociación 

Agroartesanal de Productores de Plantas Secas Medicinales del Ecuador (AAPPSME), a 

cooperative in Chuquirbamba. This village is situated in an area that is similar to the study 

area, and the code was developed within the frame of one pilot study supported by the 

UNCTAD and the PNBSE (cf. Box 14). The code also includes environmental policies with 

which companies, partners and suppliers have to comply (cf. Argüello & Aguilar 2006). 

However, growth and yield studies are necessary, and a market survey should first define if 

there is enough profit-making demand for those species. A large demand for these horchata 

ingredients would make their collection in the area of study attractive, without provoking 

destructive business competition between old (Chuquiribamba) and new (the Upper Zamora) 

producing regions. This business would also require effective control by Ecuadorian 

authorities. 

As highlighted in Chapter 2.3.1, honey is another NTFP product with potential. According to 

different studies (cf. Ordoñez & Lalama 2006; Rengel & Jiménez 2003; García & Tello 

1998), a high number of meliferous species grow in Loja Province, and most of these species 

261

grow in the area of study as well. Also, as remarked by Informant 34M (2007), an apiculturist 

from Loja, regional honey production does not cover demand and revenues are high. 

Beekeeping has environmental benefits as well, as a study in Uritusinga, a forest south of 

Loja, showed (Ordoñez & Lalama 2006). In this area honey production improved both local 

income and the conservation of forest patches, reducing fire hazard and making reforestation 

with native species attractive. The outcomes of this experience could be the base for a similar 

project in the area of investigation. 

(5) Gardening (cf. Point (j) in Fig. 81 Right): This production system should be preserved 

and promoted. Since some Saraguro and Mestizo women already have experience in market 

oriented gardening, the cultivation of plant species in demand in regional markets could 

generate additional income opportunities without requiring high investment (Pohle et al. 

2010: 490). As pointed out in Chapters 5.3.2.4 and 5.4.2.3, different ornamental plants 

(Gladiolus sp., Hydrangea macrophylla, Lilium cf. longiflorum or Zantesdechia aethiopica) 

are being produced on a very small-scale by some households and sold in Loja. The ability 

and experience of local women in the cultivation of ornamental plants and in the design and 

creation of floral arrangements for local chapels should be exploited. The high number of 

churches, chapels, and religious festivities in Loja and its surroundings suggest a large 

demand for such products. According to an ongoing market survey (cf. Pohle et al. 2010: 

491), other products such as berries (Fragaria spp., Rubus spp. Physalis peruviana), bananas 

(Musa x paradisiaca), and fruits from Pouteria lucuma, Juglans neotropica, Passiflora spp. 

or leaves from Alternanthera porrigens, Piper aduncum, Buddleja americana or Canna 

indica have enough regional demand and could be produced in home gardens and living 

fences, and so yield profits in the short term. 

In a landscape mosaic, forest patches and agroforestry areas are complementary (Atta-Krah et 

al. 2004: 186). The existing forest areas could be connected via living fences, plantations and 

reforested and restored forest patches. The resulting biological corridors would provide 

landscape connectivity and enhance biodiversity on a regional scale. Probably, from an 

economical point of view, if most fincas adopted the described agroforestry model, most 

peasants would be able to secure their livelihoods. 

7.2.2.2 Ecotourism ventures in the Upper Zamora 

Ecotourism could be another tool to improve local income. Even though the income may be 

small in comparison to profit in other areas, the benefits could represent a considerable rise in 

local purchasing power. However, the landscape of the area of study north to the Podocarpus 

National Park has been significantly altered by human action. As pointed out by Wunder 

(1999: 16) only when an area is still sufficiently conserved will it be possible to use it for 

ecotourism. The local landscape alone cannot compete with other, much more attractive areas. 

In fact, the Tourist Guide of Southern Ecuador (Castillo Vivanco 2003) does not mention the 

region. Nevertheless, the area could profit from its history (cf. Ch. 3.1.5), as it was the former 

frontier of the Inca and the Spanish Empire and is very close to the Yacuambi Valley, which 

was one of the most important gold mining centers of the Spanish Empire until the Shuar 

262

ebellion of 1599 (cf. Ch. 3.1.5.1). To travel through such a historic site could be of interest to 

many tourists. Also, stories about the exploitation of the romerillo, the Saraguro culture, 

attractions such as waterfalls, and the importance of the region for birdwatchers (cf. Rahbek et 

al. 1995) make the region appealing (cf. Fig. 82). 

A proposal would be the establishment of long-distance trails for walking, backpacking, 

cycling or horse riding. As shown by the results of own interviews, tourists in southern 

Ecuador are very interested in trekking (90%), cycling (65%) and horse riding (59%). For 

instance, a trail could follow the former Inca and Spanish path to the Yacuambi valley. There 

are a few archaeological sites that could be used to make the route more attractive (cf. 

Hocquenghem et al. 2009; Guffroy 2006 and personal communication 2008). As pointed out 

by Bätzing (1990), these routes should include stops at existing settlements in order to support 

the local infrastructure, and, more importantly, provide revenue for the local inhabitants. 

Locals should do the maintenance as well, and the system could include subsidies to restore 

the landscape as proposed above. Such ventures depend heavily on the maintenance of 

landscape beauty alongside the routes. Long-distance routes are widespread across Europe 

and have been very successful in certain developing countries such as Nepal (Job & Leisch 

1997). However, they do not currently exist in Ecuador. 

Fig. 82: A condor (Vultur gryphus) flying over a 

finca at La Fragancia. (Photo by A. Gerique 2006) 

7.2.2.3 Payments for environmental services (PES) in the Upper Zamora 

It is essential to offer incentives to farmers who maintain forests (Bhagwat et al. 2008: 265). 

Rewards for conservation such as PES will probably be more effective than restrictions on 

agricultural land use. The four main areas of PES and examples for Ecuador have already 

been described in Chapter 2.3.3. Among the first area, namely payments for biodiversity 

protection, land acquisition and payments for access have already been established in the area 

of study. Nature and Culture International (NCI) acquired and protected a conserved 

mountain forest area in the San Francisco Valley and installed the San Francisco Research 

Station (cf. Ch. 3.1.4.4). This station could be enlarged or new land could be acquired to 

establish a model farm as proposed in Chapter 7.2.3. Product-based systems like eco-labeling 

could be an option in the long term if the cultivation of plant species in demand in regional 

263

markets or the production of honey are sustainable. In future, certified timber from the 

proposed agroforestry systems could be produced. However, the implementation of certified 

products requires high investments, which makes this possibility unattractive in the medium 

term. 

Regarding the payments for landscape beauty (second PES area), they are only in place for 

the Podocarpus National Park, where an entrance fee must be paid. Community-based 

ecotourism projects including PES could be established together with the described trekking 

trails (cf. Ch. 7.2.2.2); as commented by Landell-Mills & Porras (2002), the payments should 

support local communities and help them to start their own ecotourism businesses and 

improve their marketing skills. This option would require external funding. 

The payments from the third PES service area, namely carbon sequestration and storage, 

could be used to subsidize the high costs of certifying timber for international markets (cf. 

Smith & Scherr 2002: 13). Moreover, the carbon markets could provide the seed money for 

the proposed improved agroforestry system and the community-based ecotourism projects. In 

this regard, it is worth looking at pre-existing in-country experiences to copy design 

components (cf. Wunder & Albán 2008; 697). If the Saraguro and Mestizo farmers could get 

compensation payments for carbon storage, the required investment to establish and maintain 

an agroforestry system would shrink considerably (cf. Knoke et al. 2009b). The abundance of 

low-productive lands and the large options for intensification make leakage very improbable 

in the study area (cf. Wunder & Albán 2008: 693, Ch. 2.3.3), and investments in agroforestry, 

NTFPs, and ecotourism would reduce the costs of PES by reducing payment needs and by 

improving service provision (cf. Wunder & Albán 2008: 697). 

A possibility would be to afforest and reforest pasture areas with exotic and/or native species 

as proposed by Knoke et al. (2009b) following the strategy of PROFAFOR (cf. Ch. 2.3.3; 

Albán & Argüello 2004). Ranchers would obtain payments for carbon sequestration and be 

free to sell the timber produced in the plantations. The net sequestration values would be less 

controversial than in the PROFAFOR project, as reforestation in established pastures in 

mountain rainforest areas is clearly less problematic from an environmental point of view (cf. 

Günter et al. 2008) than afforesting and reforesting highly sensitive paramo regions (cf. Ch. 

2.3.3). Also, the paddocks in the study area deforested before 1990 could be reforested under 

the frame of the CDM, eventually augmenting the possibilities of finding buyers for the 

generated carbon credits. Another option would be to copy and implement the approved 

baseline and monitoring methodology of the project by Jatun Sacha and Conservation 

International in northeastern Ecuador (cf. Ch. 2.3.3) to restore native forest in areas bordering 

forest patches. However, this type of project does not contemplate the harvesting of timber 

(cf. Oregon Forest Resources Institute 2006: 149). Moreover, the area would qualify for the 

Ecuadorian REDD program called Socio Bosque (cf. Box 5): The region fulfils the main 

preconditions: It is under a high deforestation threat; it has a high ecosystem services value 

and high poverty levels (cf. Table 4) and is not included in the National Protected Area 

System (cf. Ch 3.1.4). And more importantly, by comparison with the Shuar, local inhabitants 

do not oppose carbon storage projects. During the interviews, the informants often 

commented that they would stop deforestation if they were paid to do so. 

264

The idea behind the Ecuadorian Socio Bosque REDD-Program is to pay landowners for 

conserving their forests with money from the global carbon markets. However, it could be 

dangerous to rely only on financial compensation to conserve tropical forests (Knoke et al. 

2008; 2009b). It is necessary to keep the farmers occupied running their farms to avoid 

leakage, as they could establish new farms elsewhere. Compensation strategies should be 

paralleled by productive but non-destructive land use concepts. Projects should use carbon 

revenues to finance the costs of developing more productive and more sustainable land use 

practices (Bass et al. 2000: 66). A possibility would be to include in the Socio Bosque 

Programme not only payments for forest protection but also payments for agroforestry 

systems, as the Costa Rican PES system does (cf. Karousakis 2007: 19). On this, Wunder 

(2006) reported how PES in Costa Rica, Nicaragua and Colombia rewards the implementation 

of silvopastoral techniques on treeless pastures as well. 

Apart from the proposals included in the agroforestry model, annual payments based on 

estimated carbon sequestration or other credits up-front could compensate what Wunder & 

Albán (2008: 696) called “the underlying basic problem”. In contrast to cows (which generate 

revenue every week through the sale of dairy products or every year if they are sold for beef 

production) trees need a significant time to grow before they yield significant economic 

returns. Another option could be to offer a health care assurance instead of annual payments 

or credits up-front. Livestock is often seen by Saraguros and Mestizos as a kind of private 

insurance and as way of accumulating wealth. Thus, such an assurance financed with carbon 

credits would fulfill a similar role, partially substituting cattle. An advantage of such a nonmonetary 

benefit would be that the whole farmers’ family would share the proceeds from 

carbon sequestration. In the case of monetary payments, money would probably be cashed by 

the head of family, who may spend it in very unproductive ways as implied by the low 

education levels and the high levels of alcoholism among peasants observed during research. 

Another similar possibility would be a system of payments for preserved forests that would 

operate as a private pension fund. Landowners would get payments for preserving and 

enlarging their forest land only after retirement. The payments would be in accordance with 

the total number of years of forest possession after signing the contract, thus allowing the 

purchase and sale of land and making forest possession and its preservation attractive without 

banning the use of the productive areas of the fincas. Assurances to cover forest fires and 

similar disasters and microloans could complete the system (cf. Pohle et al. 2010; Knoke et al. 

2009a). As commented by Kanninen et al. (2007: 43) transfer payment schemes can only be 

effective if an intermediary organization exists to distribute and channel revenue transparently 

and efficiently, and if monitoring operations ensure the consummation of the requirements on 

the part of the seller in return for the payment. After a series of financial crises and 

bankruptcies, the Ecuadorian State as well as the banking sector have little credibility among 

Ecuadorians. Thus, these activities should be managed by a recognized local NGO (e.g. NCI) 

and/or social investment institution (e.g. Oikocredit). 

As highlighted in Chapter 2.3.3, funds for watershed protection (last PES area) have recently 

been established in southern Ecuador. It is too early to conclude if they are being successful 

or not. However, they were urgently needed in order to stimulate public awareness in the 

cities of Loja and Zamora about the need to protect water resources and as a way of 

265

generating income for biodiversity conservation. Their implementation in the area of study 

remains uncertain, as no one of the study sites affects the water catchments under use. Despite 

this, the settlements inside the Protective Forest Corazón de Oro could take advantage of 

these funds, as this conservation area was established in order to preserve the water resources 

of the city of Loja (Gobierno del Ecuador 2000, Ch. 3.1.4.3). 

The implementation of these methods should take into account ethnic particularities. 

According to the formulated hypotheses in Chapter 6.2.6 the acceptance of reforesting pasture 

areas is probably higher among Mestizo settlers than among Saraguros. The latter have a 

stronger drive for cattle ranching and would most likely be more interested in improving their 

pasture management than in other activities, whereas gardening activities would probably be 

attractive for peasants from both ethnic groups. 

7.2.2.4 Bioprospecting in Saraguro and Mestizo communities 

As noted by Stepp & Moerman (2000), disturbed areas have been ignored by bioprospecting 

so far and should be taken into account in future research. However, conducting 

bioprospecting ventures in Ecuador is difficult (cf. Ch. 2.3.4) and there are regional and ethnic 

differences. If the main problem in the Upper Nangaritza was distrust by the Shuar, the 

principal concern in this area of study would be the apparent acculturation and loss of plant 

knowledge among the younger generations of Saraguros and Mestizos. Furthermore, the 

absence of an association of local inhabitants or of representatives would probably make 

bioprospecting even more complicated, as consultations on the conditions for conducting 

research and for benefit sharing would be time-consuming, making agreements more difficult 

and costly. Considering this, bioprospecting does not represent an option, at least in the short 

term. 

7.2.3 New borders and more environmental awareness in the protective forest Corazón de Oro 

At the time of its declaration in 2000, the Protective Forest Corazón de Oro encompassed 

more than 15 settlements, 30% of the area was already converted into pastures and another 

30% of the forest cover was interspersed with pastures (cf. UNL et al. 2006a). Furthermore, 

due to timber logging most forests were already altered. Three of the settlements studied in 

this research, namely El Tibio, El Cristal, and Los Guabos are situated inside the Protective 

Forest Corazón de Oro. Most inhabitants have little information about its implications for land 

entitlement or legal access to forest resources, and for most of them conservation means 

restrictions for resource use and land entitlement. As pointed out by Pohle et al. (2010: 500), 

these unsolved problems have resulted in a high scepticism towards conservation. A global 

survey among biosphere reserve managers and villagers (Mehring & Stoll-Kleemann 2010: 

414) showed that the non-existence of boundary demarcation and lack of law enforcement are 

the most crucial factors with regard to how activities for the sustainable development are 

implemented. A first step in solving this situation should be to find a solution for the conflict 

266

etween those who inhabit the Protective Reserve Corazón de Oro and the environmental 

authorities. The resolution of the conflict in the Upper Nangaritza (cf. Box 6; Fig. 80) shows 

that it is possible to restore social peace while convincing people of the advantages of 

biodiversity conservation. A realistic solution requires a readjustment of the boundaries of the 

protective forest (cf. Burbano 2008), their demarcation and, as discussed already, the 

substitution of the actual land use practices by other, more sustainable ones. Property rights 

can only be an effective tool “if they are applied together with economic incentives which 

address the root causes of the inferior profitability of forest conservation” (Kanninen et al. 

2007: 25). Thus, the chaotic land property rights regime in the area (cf. Pohle et al. 2010) 

represents an opportunity for implementing mandatory sustainable activities (e.g. improved 

agroforestry systems bundled to conservation agreements) in exchange for new limits of the 

protective reserve and property rights contracts 105 . Clear property rights would simplify the 

establishment of PES, even though, they would not be essential to starting the proposed 

program. According to Wunder (2005) PES do not require land sale rights or formalized land 

tenure rights; usually it is enough if the landowner has effective rights of exclusion. 

As shown in Chapter 3.1.6.2, southern Ecuador has low levels of literacy. As a result, 

communication of new techniques can be challenging, and encouraging farmers to put them 

into practice very difficult. Awareness and education programs among adults and children are 

decisive in making farmers self-sufficient and in securing the potential of agroforestry for 

biodiversity conservation (cf. Bhagwat et al. 2008: 265). The measures presented in Chapter 

7.1.1, namely interactive workshops and seminars, travelling theatres, songs, lectures, 

manuals, and illustrated booklets could be used for those purposes. More ethnobotanical 

research among the oldest inhabitants of the area is urgently needed before their traditional 

knowledge disappears. Furthermore, technical assistance is another key educational element. 

It is necessary to show that sustainable farming and a sustainable use of forest resources is 

compatible with livelihood improvement. Farmers are visual beings; they base most of their 

experience in “learning by doing” and by “copying from neighbors”. Thus, a pilot farm 

should be established in order to show the advantages of the agroforestry model to the local 

inhabitants in general, and farmers in particular. The farm should be a place where farmers 

teach other farmers. The existing San Francisco Research Station could be enlarged and 

adapted, or even better, an existing finca should be acquired. Finally, a wide range of 

measures to detect and especially to prevent illegal forest activities should be included. Legal 

behavior should be encouraged by simplifying regulations, reviewing forestry law, and 

promoting reforestation and forest management. This strategy has been successfully applied 

in Costa Rica (Karousakis 2007: 17). 

105 

According to Kanninen (2007: 39) the introduction of sustainable activities in exchange for property rights is 

being tested in Southeast Asia. 

267

7.3 THE BIOSPHERE RESERVE PODOCARPUS-EL CÓNDOR: THE RIGHT FRAMEWORK FOR 

CONSERVATION IN SOUTHERN ECUADOR? 

According to the literature, Biosphere Reserves have provided an ideal model for linking 

protected areas with their associated working landscapes since their creation under the 

auspices of the UNESCO Man and Biosphere Programme (cf. Matysek et al. 2006; Pohle 

2004). The functions of these reserves are to contribute to the conservation of landscapes, 

ecosystems, species and genetic variation, to foster economic and human development which 

is socio-culturally and ecologically sustainable, and to offer support for research, monitoring, 

education and information exchange related to local, national and global issues of 

conservation and development (cf. UNESCO 2010; Baumgartl 1997). Recent research in 

Mexico by Figueroa & Sánchez-Cordero (2008) suggests that Biosphere reserves are more 

effective in preventing natural vegetation loss than other conservation areas. Krishna et al. 

(2002: 328) considered Biosphere Reserves as particularly appropriate in mountain 

environments that have human populations. Therefore, the Biosphere Reserve Podocarpus El 

Cóndor is in theory the perfect framework to reconcile the conservation of biodiversity with 

its sustainable use in southern Ecuador. Yet, as pointed out by Battisse, labeling a biosphere 

reserve as sustainable does not suffice (Batisse 1997, cited in Shafer 1999: 135). Southern 

Ecuador faces a great challenge and there is a lot to do. The Podocarpus National Park, the 

Colambo Yacuri National Park, and the future reserve Mura Nunka (cf. Ch. 3.1.4.1) could 

certainly constitute ideal core areas free from human activities (with the exception of research 

and ecotourism) but must be strictly protected. The designation of the area as Biosphere 

Reserve should also attract additional funding for the proposed land use practices and raise 

regional and national awareness of environmental issues. The suggested scientific stations or 

ideal farms described in the last two chapters could be a first step. They are in complete 

accord with the idea of Biosphere Reserves and would serve as pilot sites or learning places to 

explore and demonstrate approaches to conservation and sustainable development (cf. 

UNESCO 2010). Furthermore, the proposed alternative land use practices could enhance 

people’s livelihoods and guarantee environmental sustainability inside the buffer zone, 

reducing or even eliminating conflicts. However, these processes are yet to occur and even if 

they do, the Biosphere Reserve alone would not be a silver bullet to solve all conservation 

concerns in southern Ecuador. Some of the causes of biodiversity loss have been described in 

Chapters 6.1.7 and 6.2.7. Other causes may have their origin in macroeconomic forces such as 

population growth, international demand for minerals and agricultural products, national 

income, economic growth, structural adjustment, foreign debt, and so forth. Nevertheless, it is 

not only the macro-level forces that are important, but also the strategies of colonists 

themselves in response to these forces. Their decisions are ultimately what determine the fate 

of the remaining forests (Pichón 1996a: 351). The results by Angelsen & Kaimowitz (1999) 

after synthesizing more than 140 economic models showed the complexity of determining the 

causes of tropical deforestation; only the construction of new roads, higher agricultural prices, 

and lower wages and lack of off-farm employment led clearly to more deforestation and 

biodiversity loss. Indeed, roads have indeed a high impact in the study area and are one of the 

unsolved conservation problems in southern Ecuador. As pointed out by Wunder (2000: 223) 

268

and shown in Chapters 6.1.7.3 and 6.2.7.3 for the area of study, road construction has for 

many years been a strategy for integration in a country with poor infrastructure, but today it is 

often of ambiguous social value and used to support the re-election of local politicians, 

especially in rural areas. Thus, better environmental education and information at all levels, 

more political transparency and solid institutions and the enforcement of civil society should 

be supported. The success of a citizen movement that included universities and NGOs against 

the construction of a road from Cajanuma to Las Lagunas del Compadre (a complex of lakes 

inside the Podocarpus National Park, cf. Fig. 7) promoted by the major of the city of Loja in 

2004 (Cisneros et al. 2004) shows the possibilities of and need for this option. 

Higher agricultural prices usually lead to an expansion of the areas under agricultural use and 

therefore to deforestation and biodiversity loss. This is probably the case in the area of study 

as well. However, the data of this study are not sufficient to prove this point. Nevertheless, the 

statement of one of the informants reinforces this assertion and shows the national and 

international interrelations of regional beef production. According to Informant 25M (2007) 

beef demand in southern Ecuador rises when the banana export prices increase. In other 

words, if the international demand for bananas rises, Ecuadorian banana producers have 

greater revenue and increase their demand for beef, inducing deforestation in southern 

Ecuador. This region is not an isolated case; in a globalized world, the conservation of 

biodiversity requires a global view. 

Angelsen & Kaimowitz (1999: 84) reported that higher rural wages reduce deforestation by 

making agricultural and forestry activities more costly. At a household level, greater off-farm 

employment opportunities compete with deforestation activities for labor. Policies that favor 

off-farm employment opportunities for rural people should reduce deforestation, thus 

conserving forests and diminishing poverty (Kaimowitz & Angelsen 1998: 92). According to 

Pichón (1996b: 46) households in the Ecuadorian Amazon in which members worked more 

time off-farm converted less of their forest to crops and pasture. On their part, Serrăo et al. 

(1996: 9) underlined the necessity of developing an agro-industry in order to create jobs to 

reduce deforestation in Amazonian areas. This is currently one of the problems in southern 

Ecuador; there is a lack of off-farm labor in Loja and Zamora Chinchipe Provinces (cf. Ch. 

3.1.6.2). Local agricultural products are seldom processed locally. In fact, early results of an 

ongoing market survey show that a significant portion of the fruit sold in the markets of Loja 

comes from other Ecuadorian regions like Ambato or Santo Domingo de los Colorados, 

which are located several hundred kilometers away. As highlighted by Guerrero Carrión 

(2002), the local bourgeoisie has seldom invested in productive sectors. Without the political 

and economical willingness and involvement of the local elite it will be very difficult to 

reverse this situation, especially in times where migration no longer seems to be an option. 

In light of these aspects, the Biosphere Reserve could play a key role beyond demarcating 

spaces for biodiversity conservation. With a participatory approach, it could represent the 

territorial model that articulates the development of environmental conservation, society, and 

economy in southern Ecuador, putting aside local political interests and shortsighted 

regionalisms. 

269

8 CONCLUSION 

As highlighted in Chapter 1.3, the main objectives of this study were (1) to document the use 

of plant resources by the three main ethnic groups of southern Ecuador, namely the Shuar, the 

Saraguros and the Mestizos, (2) to describe their current land use systems, and (3) to identify 

sustainable use alternatives that may fit in the area, one of the most important hotspots of 

biodiversity worldwide (cf. Ch. 1.2). 

The plant inventory comprises 644 useful species, making this work one of the most 

comprehensive ethnobotanical surveys of Ecuador (cf. de la Torre et al. 2008 and literature 

therein). The study indicates clear differences in plant use and plant knowledge among the 

three ethnic groups. On the one hand, the variability in species composition derives from the 

different ecological parameters along the altitudinal gradient. While the investigated Shuar 

settlements are located in premontane rainforest areas, the Saraguro and Mestizo settlements 

are in areas of lower montane rainforest. On the other hand, the specific cultural background 

and ways of life of the three ethnic groups are particularly relevant in this context. Their 

respective land uses affect species composition and result in landscapes with different levels 

of forest cover and biological diversity. The rich plant diversity of southern Ecuador is 

undoubtedly reflected in the ethnobotany of its inhabitants. 

This study has confirmed the great plant lore of the Shuar and has detected the comprehensive 

plant knowledge of the Saraguro and Mestizo settlers. Political and economic forces however, 

encourage the incorporation of these indigenous and local peoples into markets, and the 

conversion of land to economically productive but environmentally unsustainable uses that 

could put an end to the unique biodiversity treasure in southern Ecuador. More ethnobotanical 

research in the area is urgently needed to determine the degree of acculturation and to prevent 

the probable loss of the traditional knowledge of the oldest generations. Since the loss of plant 

knowledge is mainly linked to socio-economic aspects, the modernization in pursuit of a 

higher quality of life for indigenous and local groups must be harmonized with the protection 

and promotion of their traditional knowledge and biodiversity. This research has shown a 

series of alternatives that could make these goals possible. A mixed concept of classic 

Integrated Conservation and Development Projects (ICDP) measures such as ecotourism and 

agroforestry (including improved agroforestry, forest restoration, reforestation, and the 

cultivation of niche products) complemented with payments for environmental services (PES) 

appears to be the most attractive alternative. 

Nevertheless, in order to achieve the goal of protecting biodiversity in southern Ecuador “by 

using it” without “using it and losing it” (cf. Pohle & Gerique 2006; Daily & Ellison 2002; 

Ch. 1.1), several challenges remain. First, more environmental education among all social and 

political classes of Ecuadorian society is necessary to raise awareness of the value of 

biodiversity and the consequences of its loss. Second, further research on ecosystems and on 

the ecological impacts of the harvesting of useful wild plants and other non-timber forest 

products should be conducted. And third, market surveys and accurate financial analyses of 

270

alternative production systems and products are urgently needed. However, the loss of 

biodiversity in southern Ecuador is not only a local, Ecuadorian problem. As the formation of 

the Intergovernmental Science Policy Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services 

(IPBES) by the UN in June 2010 shows, it represents a global concern that requires global 

solutions and compromises. 

271

9 ABSTRACT 

The montane and premontane rainforests of southern Ecuador constitute a hotspot of 

biodiversity (cf. Brehm et al. 2008; Barthlott et al. 2007, Neill 2007). The use of plant 

resources from these forest areas is a fundamental part of the portfolio of livelihood activities 

of the local population. Increasing human activity however results in biodiversity loss. The 

extension of pastures and fields, logging, mining and the construction of roads represent the 

main threats to biodiversity in southern Ecuador. In order to develop conservation strategies it 

is of utmost importance to understand the plant and forest-use patterns of the inhabitants of 

this region. In this way, it will be possible to develop alternatives that consider local claims 

while conserving biodiversity (cf. Pohle et al. 2010). 

In this study ethnoecological and agrogeographical research methods have been used to make 

a qualitative analysis of the ethnospecific plant knowledge and plant use of the three main 

ethnic groups of southern Ecuador, namely the Shuar, the Saraguros and the Mestizos. This is 

followed by a discussion of the feasibility in the study sites of four so-called instruments for 

biodiversity conservation: agroforestry, ecotourism, payments for environmental services, and 

bioprospecting. 

The resulting ethnobotanical inventory includes 644 useful species and 16 main use 

categories. Edible and medicinal plants are the most important use categories. Ten percent of 

the identified species (64) has not been mentioned in the Encyclopaedia of the useful plants of 

Ecuador (de la Torre et al. 2008) so far. Herbs and trees represent the most common life 

forms used by all studied ethnic groups. 

The Shuar are traditional forest dwellers and have a comprehensive knowledge of plants: 316 

different plant species with a total of 493 uses have been recorded. They are traditionally 

engaged in a number of livelihood activities that include fishing, hunting, and the gathering of 

wild plants. They get more than 40% of the plant species they use from the forests. In 

addition, they cultivate plant species which cannot be sufficiently (e.g. edible plants) or 

promptly (e.g. medicinal plants, ritual and mythical plants, fish poisons) extracted from the 

forest. The high number and variety of uses (ranging from edible fruits to shampoos and 

insecticides) reflect their wide plant knowledge. Similar to other Amazonian cultures, the 

traditional subsistence system of the Shuar is based on a combination of home gardens, slash 

and burn cultivation in forest gardens and the extraction of resources from the forest. In recent 

times the Shuar have entered the market economy through the small-scale production of cash 

crops, cattle ranching, and logging. At present population levels, the traditional home and 

forest gardens represent sustainable production systems and places of great agrobiodiversity 

(Pohle et al. 2010; Pohle & Gerique 2008; 2006). Increased production of cash crops could 

however result in habitat destruction. In addition, cattle ranching and logging have a negative 

impact. Pasture land competes with forest for land and requires the clearing of large tracts of 

forest. Due to the logging commercial timber, species such as Terminalia amazonia, 

Platymiscium pinnatum or Cedrelinga cateniformes have been over-exploited. The Shuar 

272

have apparently over-exploited game species as well, a factor that may have consequences in 

plant diversity: The zoochory or dispersion of seeds and other diaspores by wild animals 

could have been negatively affected. The possible over-use of certain non-timber forest 

products such as palm hearts remains unclear. Without being “ecologically noble savages” 

(cf. Alvard 1993) the Shuar are effective partners for biodiversity conservation. Their land use 

system can be considered sustainable (Pohle et al. 2010; Pohle & Gerique 2008; 2006; Rudel 

et al. 2002). 

The inventory of the Saraguros of El Tibio and El Cristal comprises 230 plant species with a 

total of 310 uses; among the Mestizo of Los Guabos, Sabanilla, El Retorno, and La Fragancia 

312 useful species with a total of 409 uses has been recorded. The ethnobotanical knowledge 

of the Saraguro and the Mestizo settlers is generally similar. They make little use of forest 

plant resources; less than 10% of the species used by the Saraguros and 5% of the species 

used by the Mestizos are forest plants, mostly timber species. The forest is considered a 

reserve for new pasture and maize production. In contrast to the Shuar, who mainly use wild 

species collected in the forest, the Saraguros and the Mestizos make an extended use of wild 

species that grow in disturbed sites and pastures. Most relevant are cultivated species, which 

represent half of the plants used by both ethnic groups. Cultivated plants are used in cattle 

ranching (e.g. fodder species, shade trees, living fences), and secure and diversify food 

supplies and plant remedies. Both groups make an extended use of cultivated ornamental 

plants. In recent times some families have introduced new ornamental species and sell them 

outside the communities. 

The ethnobotanical survey suggests that ongoing acculturation processes result in the loss of 

plant knowledge. Their integration into the market economy has probably replaced traditional 

self-made products with goods acquired in market places, which results in a loss of plant 

knowledge among younger generations (Reyes García et al. 2005; Benz et al. 2000; Putsche 

2000). 

Most Saraguros and Mestizos have arrived in the area of study over the past six decades; the 

first settlers were poor landless farmers searching for land. The removal of trees for grazing 

and agricultural lands was a basic requirement to prove possession of land in order to get 

property titles from the Ecuadorian State (Barsky 1988). As a result, large areas of montane 

forest were cleared by burning. In this way, both ethnic groups have transformed most of the 

pristine vegetation of their communities into pastures. The construction of the road between 

Loja and Zamora during the 1960s attracted more settlers; they worked as day laborers or, if 

they had enough capital, bought existing fincas (Pohle & Gerique 2006). The road also 

allowed the exploitation of timber, mainly of the romerillo species (Podocarpus oleifolius and 

Prumnopitys montana). 

While the basic food supply is guaranteed by cultivation in fields and home gardens, cattle 

raising is market oriented. Today it represents the main land use system among Saraguros and 

Mestizos and fulfills multiple objectives: the production of beef and dairy products provides 

households with a regular income, it awards a prestigious social status, and represents a way 

of accumulating wealth. However, the forest is basically considered to be a reserve for new 

land for pastures and agriculture. The Saraguros and the Mestizos jeopardize in this way the 

273

sustainability of their economic systems; the forest, which is its own resource base, is being 

reduced. 

On the basis of these findings, the implementation of the above mentioned instruments for 

biodiversity conservation is discussed. In the case of the Shuar, ways must be found to 

conserve their traditional ecological knowledge during their inevitable transition to modernity 

and the market economy. It is necessary to foster additional sources of income that improve 

human well being and the conservation of biodiversity, and that make non-traditional, nonsustainable 

practices such as cattle ranching unnecessary. Without sustainable income 

alternatives, market forces and the demographic pressure would lead to an intensification of 

logging, large scale agriculture, and mining activities. Community-based ecotourism appears, 

in the short term, to be the most promising sustainable source of alternative income, followed 

by the implementation of agroforestry systems in the medium term. Other options such as 

payments for environmental services (e.g. REDD programs) and bioprospecting ventures 

appear less attractive, as they are hostage to political interests, bad image and unclear 

legislation. 

In the case of the Saraguros and Mestizos, the actual land use system based on cattle ranching 

turns out to be incompatible with the conservation of forest resources and long term 

household prosperity. Its significance in local economies should thus be reduced through 

diversification. An agroforestry system that includes reforestation, restoration and connection 

of forest patches, and sustainable selective logging could be implemented in the medium term 

(cf. Günter et al. 2009; Knoke et al. 2009a; 2009b; Stimm et al. 2008; Weber et al. 2008; 

Aguirre et al. 2006; Cabrera et al. 2006). In the short term, improved pasture management 

(including leguminous trees and living fences with useful species), and the small-scale 

production of niche products in home gardens could be alternatives to cattle ranching (Pohle 

et al. 2010). 

Market surveys should be conducted to determine the niche products, and economic safety 

nets that secure the introduction and viability of alternative sustainable land use activities 

need to be put in place. Payments for environmental services (e.g. payments for watershed 

protection or the Ecuadorian Socio Bosque Program) are an example of a way of generating 

the seed money for such projects. A network of long-distance trails could represent another 

way of generating alternative income in the region through ecotourism. Finally, to reduce the 

high scepticism towards conservation, improved environmental education and a readjustment 

of the borders of disputed protective forest areas must be considered. The realignment needs 

to take into consideration the demands of long-term inhabitants to gain credence among the 

local population. 

274

10 ZUSAMMENFASSUNG 

Die montanen und premontanen Regenwälder der tropischen Anden Südecuadors sind ein 

Hotspot der Biodiversität (vgl. Brehm et al. 2008; Barthlott et al. 2007, Neill 2007). Die 

Nutzung der pflanzlichen Ressourcen in diesen Wäldern ist für die Mehrzahl der Bevölkerung 

eine wesentliche Grundlage ihrer Existenz. Allerdings tragen diese anthropogenen Eingriffe 

erheblich zum Verlust der biologischen Vielfalt bei. Die Ausdehnung von Weideland und 

Ackerbau, die Holzentnahme, der Bergbau und der Bau von Straßen stellen die größten 

Gefahren dar. Um erfolgreiche Entwicklungskonzepte zum Schutz und zur nachhaltigen 

Nutzung der Biodiversität zu entwickeln, ist es dringend erforderlich, die Nutzungsansprüche 

und Interessen der lokalen Bevölkerung zu verstehen und zu berücksichtigen (vgl. Pohle et al. 

2010). 

In dieser Arbeit werden ethnoökölogische und agrargeographische Untersuchungsmethoden 

angewendet, um eine qualitative Analyse der ethnospezifischen Pflanzenkenntnisse und 

Pflanzennutzungen der drei wichtigsten ethnischen Gruppen Südecuadors, nämlich der Shuar, 

der Saraguros und der Mestizos, durchzuführen. Anschließend wird die Landnutzung 

beschrieben und die Umsetzbarkeit von vier sogenannten Instrumenten zum Schutz der 

Biodiversität diskutiert: Agroforstwirtschaft, Ökotourismus, Zahlungen für Umweltleistungen 

und Bioprospektion. 

Das im Rahmen der Arbeit erstellte ethnobotanische Inventar beinhaltet 644 genutzte 

Pflanzenarten, die nach 16 Hauptnutzungskategorien differenziert wurden. Nahrungs- und 

Medizinalpflanzen bilden die wichtigsten Kategorien. Ein Zehntel der identifizierten Arten 

(64) wurde laut der Enzyklopädie der nützlichen Pflanzen Ecuadors (vgl. de la Torre et al. 

2008) bislang noch nicht als solche erwähnt. Kräuter und Bäume sind die am häufigsten 

genutzten botanischen Lebensformen bei den untersuchten ethnischen Gruppen. 

Die Shuar sind traditionelle Regenwaldbewohner und haben ein ausgesprochen 

umfangreiches Wissen über Pflanzen und deren Nutzungsmöglichkeiten. Im Rahmen dieser 

Arbeit wurden bei den Shuar aus Chumpias, Shaime und Napints insgesamt 316 verschiedene 

Pflanzenarten mit 493 unterschiedlichen Nutzungen erfasst. Traditionelle Aktivitäten wie das 

Fischen, das Jagen, und das Sammeln von Wildpflanzen aus dem Regenwald, die mehr als 

40% der Nutzpflanzen ausmachen, sichern ihren Lebensunterhalt. Pflanzen, die in größeren 

Mengen benötigt werden (vor allem Nahrungspflanzen), oder die für bestimmte Anlässe 

sofort zur Verfügung stehen müssen (z. B. Medizinalpflanzen, rituelle Pflanzen, Fischgifte) 

werden nicht nur wild gesammelt, sondern auch angebaut. Die große Anzahl und die Vielfalt 

von Nutzungen spiegeln ihr umfangreiches Pflanzenwissen wider. Wie im Fall anderer Völker 

Amazoniens, basiert die traditionelle Subsistenzwirtschaft der Shuar auf einer Kombination 

von Anbau in Hausgärten, Wanderfeldbau mit Brandrodung sowie dem Sammeln von 

Waldprodukten. In jüngster Zeit nehmen die Shuar im geringem Unfang an der 

Marktwirtschaft mit Aktivitäten wie dem Anbau von cash crops, Viehwirtschaft und dem 

Verkauf von Nutzholz, teil. Unter der Bedingung einer nicht weiter ansteigende 

275

Bevölkerungszahl können ihre traditionellen Haus- und Waldgärten als nachhaltige 

Produktionssysteme und als Orte mit einer großen Agrobiodiversität angesehen werden (vgl. 

Pohle et al. 2010; Pohle & Gerique 2008; 2006). Allerdings könnte eine Intensivierung der 

Produktion von cash crops zur Zerstörung des Lebensraums beitragen. Viehzucht und 

Holzextraktion haben ebenfalls negative Auswirkungen auf die Biodiversität, da sie mit einer 

hohen Abholzungsrate verbunden sind. Der Verkauf von Nutzholzarten hat dazu geführt, dass 

Arten wie z. B. Terminalia amazonia, Platymiscium pinnatum oder Cedrelinga cateniformes 

bereits stark dezimiert wurden. Offensichtlich haben die Shuar auch die Wildbestände 

überjagt, was Konsequenzen für die Pflanzendiversität haben könnte. Die Zoochorie oder 

Ausbreitung von Samen und anderen Diasporen durch Tiere könnte dadurch stark 

beeinträchtigt werden. Die Frage, ob bestimmte Nicht-Holz-Produkte, z. B. Palmherzen, 

übernutzt werden, wurde bisher nicht geklärt. Auch wenn die Shuar auf Grund der oben 

beschriebenen Wirtschaftsweisen heute nicht mehr als „ökologisch edle Wilde“ (vgl. Alvard 

1993) gelten können, sind sie dennoch wichtige Partner für den Schutz von Biodiversität. 

Insgesamt kann das traditionelle Landnutzungssystem der Shuar als nachhaltig bewertet 

werden (vgl. Pohle et al. 2010; Pohle & Gerique 2008, 2006; Rudel et al. 2002). 

Das Inventar der Saraguros aus El Tibio und El Cristal beinhaltet 230 Pflanzenarten mit 

insgesamt 310 Nutzungen. Bei den Mestizos aus Los Guabos, Sabanilla, El Retorno und La 

Fragancia wurden 312 Nutzpflanzen mit insgesamt 409 Nutzungen verzeichnet. Das 

ethnobotanische Wissen der Saraguros und der Mestizo Siedler ist weitgehend vergleichbar. 

Die Waldressourcen finden kaum Verwendung, weniger als 10% der Pflanzenarten, die von 

den Saraguros genutzt werden, und nur 5% der Arten, die bei den Mestizos Anwendung 

finden, sind Waldarten, üblicherweise Nutzhölzer. Während die Shuar Pflanzen aus dem 

Wald nutzen, benutzen die Saraguros und die Mestizos überwiegend Pflanzen, die auf Weiden 

und Ruderalstellen wachsen (etwa 42% der genutzten Arten). Besonders relevant sind aber 

die angebauten Arten. Sie werden als Futterpflanzen, Schattenbäume oder als lebende Zäune 

in der Viehwirtschaft eingesetzt, sichern die Versorgung mit Nahrungs- und Heilmitteln und 

sorgen für Abwechslung im Speiseplan. Außerdem kultivieren beide ethnische Gruppen eine 

große Zahl von Zierpflanzen. In jüngster Zeit haben einige Familien angefangen, diese 

Pflanzen außerhalb der Gemeinden zu verkaufen. 

Die ethnobotanischen Untersuchungen geben Hinweise darauf, dass Prozesse der 

Akkulturation tendenziell zu einem Verlust von Pflanzenwissen führen. Möglicherweise hat 

die Integration in die Marktwirtschaft zum Ersatz von traditionell hergestellten Produkten mit 

gekauften Gütern zur Folge geführt und so zum Verlust der Pflanzenkenntnisse beigetragen 

(vgl. Reyes García et al. 2005; Benz et al. 2000; Putsche 2000). 

Die Untersuchungsregion wurde während der letzten sechs Jahrzehnte von Mestizos und 

Saraguros kolonisiert. Die ersten Siedler waren arme, landlose Bauern auf der Suche nach 

eigenem Land welches ihnen vom Ecuadorianischen Staat zugesprochen wurde, wenn sie es 

besiedelten und bewirtschafteten (Barsky 1988). Die Folge war eine flächenhafte 

Brandrodung der Bergregenwälder, um den Besitzanspruch zu sichern. Beide ethnische 

Gruppen wandelten große Teile der ursprünglichen natürlichen Vegetation in Weiden um. Der 

Bau der Straße zwischen Loja and Zamora in den 1960er Jahren zog weitere Siedler an, die 

276

als Lohnarbeiter eine Beschäftigung fanden oder genug Kapital hatten, um eigene fincas zu 

kaufen (Pohle & Gerique 2006). Durch den Straßenbau wurde auch der Holzeinschlag, 

besonders von den romerillo-Arten (Podocarpus oleifolius und Prumnopitys montana), 

forciert. 

Während Feld- und Gartenbau fast ausschließlich der Subsistenzversorgung dienen, ist die 

Viehwirtschaft marktorientiert, insbesondere bei den Saraguros. Sie erfüllt mehrere 

Funktionen: Die Produktion von Fleisch und Milchprodukten sichert ein regelmäßiges 

Einkommen, verleiht soziales Ansehen und bietet die Möglichkeit Kapital anzusparen. Der 

Wald gilt heute insbesondere als Landreserve für neues Weideland und für die Gewinnung 

von Ackerland. Dadurch bringen die Saraguros und Mestizos die Nachhaltigkeit des eigenen 

wirtschaftlichen Systems in Gefahr, denn die Wälder, die die Grundlage ihrer Ressourcen 

bilden, werden weiterhin dezimiert. 

Basierend auf diesen Ergebnissen wird die Umsetzung der oben genannten Instrumente zum 

Schutz der Biodiversität für die verschiedenen ethnischen Gruppen diskutiert. Im Fall der 

Shuar müssen trotz des unvermeidlichen Wandels hin zur Moderne und zur Marktwirtschaft 

Wege gefunden werden, die es ermöglichen, ihr traditionelles indigenes Wissen zu bewahren. 

Darüber hinaus müssen zusätzliche Einkommensquellen gefördert werden, um gleichzeitig 

die Lebensqualität der lokalen Bevölkerung und den Schutz der Biodiversität zu verbessern. 

Ohne die Einführung von nachhaltigen Einkommensalternativen werden aller Voraussicht 

nach eine Eingliederung der Shuar in die Markwirtschaft und das Ansteigen der Bevölkerung 

zu einer Intensivierung der Landnutzung führen. Die vorliegende Arbeit kommt zu dem 

Ergebnis, dass ein gemeindebasierter Ökotourismus kurzfristig die aussichtsreichste 

nachhaltige Einkommens-alternative darstellt, gefolgt von Agroforstwirtschaft als eine 

mittelfristige Lösung. Bis heute sind andere Alternativen wie die Zahlungen für 

Umweltleistungen (z. B. REDD Programme) und Bioprospektion weniger attraktiv, denn sie 

werden häufig im Kontext intransparenter Gesetzgebung politisch instrumentalisiert. 

Im Fall der Saraguros und Mestizos ist die Viehwirtschaft in der jetzt praktizierten Form 

unvereinbar mit dem Schutz von Waldressourcen und einer langfristigen Überlebenssicherung 

der Bevölkerung. Aus diesem Grund müsste der Anteil der Viehwirtschaft an der lokalen 

Wirtschaft durch Diversifizierung verringert werden. Eine mögliche mittelfristige Lösung 

wäre die Einführung eines Agroforstsystems, das Aufforstung sowie eine nachhaltige, 

selektive Holznutzung umfasst (vgl. Günter et al. 2009; Knoke et al. 2009a; 2009b; Stimm et 

al. 2008; Weber et al. 2008; Aguirre et al. 2006; Cabrera et al. 2006). Kurzfristige 

Alternativen zur aktuell praktizierten Viehwirtschaft wären ein verbessertes 

Weidemanagement (inklusive dem Anbau von Leguminosen und lebenden Zäunen) sowie der 

kleinflächige Anbau von Nischenprodukten in Hausgärten (Pohle et al. 2010). 

Dafür müsste zunächst eine Marktanalyse durchgeführt werden, um die in Frage kommenden 

Nischenprodukte zu identifizieren. Außerdem wäre ein finanzielles Sicherheitsnetz 

erforderlich, das zum einen Startkapital bereitstellt, zum anderen aber auch die 

Durchführbarkeit dieser Alternativen sichert. Zahlungen für Umweltleistungen (z. B. 

Zahlungen zum Schutz von Wassereinzugsgebieten oder das ecuadorianische Socio Bosque 

Programm) stellen erfolgversprechende Ansätze dar. Ein ökotouristisches Netz von 

277

Weitwanderwegen könnte eine weitere Möglichkeit sein, um alternative Einkommen in der 

Region zu erwirtschaften. Um dem großen regionalen Skeptizismus gegenüber Naturschutz 

entgegenzuwirken, müssten lokale Umweltbildungsmaßnahmen der Bevölkerung unterstützt 

werden. Nicht zuletzt könnte eine Neuordnung von konfliktreichen Schutzgebietsgrenzen zu 

einer höheren Akzeptanz dieser Schutzgebiete in der Bevölkerung führen. 

278

11 REFERENCES 

Adams, W.M., Aveling, R., Brockington, D., Dickson, B., Elliot, J., Hutton, J., Roe, D., Vira, B. & Wolmer, W. 

2004. Biodiversity Conservation and the Eradication of Poverty. In: Science 306: 1146-1149 

Aguirre, N., Günter, S., Weber, M. & Stimm B. 2006. Enrichment of Pinus patula Plantations with Native 

species in southern Ecuador. In: Lyonia 10(1): 33-45 

Aguirre, Z. & Maldonado, N. 2004. Ecosistemas, biodiversidad, etnias y culturas de la Región Amazónica 

Ecuatoriana. Universidad Nacional de Loja UNL, Centro de Estudios y desarrollo de la Amazonía 

CEDAMAZ, Programa de modernización de los servicios agropecuarios PROMSA 

Aguirre, Z., Merino, B. & Maza, B. 2000. Plantas Medicinales de Zamora Chinchipe y Loja. Universidad 

Nacional de Loja. Facultad de Ciencias Agrícolas. Herbario Reinaldo Espinosa. CETTIA-UTPL. Loja 

Aguirre Torres, C. 2005. Algunos criterios sobre: Tierra, Tenencia y Legalización. Fundación Podocarpus, 

Fondo Ambiental, NCI (Naturaleza y Cultura Internacional) & BOPRISUR (Red de Bosques Privados de 

Sur). Loja 

Albán, M. & Argüello, M. 2004. Un análisis de los impactos sociales y económicos de los proyectos de fijación 

de carbono en el Ecuador. El caso de PROFAFOR-FACE. EcoCiencia/IIED 

Albuja, L. 1997. Mammals of Miazi. In: Schulenberg, T.S. & Awrey, K. (eds.). The Cordillera del Cóndor 

Region of Ecuador and Peru: A Biological Assessment. Conservation International. RAP Working Papers 7, 

Washington D.C.: 73-75 

Alcorn, J.B. 1995. Keynote address: Big Conservation and Little Conservation: Collaboration in Managing 

Global and Local Heritage. In: Local Heritage in the Changing Tropics. Innovative Strategies for Natural 

Resource Management and Control. Bulletin of the Yale School of Forestry and Environmental Studies. 

Yale 

Alcorn, J.B. 1996. Is Biodiversity Conserved by Indigenous Peoples? In: Jain S.K. (ed). Ethnobiology in Human 

Welfare. Deep Publications. New Dehli. 233-238 

Alexiades, M.N. 1996. Collecting ethnobotanical data: An introduction to basic concepts and techniques. In: 

Alexiades M.N. (ed). Selected Guidelines for Ethnobotanical Research: A Field Manual. The New York 

Botanical Garden Press. Bronx, New York: 53-94 

Alexiades, M.N. & Shanley, P. 2005. Forest Products, Livelihoods and Conservation: Case Studies of Non- 

Timber Forest Product Systems. In: Alexiades, M.N. & Shanley, P. (eds.). Forest Products, Livelihoods and 

Conservation: Case Studies of Non-Timber Forest Product Systems. Volume 3. Latin America. CIFOR 

(Center for International Forestry Research), Bogor, Indonesia. 

Alvarado Alvarado, R.P. 2000. Levantamiento de la cubierta vegetal en la reserva biológica de la Estación 

Científica San Francisco y diagnóstico socioeconómico del área de influencia. Tesis de Ingeniero Forestal. 

Facultad de Ciencias Agrícolas, Escuela de Ingeniería Forestal. Universidad Nacional de Loja. Loja. 

279

Alvard, M.S. 1993. Testing the “Ecologically Noble Savage” Hypothesis: Interspecific Prey Choice by Piro 

Hunters of Amazonian Peru. In: Human Ecology 21 (4): 355-387 

Alvard, M.S. 1998. Evolutionary Ecology and Resource Conservation. In: Evolutionary Anthropology 7: 62-74 

Ambrose-Oji, B. 2003. The contribution of NTFPs to the livelihoods of the “forest poor”: evidence from the 

tropical forest zone of south-west Cameroon. In: International Forestry Review 5 (2): 106-117 

Amend, T. & Amend S. 1997. Ecuador. In: Ellenberg, L. Ökotourismus: Reisen zwischen Ökonomie und 

Ökologie. Spektrum Akademischer Verlag GmbH. Heidelberg, Berlin, Oxford: 235-240 

Anderson, A. (ed.). 1990. Alternativas a la deforestación. Fundación Natura, Abya-Yala, Museo Emilio Goeldi. 

Cayambé 

Angelsen, A. & Kaimowitz, D. 1999. Rethinking the Causes of Deforestation: Lessons from Economic Models. 

In: The World Bank Research Observer 14 (1): 73-98 

Añazco, M., Loján, L. & Yaguache, R. 2004. Productos forestales no madederos en el Ecuador. DFC/Ministerio 

del Ambiente, Gobierno de los Países Bajos. Quito 

Apolo, W. & Becking, M. 2003. Conservando el Parque Nacional Podocarpus mediante una Estrategia 

Corporativa de Desarrollo Sustentable. In: Lyonia 4 (2): 109-114 

ARCO IRIS - Fundación Ecológica 2010. Iniciativas. Fondo Procuencas http://www.arcoiris.org.ec/ 

iniciativas/index.php/ (Verified 17.07. 10) 

Argüello, M. & Aguilar, Z. 2006. Towards a sustainable management of medicinal and aromatic plants: The case 

of the Agroartesanal Association of Producers of Dried Medicinal Plants of Ecuador AAPPSME. In: 

Medicinal Plant Conservation. Newsletter of the Medicinal Plant Specialist Group of the IUCN Species 

Survival Commision. Volume 12: 17-21 

Arias Benavides, H. 2004. Zamora de Ayer y Hoy. Honorable Consejo Provincial de Zamora Chinchipe. 

Zamora. 

Arnold, J.E.M. & Ruiz Pérez, M. 2001. Can non-timber forest products match tropical forest conservation and 

development objectives? In: Ecological Economics 39: 437-447 

Asner, G.P., Knapp, D.E, Broadbent, E.N., Oliveira, P.J.C., Keller, M. & Silva, J.N. 2005. Selective logging in 

the Brazilian Amazon. In: Science 310: 480-482 

Atta-Krah, K., Kindt, R., Skilton, J.N. & Amaral, W. 2004. Managing biological and genetic diversity in tropical 

agroforestry. In: Agroforestry Systems 61: 183-194 

Backhaus, K., Erichson, B., Plinke, W. & Weiber, R. 2003. Multivariate Analysemethoden. Eine 

anwendungsorientierte Einführung. Springer. Berlin-Heidelberg 

Bätzing, W. 1990. Weitwandern und “sanfter Tourismus”. Einige grundsätzliche Anmerkungen und 

Bewertungskriterien. In: Weitwanderer. Juni (3): 6-9 

Báez, S. 1999. El uso de los recursos del bosque. In: Borgtoft, H., Skov F., Fjedså J., Schjellerup I. & Øllgaard 

B. (eds.). La gente y la biodiversidad. Dos estudios en comunidades de las estribaciones de los Andes en 

Ecuador. Centro para la Investigación de la Diversidad Cultural y Biológica de los Bosques Pluviales 

Andinos (DIVA), Dinamarca y Ediciones Abya Yala, Ecuador 

280

Baldock, J.W. 1982. Geology of Ecuador – explanatory bulletin of the national geological map of the Republic 

of Ecuador. Ministerio de Recursos Naturales y Energéticos, Dirección General de Geología y Minas, Quito 

Balmford, A., Bruner, A., Cooper, P., Costanza, R., Farber, S., Green, R.E., Jenkins, M., Jefferiss, P., Jessamy, 

V., Madden, J., Munro, K., Myers, N., Naeem, S., Paavola, J., Rayment, M., Rosendo, S., Roughgarden, J., 

Trumper, K, & Turner, R.K. 2002. Economic Reasons for Conserving Wild Nature. In: Science 297: 950- 

953 

Barbier, E.B. 2004. Explaining Agricultural Land Expansion and Deforestation in Developing Countries. In: 

Amer. J. Agr. Econ 86:5. 1347-1353 

Barkin, D. 1996. Ecotourism: A Tool for Sustainable Development in Era of International Integration? In: 

Miller, J.A., Malek-Zadeh, E. (eds.). The Ecotourism Equation: Measuring the Impacts. Bulletin Series. 

Yale School of Forestry and Environmental Studies 99. Yale University, New Haven, Connecticut 

Barriga, R. 1997. Fish fauna of the Río Nangaritza and tributaries. In: Schulenberg, T.S. & Awrey, K. (eds.). The 

Cordillera del Cóndor Region of Ecuador and Peru: A Biological Assessment. Conservation International. 

RAP Working Papers 7, Washington D.C.:86-87 

Barrett, C.B. & Lybbert T.J. 2000. Is bioprospecting a viable strategy for conserving tropical ecosystems? In: 

Ecological Economics 34: 293-300 

Barsky, O. 1988. La Reforma Agraria Ecuatoriana. Corporación Editora Nacional. Quito 

Barthlott, W., Hostert, A., Kier, G., Küper, W., Kreft., H., Mutke, J., Rafiqpoor, D. & Sommer, H. 2007. 

Geographic Patterns of Vascular Plant Diversity at Continental to Global Scales. In: Erdkunde 61 (4): 305- 

315 

Bass, S., Dubois, O., Moura Costa, P., Pinard, M., Tipper, R. & Wilson, C. 2000. Rural livelihoods and carbon 

management. IIED Resource Issues Paper No. 1. International Institute for Environment and Development. 

London 

Baumgartl, H. 1997.The Potential Role of Biosphere Reserves In Piloting Effective Co-Operative Management 

Systems for Heritage, Landscape and Nature Conservation. In: Gordon Nelson, J. & Serafin, R. (eds.). 

National Parks and Protected Areas. Keystones to Conservation and Sustainable Development. Springer 

Verlag Berlin Heidelberg: 187-190 

Bawa, K. & Dayanandan, S. 1997. Socioeconomic factors and tropical deforestation. In: Nature 386: 562-563 

Beck, E., Makeschin, F., Haubrich, F., Richter, M., Bendix, J. & Valarezo, C. 2008a. The ecosystem (Reserva 

Biológica San Francisco). In: Gradients in a Tropical Mountain Ecosystem of Ecuador. Beck, E., Bendix, J., 

Kottke, I., Makeschin, F. & Mosandl, R. (eds.). Springer-Verlag, Berlin Heidelberg: 1-13 

Beck, E., Mosandl, R., Richter, M. & Kottke, I. 2008b. The investigated gradients. In: Gradients in a Tropical 

Mountain Ecosystem of Ecuador. Beck, E., Bendix, J., Kottke, I., Makeschin, F. & Mosandl, R. (eds.). 

Springer-Verlag, Berlin Heidelberg: 55-63 

Beck, E., Hartig, K. & Roos., K. 2008c. Forest Clering by Slash and Burn. In: Gradients in a Tropical Mountain 

Ecosystem of Ecuador. Beck, E., Bendix, J., Kottke, I., Makeschin, F., Mosandl, R. (eds.). Springer-Verlag, 

Berlin Heidelberg: 387-390 

281

Beck, E. & Richter, M. 2008d. Ecological aspects of a biodiversity hotspot in the Andes of southern Ecuador. In: 

Gradstein, S.R., Homeier, J. & Gansert, D. (eds.). The Tropical Mountain Forest – Patterns and Processes in 

a Biodiversity Hotspot. Biodiversity and Ecology Series 2: 195-217 

Becker, C.D. & Ghimire, K. 2003. Synergy Between Traditional Ecological Knowledge and Conservation 

Science Supports Forest Preservation in Ecuador. In: Conservation Ecology 8 (1): 1 

Becking, M. 2003. Estrategia Ambiental para el Desarrollo Humano Sustentable de la Microregión del Parque 

Nacional Podocarpus. Cogestión Microregional alrededor del Co-manejo del Parque Nacional Podocarpus. 

Programa Podocarpus. Loja 

Becking, M. 2004. Sistema Microregional de Conservación Podocarpus. Tejiendo (micro) corredores de 

conservación hacia la cogestión de una Reserva de Biosfera Cóndor-Podocarpus. Programa Podocarpus. 

Loja, Ecuador 

Béjar, E., Bussmann, R., Roa, C. & Sharon, D. 2001. Herbs of Southern Ecuador. A field guide to the medicinal 

plants of Vilcabamba. Latino Herbal Press. Spring Valley, California 

Belote, J. 1998. Los Saraguros del Sur del Ecuador. Abya Yala. Quito. 

Belote, J. & Belote, L. 1999. The Saraguros:, 1962 – 1997: A very brief overview. http://www.saraguro.org/ 

overview.htm (Verified 18. 05.08) 

Bendix, J., Behling, H., Peters, T., Richter, T. & Beck, E. 2010. Functional biodiversity and climate change 

along an altitudinal gradient in a tropical mountain rainforest. In: Tscharntke, T., Leuschner, C., Veldkamp, 

E., Faust, H. Guhardja, E. & Bidin, A. (eds). Tropical Rainforests and Agroforests under Global Change. 

Environmental Science and Engineering. Springer-Verlag Berlin Heidelberg : 477-509. 

Benjamin, K., Bouchard, A., Domon, G. 2008. Managing Abandoned Farmland : The Need to lionk Biological 

and Sociological Aspects. In: Environmental Management 42: 603-619 

Bennett, B.C. 1992a. Plants and People of the Amazonian Rainforests. BioScience 42 (8): 599-607 

Bennett, B.C. 1992b. Hallucinogenic plants of the Shuar and related indigenous groups in Amazonian Ecuador 

and Peru. In: Brittonia 44(4): 483-493 

Bennett, B.C., Baker, M.A., & P. Gómez Andrade. 2002. Ethnobotany of the Shuar of Eastern Ecuador. 

Advances in Economic Botany Volume 14. The New York Botanical Garden Press. Bronx, New York. 

Bennett, B.C. & Husby, C.E. 2008. Patterns of medicinal plant use: An examination of the Ecuadorian Shuar 

medicinal flora using contingency table and binomial analyses. In: Journal of Ethnopharmacology 116: 422- 

430 

Bennett, B.C. & Prance, G.T. 2000. Introduced Plants in the Indigenous Pharmacopoeia of Northern South 

America. In: Economic Botany 54(1): 90-102 

Benz, B.F., Cevallos J., Santana F., Rosales J. & Graf, M. 2000. Losing knowledge about plant use in the Sierra 

de Manantlan Biosphere Reserve, Mexico. In: Economic Botany 54(2): 183-191 

Berkes, F. 1993. Traditional Ecological Knowledge in Perspective. In: Traditional Ecological Knowledge. 

Concepts and Cases. Inglis J.T. (ed.). IDRC. Ottawa 

282

Best, B.J. & Kessler, M. 1995. Biodiversity and conservation in Tumbesian Ecuador and Peru. Cambrigde, 

Birdlife International 

Bhagwat, S.A., Willis, J., Birks, H.J. & Whittaker, R.J. 2008. Agroforestry: a refuge for tropical biodiversity? In: 

Trends in Ecology and Evolution 23(5): 261-267 

BioTrade Initiative 2006. Primeras experiencias en el apoyo a cadenas de valor de productos de Biocomercio. 

BioTrade Facilitation Programme. BioTrade Initiative. UNCTAD. http://www.unctad.org/ 

biotrade/BTFP/BTFP-docs/Working_docs/Case_Studies-es.pdf (Verified 09.07.10) 

BirdLife International. 2009. Important Bird Area factsheet: Parque Nacional Podocarpus, Ecuador. 

http://www.birdlife.org. (Verified 4.6.09) 

BMU (Bundesministerium für Umwelt, Naturschutz und Reaktorensicherheit) 2008. Key Results of the 9th 

meeting of the Conference of the Parties to the CBD in Bonn 

http://www.bmu.de/english/nature/un_conference_on_biological_diversity_2008/papers/doc/41651.php 

(Verified 07.11.08) 

Bojsen, B.H. & Barriga, R. 2002. Effects of deforestation on fish community structure in Ecuadorian Amazon 

streams. In: Freshwater Biology 47: 2246-2260 

Bonham, C.A., Sotomayor, E. & Tzi, E. 2008. Protecting imperilled “paper parks”: potential lessons from the 

Sierra Chinajá, Guatemala. In: Biodiversity Conservation 17: 1581-1593 

Borchenius, F., Borgtoft, H. & Balslev, H. 1998. Manual to the palms of Ecuador. AAU Reports 37. Department 

of Systematic Botany, Aarhus University 

Bortz, J. & Döring, N. 2005. Forschungsmethoden und Evaluation für Human- und Sozialwissenschaftler. 

Springer, Heidelberg 

Borgtoft, H., Skov F., Fjedså J., Schjellerup I. & Øllgaard B. (eds.) 1999. La gente y la biodiversidad. Dos 

estudios en comunidades de las estribaciones de los Andes en Ecuador. Centro para la Investigación de la 

Diversidad Cultural y Biológica de los Bosques Pluviales Andinos (DIVA), Dinamarca y Ediciones Abya 

Yala, Ecuador 

Bourbonnais-Spear, N., Awad, R., Merali, Z., Maquin, P., Cal, V. & Arnason, J.T. 2007. Ethnopharmacological 

investigation of plants used to treat susto, a folk ilness. In: Journal of Ethnopharmacology 109: 380-387 

Brako, L., & Zarucchi, J.L. 1993. Catálogo de las angiospermas y gimnospermas del Perú. Vol. 45. Missouri 

Botanical Garden Press, St. Louis. 

Brehm, G., Homeier, J., Fielder, K., Kottke, I., Illig, J., Nöske, N.M., Werner, F. & Breck, S.-W. 2008. 

Mountain Rain Forests in Southern Ecuador as a Hotspot of Biodiversity – Limited Knowledge and 

Diverging Patterns. In: Gradients in a Tropical Mountain Ecoystem of Ecuador. Beck, E., Bendix, J., Kottke, 

I., Makeschin, F. & Mosandl, R. (eds.). Springer-Verlag, Berlin Heidelberg: 15-24 

Broad, S. 2001. The nature and extent of legal and illegal trade in wildlife. Paper presented at the seminar or 

Wildlife Trade Regulation and Enforcement. Cambridge, TRAFFIC International and Africa Resources 

Trust 

283

Broadbent, E.N., Asner, G.P., Keller, M., Knapp, D.E., Oliveira, P.J.C. & Silva, J.N. 2008. Forest fragmentation 

and edge effects from deforestation and selective logging in the Brazilian Amazon. In: Biological 

Conservation 141: 1745-1757 

Brockerhoff, E.G., Jactel, H., Parrotta, J.A., Quine, C.P. & Sayer, J. 2008. Plantation forests and biodiversity: 

oxymoron or opportunity? In: Biodiversity Conservation 17: 925-951 

Browder, J.O., Pedlowski, M.A. & Summers, P.M. 2004. Land Use Patterns in the Brazilian Amazon: 

Comparative Farm-Level Evidence From Rondônia. In: Human Ecology 32(2): 197-224 

Browder, J.O. 1995. Redemptive Communities: Indigenous Knowledge, Colonist Farming Systems, and 

Conservation of Tropical Forests. In: Agriculture and Human Values 12 (1):17-30 

Browder, J.O., Pedlowski, M.A. & Walker, R. 2008. Revisiting Theories of Frontier Expansion in the Brazilian 

Amazon: A Survey of the Colonist Farming Population in Rondônia’s Post-frontier, 1992-2002. In: World 

Development 36(8): 1469-1492 

Bruner, A.G., Gullison, R.E., Rice, R.E. & da Fonseca, G.A.B. 2001. Effectiveness of Parks in Protecting 

Tropical Biodiversity. In: Science 291: 125-128 

Buckley, R. 2003. Case Studies in Ecotourism. CABI Publishing 

Burbano, M. 2008. La conservación y el desarrollo en zonas rurales habitadas: implicaciones entre el bosque 

Protector Corazón de Oro y la comunidad de El Tibio, Parrroquia Imbana, Cantón Zamora. Disertación 

previa a la obtención del título de licenciatura en ciencias geográficas y estudios ambientales. Facultad de 

Ciencias Humanas, Escuela de Geografía. Pontificia Universidad Católica del Ecuador (PUCE). Quito 

Buschbacher, R., Uhl, C. & Serrăo, E.A.S. 1988. Abandoned pastures in eastern Amazonia. II. Nutrient stocks in 

the soil and vegetation. In: Journal of Ecology 76: 682-699 

Bussmann, R.W. & Sharon, D. 2006. Traditional medicinal plant use in Loja province, Southern Ecuador. In: 

Journal of Ethnobiology and Ethnomedicine 2:44 

Butler, R.A. & Laurance, W.F. 2008. New strategies for conserving tropical forests. In: Trends in Ecology and 

Evolution 23 (9): 469-472 

Bye, R. 1995. Ethnobotany of the Mexican dry tropical forests. In: Bullock, S.H., Mooney, H.A. & Medina, E. 

(eds.). Seasonally dry tropical forests. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge: 423-438. Cited in Phillips 

1996. 

Byg, A. 2004. Humans and plants of the rain forest. PhD Thesis. Department of Systematic Botany, University 

of Aarhus, Denmark 

Byg, A. & Balslev, H. 2006. Palms in indigenous and settler communities in southeastern Ecuador: farmers’ 

perceptions and cultivation practices. In: Agroforestry Systems 67: 147-158 

Cabrera Cisneros, O., Günter, S. & Mosandl, R. 2006. Dynamics in natural and selectively logged tropical 

mountain rain forests of South Ecuador. In: Lyonia 10(1): 87-97 

Caillavet, C. 1986. Los Grupos Étnicos Prehispánicos del Sur del Ecuador según las Fuentes Etnohistóricas. 

IFEA. Quito 

284

Calvas, B., Knoke, T., Hildebrandt, P., Bösch, M. & Gerique, A. Submitted to Ecological Economics. Financial 

analysis of land use options for small farms in Southern Ecuador. 

Cámara de Industriales de Pichincha 2008. Boletín Económico. Número 28. Abril 

Camargo, J.C. 2003. Sistemas silvopastoriles con Laurel (Cordia alliodora) en el trópico húmedo y sub-húmedo 

de Costa Rica. In: II Conferencia Electrónica sobre Agroforesterá para la Producción Animal en América 

Latina. FAO. http://www.fao.org/ag/aga/AGAP/FRG/agrofor1/Agrofor1.htm (Verified 09.07.10) 

Campbell Steere, W. 1945. The Botanical Work of the Cinchona Missions in South America. In: Science 101 

(2616): 177-178 

Campos, M.T. & Ehringhaus C. 2003. Plant virtues are in the eyes of the beholders: A comparison of known 

palm uses among indigenous and folk communities of southwestern Amazonia. Economic Botany 57 (3): 

324-344. 

Cañadas Cruz, L. 1983. El mapa bioclimático y ecológico del Ecuador. Quito. Ministerio de Agricultura y 

Ganadería – PRONAREG. 

Cáritas Española, Red con Voz, Centro de Comunicación y Democracia. Fundació Un Sol Món & Caixa de 

Catalunya. 2004. El proceso emigratorio en la provincia de Loja. Plan Migración, Comunicación y 

Desarrollo. Junio (4) 

Carpentier, C.L., Vosti, S.A. & Witcover, J. 2000. Intensified production systems on western Brazilian Aamazon 

settlement farms: could they save the forest? In: Agriculture, Ecosystems and Environment 82: 73-88 

Carvalho, T., Pinto, C. & Peleteiro M.C. 2006. Urinary Bladder Lesions in Bovine Enzootic Haematuria. In: 

Journal of Comparative Pathology 134(4): 336-346 

Castillo Vivanco J. B. 2003. Loja Siglo XXI. Guía Turística de la Región Sur del Ecuador. Municipio de Loja. 

Loja 

CATER (Centro Andino de Tecnología Rural, Universidad Nacional de Loja) 1996. Diagnóstico agro-socioeconómico 

de la reguión sur. Loja 

Cerón, C.E. 1991. Manejo florístico shuar-achuar (Jíbaro) del ecosistema amazónico en el Ecuador. In: Hombre 

y Ambiente, El punto de vista indígena, Año V, enero-marzo, Nr. 17, Ediciones Abya-Yala 

Cerón, C.E. 2002a. Etnobotánica de la comunidad de Alao, zona de influencia del Parque Nacional Sangay. 

Cinchonia 3(2): 55-63 

Cerón, C.E. 2002b. Etnobotánica del Río Upano, sector Purshi-Zuñac, Parque Nacional Sangay. In: Cinchonia 3: 

36-45 

Cerón, C.E. 2003. Manual de Botánica. Sistemática, Etnobotánica y Métodos de Estudio en el Ecuador. Editorial 

Universitaria, Quito 

Cervigni, R. 2001. Biodiversity in the Balance. Land Use, National Development and Global Welfare. Edward 

Elgar Publishing. Cheltenham, UK-Northampton, MA, USA 

Chandrasekharan, C., Frisk, T. & Campos Roasio, J.C. 1996. Desarrollo de productos forestales no madederos 

en América Latina y el Caribe. Oficina Regional de la FAO (Food and Agriculture Organisation) para 

América Latina y el Caribe. Santiago de Chile 

285

Chapin III, F.S., Zavaleta, E.S., Eviner, V.T., Naylor R.L., Vitousek, P.M., Reynolds, H.L., Hooper, D.U., 

Lavorel, S., Sala, O.E., Hobbie, S.E., MAck, M.C. & Díaz, S. Consequences of changing biodiversity. In: 

Nature: 405: 234-242 

Chazdon, R.L. 1998. Tropical Forests – Log ‘Em or Leave ‘Em? In: Science 281 (5381): 1295-1296 

Chazdon, R.L. 2008. Beyond Deforestation: Restoring Forests and Ecosystem Services on Degraded Lands. In: 

Science 320: 1458-1460 

Cheers, G. (ed.) 2003. Botanica. Random House, Australia 

Chevalier, J.M. & Sánchez Bain, A. 2003. The hot and the cold. Ills of humans and maize in Native Mexico. 

University of Toronto Press 

Chicchón, A. 2009. Working with Indigenous Peoples to Conserve Nature: Examples from Latin America. In: 

Conservation and Society 7 (1): 15-20 

Chiriboga, M. 1988. La reforma agraria ecuatoriana y los cambios en la distribución de la propiedad rural 

agrícola 1974-1985. In: Gondard, P., León J., Peltre P., Sylva P. (eds.). Transformaciones agrarias en el 

Ecuador. Geografía Básica del Ecuador. Tomo V, Geografía Agraria Volumen I. IPGH (sección Ecuador) y 

ORSTOM (Francia). Quito: 39 -57 

Choo, J., Zent, E.L. & Simpson. 2009. The Importance of Traditional Ecological Knowledge for Palm-Weevil 

Cultivation in the Venezuelan Amazon. In: Journa of Ethnobiology 29 (1): 113-128 

CIA (Central Intelligence Agency) 2009. The World Factbook. Ecuador. 

https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/ec.html. (Verified 05.08.09) 

Cincotta, R.P., Wisnewski, J. & Engelman, R. 2000. Human population in the biodiversity hotspots. In: Nature 

404: 990-991 

CINFA (Centro Integrado de Geomática Ambiental), Herbario de la Universidad Nacional de Loja, Municipio de 

Nangaritza y Programa Podocarpus. 2003. Zonificación Ecológica y Socioeconómica del Cantón 

Nangaritza. Loja. 

Cisneros, R, López, F., Ordoñez, L. & Guzmán, W. 2004. La carretera Cajanuma-Lagunas del Compadre en el 

Parque Nacional Podocarpus. In: Páramos y obras de infraestructura 15. Órgano de difusión del Grupo de 

Trabajo de Páramos del Ecuador. 

Clapp, R.A. & Crook, C. 2002. Drowning in the Magic Well: Shaman Pharmaceuticals and the Elusive Value of 

Traditional Knowledge. In: Journal of Environment & Development 11 (1): 79-102 

Clay, J.W & Clement, C.R. 1993. Selected species and strategies to enhance income generation from Amazonian 

forests. FAO (Food and Agriculture Organization) Working Papaer. Rome 

CODENPE (Consejo de Desarrollo de las Nacionalidades y Pueblos del Ecuador), 2005: Nacionalidad Indígena 

Shuar. http://www.codenpe.gov.ec/shuar.htm Verified 18.05.2008 

Colchester, M. 1996. Beyond "participation": indigenous peoples, biological diversity conservation and 

protected area management. In: Unasylva 186 (47) 3. FAO, Rome 

Colchester, M. 2000. Self-Determination or Environmental Determinism for Indigenous Peoples in Tropical 

Forest Conservation. In: Conservation Biology 14(5): 1365-1367 

286

Conde, P.Fr.T. 1988: Los Yaguarzongos. Historia de los Shuar de Zamora. Abya-Yala, Quito. Reprint of the 

publication “Conde, P. Fr. T. 1931: Los Yaguarsongos. Historia de los Jívaros de Zamora”, Loja 

CONFENIAE (Confederación de Nacionalidades Indígenas de la Amazonía Ecuatoriana) 2007. Las 

Nacionalidades indígenas continúan las luchas contra las compañías mineras y petroleras que han invadido 

nuestros 

07.07.09) 

territorios. http://www.confeniae.org/es/comunicados/07073_mafia_mineras.html (Verified 

Conservation International 2007. Conservation Carbon - Reforesting Ecuador's Northwestern Rain Forests 

http://www.celb.org/xp/CELB/programs/climate/conservation_carbon_coastalrainforest.xml (Verified 

30.06.09) 

Conservation International 2009. Explore: Priority Areas, South America, Tropical Andes. 

http://www.conservation.org/explore/priority_areas/hotspots/south_america/Tropical-Andes/Pages/default. 

aspx (Verified 08.05.09) 

Cook, B., Pengelly, B., Brown S., Donnelly, J., Eagles, D., Franco, A., Hanson, J., Mullen, B., Partridge, I., 

Peters, M. & Schultze-Kraft, R. 2005a. Tropical Forages: An Interactive Selection Tool is a collaborative 

effort between CSIRO Sustainable Ecosystems, Department of Primary Industries & Fisheries (Qld), Centro 

Internacional de Agricultura Tropical (CIAT) and the International Livestock Research Institute (ILRI). 

www.tropicalforages.info/key/Forages/Media/Html/Melinis_minutiflora.htm. (Verified 10.08.10) 


Peters, M. & Schultze-Kraft, R. 2005b. Tropical Forages: An Interactive Selection Tool is a collaborative 



www.tropicalforages.info/key/Forages/Media/Html/Setaria_sphacelata_var._splendida.htm (Verified 

10.08.10) 


Peters, M. & Schultze-Kraft, R. 2005c. Tropical Forages: An Interactive Selection Tool is a collaborative 



www.tropicalforages.info/key/Forages/Media/Html/Setaria_sphacelata_var._anceps.htm (Verified 10.08.10) 


Peters, M. & Schultze-Kraft, R. 2005d. Tropical Forages: An Interactive Selection Tool is a collaborative 



www.tropicalforages.info/key/Forages/Media/Html/Pennisetum_clandestinum.htm (Verified 10.08.10) 


Peters, M. & Schultze-Kraft, R. 2005e. Tropical Forages: An Interactive Selection Tool is a collaborative 


Internacional de Agricultura Tropical (CIAT) and the International Livestock Research Institute 

www.tropicalforages.info/key/Forages/Media/Html/Axonopus_compressus.htm (Verified 10.08.10) 

287

Coomes, O.T. 2010. Of stakes, Stems, and Cuttings: The Importance of Local Seed Systems in Traditional 

Amazonian Societies. In: The Professional Geographer 62(3): 323-334 

Coomes, O.T. & Ban, N. 2004. Cultivated Plant Species Diversity in Home Gardens of an Amazonian Peasant 

Village in Northeastern Peru. In: Economic Botany 58(3): 420-434 

Coomes, O.T. & Burt, G.J. 1997. Indigenous market-oriented agroforestry: dissecting local diversity in western 

Amazonia. In: Agroforestry Systems 37: 27-44 

CORDELIM (Corporación para la Promoción del Mecanismo de Desarrollo Limpio del Ecuador) 2009. 

Database. http://www.cordelim.net/cordelim.php?c=747 (Verified 28.06.09) 

Cordero Camacho, D. 2008. Esquemas de pagos por servicios ambientales para la conservación de cuencas 

hidrográficas en el Ecuador. In: Investigación Agraria: Sistemas y Recursos Forestales 17(1): 54-66 

Cope, G. 1996. Nature Travel and Rainforests. In: Miller, J.A., Malek-Zadeh, E. (eds.). The Ecotourism 

Equation: Measuring the Impacts. Bulletin Series. Yale School of Forestry and Environmental Studies 99. 

Yale University, New Haven, Connecticut 

Corporación de Estudios y Publicaciones. 2006. Legislación Forestal. Quito 

Costales, P & Costales A. 1977: La Nación Shuar. Serie “E”: Etnohistoria, segunda parte. Centro de 

Documentación e Investigación Cultural Shuar. Sucúa 

Cotton, C.M. 1996. Ethnobotany. Principles and Applications. John Wiley & Sons. Chistester 

Cox, P.A. 2000. Will Tribal Knowledge Survive the Millenium? In: Science 287:44-45 

Coy, M. 2007. Brasilien. Ländliche und städtische Entwicklung zwischen Fragmentierung und Nachhaltigkeit. 

In: Handbuch des Geographieunterrichts , Band 8 (2): 1-14 

Cragg, G.M., Newman, D.J. & Snader, K.M. 1996. Natural Products in Drug, Discovery and Development. In: J. 

Nat. Prod. 60: 52-60 

Cruz Cevallos, I. (ed.) 1991. Flora Guayaquilensis. La expedición Botánica de Juan Tafalla a la Real Audiencia 

de Quito 1799-1808. Colección Historia de las Ciencias 2. Ediciones Abya-Yala. Quito 

Cunningham, A.B. 1996. People, park and plant use. Recommendations for multiple-use zones and development 

alternatives around Bwindi Impenetrable National Park, Uganda. In: People and Plants Working Paper 4. 

UNESCO, Paris. 

Cunningham, A.B. 2001. Applied Ethnobotany. People, Wild Plant use and Conservation. WWF, Earthscan 

Publications Ltd, London and Sterling, VA. 

Cuvi, N. 2006. Dos cajones con semillas de eucalipto. Pasado interandino, ¿futuro costero? In: Ecuador Tierra 

Incógnita 37: 30-33 

Dagang, A.B.K. & Nair, P.N.R. 2003. Silvopastoral research and adoption in Central America: recent findings 

and recommendations for future directions. In: Agroforestry Systems 59: 149-155 

Daily, G.C. 1999. Developing a scientific basis for managing Earth's life support systems. Conservation Ecology 

3(2): 14. 

Daily, G.C. & Ellison, K. 2002. The new economy of nature. The quest to make conservation profitable. Island 

Press, Washington DC 

288

Daily, G.C., Söderqvist, T., Aniyar, S., Arrow, K., Dasgupta, P., Ehrlich, P.R., Folke, C., Jansson, A.M., Janson, 

B.-O., Kautsky, N., Levin, S., Lubchenco, J., Mäler, K.-G., Simpson, D., Starrett, D., Tilman, D. & Walker, 

B. 2000. The Value of Nature and the Nature of Value. In: Science 289 (5478): 395-39 

D’Antonio, C.M., Tunison, J.T. & Loh, R.K. 2000. Variation in teh impact of exotic grasses on native plant 

composition in relation to fire across an elevation gradient in Hawaii. In: Austral Ecology 25: 507-522 

D’Antonio, C.M., Hughes, R.F. & Vitousek, P.M. 2001. Factors influencing dynamics of two invasive C4 

grasses in seasonally dry Hawaiian woodlands. In: Ecology 82 (1): 89-104 

Davenport, L., Brockelman, W.Y., Wright, P.C., Ruf, K. & Rubio del Valle, F.B. 2002. Ecotourism Tools for 

Parks. In: Terborgh, J., van Schaik, C., Davenport, L. & Rao, M. (eds.). Making Parks Work: Strategies for 

Preserving Tropical Nature. Island Press 

de Albuquerque, U.P, de Sousa Araújo T.A., Alves Ramos, M., Teixeira do Nascimento, V., Farias Paiva de 

Lucena, R., Marcelino Monteiro, J., Leal Alencar, N. & de Lima Araújo, E. 2009. How ethnobotany can aid 

biodiversity conservation: reflexions on investigations in the semi-arid region of NE Brazil. In: Biodiversity 


de la Torre, L. & Balslev, H. 2008. La diversidad cultural del Ecuador. In: de la Torre, L., Navarrete, H., P. 

Muriel, L., Macía, M.J. & Balslev, H. (eds.) 2008. Enciclopedia de las Plantas Útiles del Ecuador. Herbario 

QCA & Herbario AAU. Quito & Aarhus: 39-52 

de la Torre, L. & P.Macía, M.J. 2008. La etnobotánica en el Ecuador. In: de la Torre, L., Navarrete, H., P. 

Muriel, L., Macía, M.J. & Balslev, H. (eds.) 2008. Enciclopedia de las Plantas Útiles del Ecuador. Herbario 

QCA & Herbario AAU. Quito & Aarhus. 13-27 

de la Torre, L., Muriel, P. & Balslev, H. 2006. Etnobotánica en los Andes del Ecuador. In: Moraes, M., Øllgaard, 

B., Kvist, L.P., Borchsenius, F. & Balslev, H. (eds.). Botánica Económica de los Andes Centrales. 

Universidad Mayor de San Andrés, La Paz: 246-267 

Descola, P. 1994. In the society of nature: A native ecology in Amazonia. Cambridge University Press, 

Cambridge. Cited in Bennet et al. 2002 

Diario La Hora 2004. Moradores Alto Nangaritza piden derogar Ley. 9 de marzo: A2 

Diario La Hora 2007. El Podocarpus es reserva de biósfera. 21 de septiembre: A3 

Diario La Hora 2009. No habrá minería en el Alto Nangaritza. 11 de junio http://www.lahora.com.ec/ 

index.php/noticias/show/888854/-1/No_habr%C3%A1_miner%C3%ADa_en_Alto_Nangaritza%27.html 


Diario La Hora 2010a. Se unen para proteger a la palma de ramos. 10 de marzo http://www.lahora.com.ec/ 

index.php/noticias/show/1006277/-1/Se_unen_para_proteger_a_la_palma_de_ramos.html (Verified 11.03.10) 

Diario La Hora 2010b. Corte Constitucional condicionó ley minera. 20 de marzo http://www.lahora.com.ec/ 

index. php/noticias/show/1010379/-1/Corte_Constitucional_condicion%C3%B3_ley_minera.html (Verified 

11.07.10) 

Diario La Hora 2010c. Incautan máquinas de mineros. 17 de septiembre http://www.lahora.com.ec/ 

index.php/noticias/show/1101019376/-1/home/goRegional/El%20Oro (Verified 11.07.10) 

289

Diario La Hora 2010d. Prefectura defiende convenios firmados. 11 de marzo http://www.lahora.com.ec/ 

index.php/noticias/show/1006236/1/Prefectura_defiende_convenios_firmados.html (Verified 11.3.2010) 

Diaz Merchán, J.A. & Ibañez, L.M. 2004. Sector assessment on natural ingredients for cosmetics and 

pharmaceuticals in Colombia. UNCTAD Biotrade Initiative. UNTCTAD/DITC/TED/2004/2. United 

Nations 

Di Gregorio, A. & Jansen, L.J.M. 1998. A New Concept for a Land Cover Classification System. The Land 2 

(1): 55-65, cited in FAO & UNEP 1999. 

DIPECHO (Disaster Prepardness ECHO) 2007. Seminario nacional DIPECHO. Preparación ante desastres en 

Ecuador. Documento País. Quito 

Djoghlaf, A. 2008a. Linking Networks, Sharing Ideas on Biological and Cultural Diversity. In: Convention on 

Biological Diversity (ed.) Pachamama. Volume 1, Issue 1: 8-11 

Djoghlaf, A. 2008b. Biodiversity: An Integral Part of Our Response to Climate Change. In: Convention on 

Biological Diversity (ed.) Pachamama. Volume 2, Issue 2: 1-2 

Donovan, D.G. & Puri, R.K. 2004. Learning from Traditional Knowledge of Non-timber Forest Products: Penan 

Banalui and the Autecology of Aquilaria in Indonesian Borneo. In: Ecology and Society 9(3):3. 

Drumm, A. 1991. An integrated impact assessment of nature tourism in Ecuador’s Amazon region. School of 

Environmental Sciences. University of Greenwich. London 

Dubois, J.C.L. 1990. Los barbechos forestales como forma útil del uso de la tierra en fronteras agrícolas de la 

Amazonía. In: Anderson. A. (ed.). 1990. Alternativas a la deforestación. Fundación Natura, Abya-Yala, 

Museo Emilio Goeldi. Cayambé: 285-300 

Duchelle, A.E. 2007. Observations on Natural Resource use and Conservation by the Shuar in Ecuador’s 

Cordillera del Cóndor. In: Ethnobotany Research & Applications 5: 5-23 

Dudley, N. (ed.) 2008. Guidelines for Applying Protected Area Management Categories. Gland, IUCN. 

Durand, L. & Lazos, E. 2008. The Local Perception of Tropical Deforestation and its Relation to Conservation 

Policies in Los Tuxtlas Biosphere Reserve, Mexico. In: Human Ecology 36: 383-394 

du Toit, J.T., Walker, B.H. & Campbell, B.M. 2004. Conserving tropical nature: current challenges for 

ecologists. In: Trends in Ecology and Evolution 19: 12-17 

ECOLEX (Corporación de Gestión y Derecho Ambiental) 2005. Proyecto ProBenefit. Informe de Consultoría. 

Marco Jurídico Internacional, Regional y Nacional para la Consulta y Participación Indígena en el Contexto 

de Acceso a Recursos Biológicos y Conocimientos Tradicionales Asociados 

EFPIA (European Federation of Pharmaceutical Industries and Associations) 2007. Report. Good Business 

Practice & Case Studies on Biodiversity. Brussels 

Eisenberg L. 1977. Disease and illness: Distinctions between professional and popular ideas of sickness. In: 

Culture, Medicine and Psychiatry 1: 9-23 

Elleman, L. 1990. Saraguroerne og deres planter. Specialerapport. Vejledere: Henrik Balslev & Benjamin 

Øllgaard. Botanisk Institut, Aarhus Universitet 

290

Elleman, L. 1991. El uso de la madera del bosque montano por los Saraguros. In: Ríos, M. & Pedersen, B. (eds.). 

Las Plantas y El Hombre. Memorias del Primer Simposio Ecuatoriano de Etnobotánica y Botánica 

Económica. Ediciones Abya-Yala. Quito 

Ellenberg, L. 1997. Ökotourismus: Reisen zwischen Ökonomie und Ökologie. Spektrum Akademischer Verlag 

GmbH. Heidelberg, Berlin, Oxford 

Ellenberg, L. 1999. Schutz der Biodiversität in Costa Rica durch ihre Nutzung. In: Geographische Rundschau 

51: 7-8 

Emck, P. 2007. A Climatology of South Ecuador with special focus on the Major Andean Ridge as Atlantic- 

Pacific Climate Divide. Dissertation. Faculty of Geography. University of Erlangen-Nürnberg. 

Espinosa, R. 1997. Estudios botánicos en el sur del Ecuador. 2ª edición. Herbario Reinaldo Espinosa, 

Universidad Nacional. Loja 

Estrella, E. 1986. El pan de América. Etnohistoria de los alimentos aborígenes en El Ecuador. Banco Central del 

Ecuador. Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas. Centro Superior de Estudios Históricos. Madrid 

Estrella, J., Manosalvas, R., Mariaca, J. & Ribadeneira, M. 2005. Biodiversidad y Recursos Genéticos. Una guía 

para su uso y acceso en el Ecuador. Ecociencia, INIAP, MAE y Abya Yala, Quito 

Eyzaguirre, P.B. & Watson J.W. (eds.). 2002. Home gardens and agrobiodiversity: an overview across regions. 

In: Home gardens and in situ conservation of plant genetic resources in farming systems. Proceedings of the 

Second international Home Gardens Workshop, 17-19 July 2001, Witzenhausen, Federal Republic of 

Germany. IPGRI 

FAO (Food and Agriculture Organization) 1995. Non-wood forest products for rural income and sustainable 

forestry. FAO Non-Wood Forest Products 7 

FAO (Food and Agriculture Organization) 1999. Use and potential of wild plants in farm households. FAO Farm 

Systems Management Series - 15 Rome 

FAO (Food and Agriculture Organization) 2001. Global Forest Resources Assessment 2000. FAO Forestry 

Paper 140. Rome 

FAO (Food and Agriculture Organization) 2005. Otros productos agrícolas de importancia. Perspectivas 

alimentarias, No. 2. Junio. 

FAO (Food and Agriculture Organization) 2006. Global Forest Resources Assessment 2005. FAO Forestry 

Paper 147. Rome 

FAO (Food and Agriculture Organization) 2007a. The State of Food and Agriculture 2007. FAO Agriculture 

Series 38. Rome 

FAO (Food and Agriculture Organization) 2007b. State of the World's Forests 2007. Rome. 

FAO (Food and Agriculture Organization) 2007c. Trade Measures – Tools to Promote the Sustainable Use of 

NWFP? Non-Wood Forest Products Working Document 6. Rome 

FAO (Food and Agriculture Organization) 2009. State of the World's Forests 2009. Rome. 

291

FAO (Food and Agriculture Organization) & UNEP (United Nations Environment Programme) 1999. The future 

of our land. Facing the challenge. Guidelines for integrated planning for sustainable management of land 

resources. Rome. ftp://ftp.fao.org/agl/agll/docs/futland.pdf. (Verified 10.09.2010) 

Fauroux, E. 1988. Las transformaciones de los sistemas de producción en el mundo rural ecuatoriano de 1960 a 

1980. In: Gondard, P., León J., Peltre P., Sylva P. (eds.). Transformaciones agrarias en el Ecuador. 

Geografía Básica del Ecuador. Tomo V, Geografía Agraria Volumen I. IPGH (sección Ecuador) y 

ORSTOM (Francia). Quito. 109-134 

Fearnside, P.M. 2005. Deforestation in Brazilian Amazonia: History, Rates, and Consequences. In: Conservation 

Biology 19(3): 680-688 

Ferguson, B.G., Vandermeer, J., Morales, H. & Griffith, D.M. 2003. Post-Agricultural Succession in El Petén, 

Guatemala. In: Conservation Biology 17 (3): 818-828 

Ferraro, P.J. & Kiss, A. 2002. Direct Payments to Conserve Biodiversity. In: Science 298: 1718-1719. 

Fiedler, K. & Beck. E. 2008. Investigating gradients in ecosystem analysis. In: Gradients in a Tropical Mountain 

Ecoystem of Ecuador. Beck, E., Bendix, J., Kottke, I., Makeschin, F., Mosandl, R. (eds.). Springer-Verlag, 


Figueroa, F. & Sánchez-Cordero, V. 2008. Effectiveness of natural protected areas to prevent land use and land 

cover change in Mexico. In: Biodiversity Conservation 17: 3223-3240 

Foley, J.A. , Asner, G.P., Heil Costa, M., Coe, M.T., DeFries, R., Gibbs, H.K., Howard, E.A., Olson, S., Patz, J., 

Ramanakutty, N. & Snyder, P. 2007. Amazonia revealed: forest degradation and loss of ecosystem goods 

and services in the Amazon Basin. In: Front. Ecol. Environ. 5 (1): 25-32 

Forest Trends, The Katoomba Group & UNEP (United Nations Environmental Programme) 2008. Payments for 

Ecosystem Services. Getting Started: A Premier. UNON/Publishing Services Section. Nairobi 

Forsyth, A. 1997. Foreword. In: Schulenberg, T.S. & Awrey, K. (eds.). The Cordillera del Cóndor Region of 

Ecuador and Peru: A Biological Assessment. Conservation International. RAP Working Papers 7, 

Washington D.C.: 10-15 

Francescutti D. 2002. Regularización de la tenencia de tierras: evolución, costos, beneficios y lecciones. El caso 

de Ecuador. FAO Investment Centre Occasional Paper Series 13. Rome 

Franzel, S., Denning, G.L., Lillesø, J.P.B. & Mercado Jr., A.R. 2004. Scaling up the impact of agroforestry: 

Lessons from three sites in Africa and Asia. In: Agroforestry Systems 61: 329-344 

Fujisaka, S., Escobar, G. & Veneklaas, E.J. 2000. Weedy fields and forests: interactions between land use and 

the composition of plant communities in the Peruvian Amazon. In: Agriculture, Ecosystems and 

Environment 78: 175-186 

Fundación Amigos de la Amazonía 2000. Estudio protección y manejo del Ecosistema del área Corazón de Oro. 

Quito. Cited in UNL (Universidad Nacional de Loja), CINFA (Centro Integrado de Geomática Ambiental), 

Herbario Reinaldo Espinosa 2006. Estado de Conservación del Área de Bosque y Vegetación Protectora 

“Corazón de Oro”. Loja 

Gadgil, M. 1998. Traditional Resource Management Systems. In: Saraswati, B. (ed.) Lifestyle and Ecology. 

Chapter 1. Indira Gandhi National Centre for the Arts, New Delhi 

292

Galarza Zavala J. 1973. Los campesinos de Loja y Zamora. Universidad Central del Ecuador. Quito 

Gallrapp, D. 2004. Naturschutz im Wandel? Vision und Realität integrativer Schutzgebietskonzepte am Beispiel 

des Podocarpus Nationalparks in Südecuador. Diplomarbeit im Studiengang Geographie der 

Entwicklungsländer am Geographischen Institut der Eberhards-Karls Universität Tübingen 

García B.J. & Tello C.F. 1998. Identificación y descripción morfológica floral de árboles y arbustos con 

caracterísitcas apícolas de la microcuenca del Río Uchima. Tésis de Ingeniería Forestal, Facultad de 

Ciencias Agrícolas. Universidad Nacional de Loja, Loja 

Gaston, K.J. 2005: Biodiversity and extinction: species and people. In: Progress in Physical Geography 29, 2: 

239-247 

Gawlik, J. 2010. Phytodiversität auf anthropogen veränderten Standorten im San Francisco Tal – Südecuador. 

Diplomarbeit. Institut für Geographie der Friedrich-Alexander Universität Erlangen 

Geißler, G. 1980. Pflanzenbau: Biologische Grundlagen und Technik der Pflanzenproduktion. Parey Verlag. 

Berlin-Hamburg 

Gerique, A. 2009. Las plantas medicinales y su uso en el sur del Ecuador. In: Miriam Buitrón (ISP-PUCE) & 

Martha Rodríguez (OPS / OMS) (eds.): Miradas desde la geografía,arquitectura, territorio hacia la salud 

pública. Instituto de Salud Pública de la Facultad de Medicina de la PUCE y la Organización Panamericana 

de la Salud OPS / OMS, Quito 

Gerique, A. & Veintimilla, D. 2008. Useful plants and weeds occurring in Shuar, Saraguro and Mestizo 

communities. Checklist – Reserva Biológica San Francisco (Prov. Zamora-Chinchipe, S. Ecuador). In: 

Ecotropical Monographs 4: 237-256. Society for tropical ecology 

Gobierno del Ecuador 2000. Registro Oficial Nr. 99, 15 de junio del 2000. Acuerdo del Ministerio del Ambiente 

Nr. 15 

Gobierno del Ecuador 2007. Registro Oficial. Nr. 151, 20 de agosto de 2007. Ordenanza para la protección de las 

microcuencas y otras áreas prioritarias para la conservación del cantón Loja 

Godoy R.A. & Bawa K.S. 1993. The economic value and sustainable harvest of plants and animals from the 

tropical forest: Assumptions, hypotheses, and methods. In: Economic Botany 47 (3): 215-219 

Godoy, R., Reyes-Garcia, V., Vadez, V., Leonard, W.R., Tanner, S., Huanca, T., Willkie, D. & TAPS Bolivia 

Study Team 2009. The relation between forest clearance and household income among native Amazonians: 

Results from Tsimane’ Amazonian panel study, Bolivia. In: Ecological Economics 68: 1864-1871 

Gollin, M.A. 1999. New rules for natural products research. In: Nature Biotechnology. Volume 17: 921-922 

Gollin, M.A. 2008. Biopiracy started with a bounce. In: Nature. Volume 451 (28): 1055 

Göltenboth, F. 2004. Rainforestation Framing System. In: Naturwissenschaftliche Rundschau 57 (6): 307-313 

Gong, X., Marklund, L.G. & Tsuji, S. 2009. Land use Classification. 14 th Meeting of the London Group on 

Environmental Accounting Canberra, 27 – 30 April 2009. FAO (Food and Agriculture Organization) 

http://unstats.un.org/unsd/envaccounting/londongroup/meeting14/LG14_10a.pdf (Verified 10.08.10) 

293

González Jiménez, E. 2002. Agrobiodiversidad. Proyecto Estrategia Regional de Biodiversidad para los Países 

del Trópico Andino. Convenio de Cooperación Técnica no Reembolsable ATN/JF-5887/RG CAN-BID. 

Maracay 

González-Suarez, F. 1890: Historia General de la República del Ecuador. Tomo I, Quito. Cited in Jaramillo 

Alvarado, P. 2002: Historia de Loja. Municipio de Loja-Senefelder. Loja 

Gössling, S. 1999. Ecotourism: a means to safeguard biodiversity and ecosystem functions? In: Ecological 

Economics 29:303-320 

Gräf M. 1990. Endogener und gelenkter Kulturwandel in ausgewählten indianischen Gemeinden des Hochlandes 

von Ecuador. Tuduv-Studien. Reihe Kulturwissenschaften, 13. München 

Gradstein, S.R. 2008. Epiphytes and deforestation in the tropics. In: Abhandlungen aus dem Westfälischen 

Museum für Naturkunde 70 (3/4): 417-427 

Granger, B.H. 1976. Some Aspects of Folk Medicine among Spanish Speaking People in Southern Arizona. In: 

Hand, W.D. (ed.) 1976. American Folk Medicine. University of California Press, Berkeley and Los Angeles 

Gray, C.L., Bilsborrow, R.E., Bremmer, J.L. & Lu, F. 2008. Indigenous Land Use in the Ecuadorian Amazon: A 

Cross-cultural and Multilevel Analysis. In: Human Ecology 36: 97-109 

Guamán, G.A. 2004. Geología de la Microregión. In: Becking, M. Sistema Microregional de Conservación 

Podocarpus. Tejiendo (micro) corredores de conservación hacia la cogestión de una Reserva de Biosfera 

Cóndor-Podocarpus. Programa Podocarpus. Loja, Ecuador. 81-91 

Guerrero Carrión, T. 2002. El reto histórico de Loja. Consejo Nacional de Cultura. Editorial Gustavo A, Serrano 

de la Casa de la Cultura Ecuatoriana. Loja 

Guevara, S., Meave, J., Moreno-Casasola, P. & Laborde, J. 1992. Floristic composition and structure of 

vegetation under isolated trees in neotropical pastures. In: Journal of Vegetation Science 3: 655- 664. 

Günter, S., Cabrera, O., Weber, M., Stimm, B., Zimmermann, M., Fiedler, K., Knuth, J., Boy, J., Wilcke, W., 

Iost, S., Makeschin, F., Werner, F., Gradstein, R. & Mosandl, R. 2008. Natural forest management in 

neotropical mountain rain forests – an ecological experiment. In: Gradients in a Tropical Mountain 

Ecoystem of Ecuador. Beck, E., Bendix, J., Kottke, I., Makeschin, F. & Mosandl, R. (eds.). Springer-Verlag, 


Günter, S., González, P., Álvarez, G., Aguirre, N., Palomeque, X., Haubrich, F. & Weber, M. 2009. 

Determinants for successful reforestation of abandoned pastures in the Andes: Soil conditions and 

vegetation cover. In: Forest Ecology and Management 258: 81-91 

Günter, S., Weber, M., Erreis, R. & Aguirre, N. 2007. Influence of distance to forest edges on natural 

regeneration of abandoned pastures: a case study in the tropical mountain rain forest of Southern Ecuador. 

In: European Journal of Forest Research 126: 67-75 

Guffroy, J. 2006. El Horizonte corrugado: correlaciones estilísitcas y culturales. In: Bulletin de I’Institut 

Français d’Études Andines 35 (3):1-13 

Guzmán M.A. 1994: Bicentralismo y pobreza en Ecuador. Universidad Andina Simón Bolívar / Corporación 

Editora Nacional / Agencia de Cooperación Alemana. Quito 

294

Hader, B. 2002. Ökotourismus zwischen schein uns sein. Eine ethnologische Studie über Vilcabamba (Ecuador). 

Diplomarbeit zur Erlangung des Magistergrades der Philosophie an der Fakultät der Human- und 

Sozialwissenschaften der Universität Wien 

Haffner, W. 1997. Zur Pflanzengeographie der Leguminosen: Artenvielfalt, Verbreitung, Lebensformen und 

ökofunktionelle Stellung. In: Ottow, J.C.G & Sauerborn, J. (eds.). Leguminosen zur Verbesserung und 

nachhaltigen Sicherung der Agrarproduktion. Giessener Beiträge zur Entwicklungsforschung 24: 19-45 

Hagedorn, A. 2001. Extent and significance of soil erosion in southern Ecuador. In: Die Erde 132: 75-92 

Hall, P. & Bawa, K. 1993. Methods to assess the Impact of Extraction of Non-Timber Tropical Forest Products 

on Plant Populations. In: Economic Botany 47(3): 234-247 

Hamilton, A. 2001. The People and Plants Initiative. In: Cunningham, A.B. Applied Ethnobotany. WWF, 

Earthscan Publications Ltd. London and Sterling, VA 

Hamilton, A.C., Shengji, P., Kessy, J., Khan, A.A., Lagos-Witte, S. & Shinwari, Z.K. 2003. The purposes and 

teaching of Applied Ethnobotany. People and Plants working paper 11. WWF, Godalming, UK 

Hamlin, C.C. & Salick, J. 2003. Yanesha agriculture in the Upper Peruvian Amazon: Persistence and change 

fifteen years down the ‚road’. Economic Botany 57(2): 163-180 

Hanratty, D. M. (ed.). 1989: Ecuador: A Country Study. Washington: GPO for the Library of Congress 

http://countrystudies.us/ecuador/ (Verified 10.07.09) 

Harling, G. 1979. The vegetation types in Ecuador – a brief survey. In: Larsen, K. & Holm-Nielsen, B. (eds.). 

Tropical Botany. London, Academy Press: 165-174 

Harner, M.J. 1984. The Jívaro: People of the sacred waterfalls. University of California Press. Berkeley 

Harshberger, J.W. 1896. The purposes of ethnobotany. Botanical Gazette 21: 146-154 

Hartig, K. 2000. Pflanzensoziologische Untersuchungen von anthropogen gestörten Flächen im tropischen 

Bergwald Südecuadors. Diplomarbeit. Fachbereich Biologie, Universität Bayreuth. Bayreuth 

Hartig, K. & Beck, E. 2003. The bracken fern (Pteridium arachnoideum (Kaulf.) Maxon) dilemma in the Andes 

of southern Ecuador. In: Ecotropica 9: 3-13 

Harvey, C.A. & Haber, W.A. 1999. Remnant trees and the conservation of biodiversity in Costa Rican pastures. 

In: Agroforestry Systems 44: 37-68 

Harvey, C.A., Komar O., Chazdon, R., Ferguson, B.G., Finegan, B., Griffith, D.M., Martínez-Ramos M., 

Morales, H., Nigh, R., Soto-Pinto, L., Van Breugel, M. & Wishnie, M. 2008. Integrating Agricultural 

Landscapes with Biodiversity Conservation in the Mesoamerican Hotspot. In: Conservation Biology 22 (1): 

8-15 

Harvey, C.A., Villanueva, C., Villacis, J., Chacón, M., Muñoz, D., López, M., Ibrahim, M., Gomez, R., Taylor, 

R., Martínez, J., Navas, A., Sáenz, J., Sánchez, D., Medina, A., Vilchez, S., Hernández, B., Pérez, A., Ruiz, 

F., López, F., Lang, I., Kunth, S. & Sinclair, F.L. 2003. Contribución de las cercas vivas a la productividad e 

integridad ecológica de los paisajes agrícolas en América Central. In: Agroforestería en las Américas (10) 

39: 39-40 

295

Hassan, R., Scholes, R. & Ash, N. (eds.). 2005. Ecosystems and human well-being: current state and trends, 

volume 1: Findings of the Condition and Trends Working Group. The Millennium Ecosystem Assessment 

Series. Island Press. Washington D.C. 

Henderson, A. 1995. The Palms of the Amazon. Oxoford University Press, New York 

Henning, J., Lacefield, G., Rasnake, M., Burris, R., Johns, J., Johnson, K., Turner, L. 2000. Rotating Grazing. 

Cooperative Extension Service, University of Kentucky, College of Agriculture 

Herlihy, P.H. 1997. Indigenous Peoples and Biosphere Reserve Conservation in the Mosquitia Rain Forest 

Corridor, Honduras. In: Stevens, S. (ed.). Conservation through Cultural Survival. Indigenous Peoples and 

Protected Areas. Island Press. Washington D.C 

Hocquenghem, A.M. 2004. ¿Una posible macro región binacional andina? In: Universidad Nacional de Loja 

(ed.): Memorias del Seminario Taller Hacia la Elaboración de una Imagen Compartida de la Región Sur. 

Abya-Yala, Quito 

Hocquenghem, A.M., Poma, J. & Salcedo, L. 2009. La Red Víal Incaica en la Región Sur del Ecuador. Centro de 

Investigación y Apoyo al Desarrollo Local-Regional, Universidad Nacional de Loja. Loja 

Hodgkin, T. 2002. Home gardens and the maintenance of genetic diversity. In: Home gardens and in situ 

conservation of plant genetic resources in farming systems. Proceedings of the Second international Home 

Gardens Workshop, 17-19 July 2001, Witzenhausen, Federal Republic of Germany. IPGRI 

Hoffmann, W.A. & Haridasan, M. 2008. The invasive grass, Melinis minutiflora, inhibits tree regeneration in a 

Neotropical savanna. In: Austral Ecology 33: 29-36 

Hofstede, R.G.M., Groenendijk, J.P., Copus, R., Fehse, J.C. & Sevink, J. 2002. Impact of Pine Plantations on 

Soils and Vegetation in the Ecuadorian High Andes. In: Mountain Research and Development 22(2): 159- 

167 

Hofstede, R.G.M., Lips, J., Jongsma, W. & Sevink, Y. 1998. Geografía, Ecología y Forestación de la Sierra Alta 

del Ecuador. Ediciones Abya Yala. Quito 

Höft, M., Barik, S.K. & Lykke, A.M. 1999. Quantitative Ethnobotany. Applications of multivariate and 

statistical analyses in ethnobotany. People and Plants Working Paper 6. UNESCO, Paris 

Holl, K.D. 2002. Tropical moist forest. In: Davy, A.J. & Perrow, M. (eds.). Handbook of ecological restoration. 

Vol. II. Cambridge University Press. Cambridge: 539-558 

Homeier, J. 2008. The influence of topography on forest structure and regeneration dynamics in an Ecuadorian 

montane forest. In: Gradstein, S.R., Homeier, J., Gansert, D. (eds.). The Tropical Mountain Forest – Patterns 

and Processes in a Biodiversity Hotspot. Göttingen Centre for Biodiversity and Ecology. Biodiversity and 

Ecology Series 2: 97-107. 

Homeier, J., Werner, F.A., Gradstein, S.R., Breckle, S.-W. & Richter, M. 2008. Potential Vegetation and 

Floristic Composition of Andean Forests in South Ecuador, with a Focus on the RSBF. In: Gradients in a 

Tropical Mountain Ecoystem of Ecuador. Beck, E., Bendix, J., Kottke, I., Makeschin, F. & Mosandl, R. 

(eds.). Springer-Verlag, Berlin Heidelberg: 87-100 

Honnef, S., Leaman, D., Pätzold, B. & Schippmann, U. 2006. Progress on the International Standard for 

Sustainable Wild Collection of Medicinal and Aromatic Plants (ISSC-MAP). In Medicinal Plant 

296

Conservation Volume 12. Newsletter of the Medicinal Plant Specialist Group of the IUCN Species Survival 

Commission 

Hughes, R.F. & Vitousek, P.M. 1993. Barriers to shrub re-establishment following fire in the seasonal 

submontane zone of Hawai’i. In: Oecologica 93: 557-563 

IERAC (Instituto Ecuatoriano de Reforma Agraria y Colonización) 1986. ¿Qué es la reforma agraria? Instituto 

Ecuatoriano de Reforma Agraria y Colonización IERAC, Oficina de Relaciones Públicas. Quito 

IGM (Instituto Geográfico Militar) 2003. Sistema Microregional de Conservación Podocarpus, mapa de 

formaciones geológicas. Corporación de Desarrollo de Investigación Geológico-Minero-Metalúrgica 

(CODIGEM). Dirección General de Geología y Minas (DGGM). In: Becking, M. Sistema Microregional de 

Conservación Podocarpus. Tejiendo (micro) corredores de conservación hacia la cogestión de una Reserva 

de Biosfera Cóndor-Podocarpus. Programa Podocarpus. Loja, Ecuador. 

Inamdar, A., de Jode, H., Lindsay, K., Cobb, S. 1999. Capitalizing on Nature: Protected Area Management. In: 

Science 283: 1856-1857 

INEC (Instituto Nacional de Estadística y Censos) 2003. VI Censo de Población y Vivienda 2001 

http://www.inec.gov.ec/web/guest/descargas/basedatos/cen_nac/ cen_pob_nac_2001 (Verified 23.05.08) 

INEC (Instituto Nacional de Estadística y Censos) 2007. Población total y tasas brutas de natalidad, mortalidad 

general, mortalidad infantil y materna, según regiones y provincias de residencia habitual. Año 2006. 

http://www.inec.gov.ec/web/guest/ecu_est/reg_adm/est_vit/ est_nac_def (Verified 23.05.08) 

IPCC (International Panel on Climate Change) 2000. Special Report on Land Use, Land-Use Change and 

Forestry. http://www.grida.no/publications/other/ipcc_sr/?src=/climate/ipcc/land_use/index.htm. (Verified 

10.08.10). 

IUCN (International Union for the Conservation of Nature) 2004a. Parks. Protected Areas Programme. Vol. 

14(3) Protected Area Categories 2004. Gland 

IUCN (International Union for the Conservation of Nature) 2004b. Biodiversity Loss and Species Extinction: 

Managing Risk in a changing World: Synthesis and Decision Makers’ Summary. Synthesis Paper 

Jara, L.F. 2009. Sustainable Management of Forest Resources using REDD schemes in the Protector Alto 

Nangaritza Amazon Forest region of Ecuador: In: Servicios Sinergiambientales 2009. The newsletter of 

Latin America´s PES Networks. http://www.katoombagroup.org/~katoomba/documents/newsletters/sea 

/sa_edition3en.htm#project4 (Verified 15.10.09) 

Jaramillo Alvarado, P. 2002: Historia de Loja. Municipio de Loja-Senefelder. Loja 

Job, H. & Leisch, H. 1997. Annapurna Conservation Area Project in Nepal. In: Ellenberg, E., Scholz, M. & 

Beier, B. (eds.). Ökotourismus. Reisen zwischen Ökonomie und Ökologie. Spektrum Akademischer Verlag 

Heidelberg Berlin Oxford: 129-136 

Jokisch, B.D. 2002. Migration and Agricultural Change: The Case of Smallholder Agriculture in Highland 

Ecuador. In: Human Ecology 30(4): 523-550 

Jørgensen, P.M., & S. León Yáñez. (eds.). 1999. Catalogue of the vascular plants of Ecuador. Missouri botanical 

Garden Press. St. Louis 

297

Jørgensen P.M. & Ulloa Ulloa C. 1994. Seed plants of the high Andes of Ecuador – a checklist. Aarhus (AAU) 

University Reports 34: 1-443 

Josse, C. & Barragán, L. 2001. La biodiversidad y sus facetas. In: Josse, C. (ed.) La biodiversidad del Ecuador. 

Informe 2000. Ministerio del Ambiente, EcoCiencia y UICN. Quito. 

Kaimowitz, D. & Angelsen, A. 1998. Economic Models of Tropical Deforestation. A Review. Center for 

International Forestry Research (CIFOR). Bogor, Indonesia 

Kanninen, M., Murdiyarso, D., Seymour, F., Angelsen, A., Wunder, S. & German, L. 2007. Do Trees Grow on 

Money? The implications of deforestation research for policies to promote REDD. Center for International 

Forestry Research (CIFOR). Bogor, Indonesia 

Karousakis, K. 2007. Incentives to reduce GHG emissions from deforestation: Lessons learned from Costa Rica 

and Mexico. Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) and International Energy 

Agency (IEA). www.oecd.org/env/cc/aixg (Verified 18.12. 09) 

Karousakis, K. & Corfee-Morlot, J. 2007. Financing Mechanisms to Reduce Emissions from Defroestation: 

Issues in Design and Implementation. Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) 

and International Energy Agency (IEA) www.oecd.org/env/cc/aixg (Verified 18.12.09) 

Karp, D.S. & Root, T.L. 2009. Sound the stressor: how Hoatzins (Opisthocomus hoazin) react to ecotourist 

conversation. In: Biodiversity Conservation 18: 3733-3742 

Kernan, S. & Stern, M. 2006. Report on Tropical Forests and Biological Diversity. Country Strategy Statement. 

FY 2007 – FY 2012. USAID/Ecuador. Quito 

Kilbane Gockel, C. & Gray, L.C. 2009. Integrating conservation and development in the Peruvian Amazon. 

Ecology and Society 14(2): 11. 

Killeen, T., Douglas, M., Cosiglio, T., Jørgensen, P.M. & Mejia, J. 2007. Dry spots and wet spots in the Andean 

hotspot. In: Journal of Biogeography 34: 1357-1373 

Kingman, S. 2005. Historias Equidistantes. Deriva de Colonos y Shuar. In: Ecuador Terra Incognita, 36: 22-26. 

Kiss, A. 2004. Is community-based ecotourism a good use of biodiversity conservation funds? In: Trends in 

Ecology and Evolution 19(5): 232-237 

Knipper, M. 2001. Zwischen mal aire und Malaria – Medizinischer Pluralismus bei den Naporuna im 

Amazonastiefland von Ecuador. In: INDIANA 17/18: 289-312 

Knoke, T., Stimm, B. & Weber, M. 2008. Tropical farmers need non-destructive alternatives. In: Nature 452: 

934 

Knoke T., Calvas B., Aguirre N., Roman-Cuesta R.M., Günter S., Stimm B., Weber M. & Mosandl R. 2009a. 

Can tropical farmers reconcile subsistence demands with forest conservation? In: Frontiers in Ecology and 

the Environment 7 (10): 548-554 

Knoke, T., Weber, M., Barkmann, J., Pohle, P., Calvas, B., Medina, C., Aguirre, N., Günter, S., Stimm, B., 

Mosandl, R., von Walter, F., Maza, B. & Gerique, A. 2009b. Effectiveness and distributional impacts of 

payments for reduced carbon emissions from deforestation. In: Erdkunde 63 (4): 365-384 

Krebs, C. 1985. Ecología, Estudio de la Distribución y la Abundancia, 2da Edición. Editorial Melo, SA. México 

298

Kricher, J. 1999. A Neotropical Companion. An introduction to the animals, plants, and ecosystems of the New 

World tropics. Princeton University Press. Princeton, New Jersey 

Krishna A.P., Chhetri, S. & Singh, K.K. 2002. Human Dimensions of Conservation in the Khangchendzonga 

Biosphere Reserve: The Need for Conflict Prevention. In: Mountain Research and Development 22(4): 328- 

331 

Krüger, O. 2005. The role of ecotourism in conservation: panacea or Pandora’s box? In: Biodiversity and 

Conservation, Volume 14(3): 579-600 

Kumar, B.M. & Nair, P.K.R., 2004. The enigma of tropical home gardens. In: Agroforestry Systems, 61: 135- 

152 

Kunzig, R. 2008. Are Hotspots the Key to Conservation? In: Scientific American Earth 3.0 

Kursar, T.A., Caballero-George, C.C., Capson, T.L., Cubilla-Ríos, L., Gerwick, W.H.G., Heller, M.V., Ibañez, 

A., Linington, R.G., McPhail, K.L., Ortega-Barría, E., Romero, L.I. & Coley, P.D. 2007. Linking 

bioprospecting with sustainable development and conservation: the Panama case. In: Biodiversity 


Kvist, L.P., Aguirre, Z. & Sánchez, O. 2006. Bosques montanos bajos occidentales en Ecuador y sus plantas 

medicinales. In: Moraes, M., Øllgaard, B., Kvist, L.P., Borchsenius, F. & Balslev, H. (eds.). Botánica 

Económica de los Andes Centrales. Universidad Mayor de San Andrés, La Paz: 205-223 

Laird, S.A. 1999. Forests, Culture and Conservation. In: UNEP (United Nations Environment Programme). 

Cultural and Spiritual Values of Biodiversity. Intermediate Technology Publications, London. Chapter 9 

347-358. 

Laird, S.A. & Wynberg, R. 2008. Access and benefit sharing in practice: trends in partnerships across sectors, 

CBD (Secretariat of the Convention on Biological Diversity) Technical Series 38, CBD Montreal. 

Laird, S.A., R. Wynberg, R. & McLain. R. 2009. Wild Product Governance: laws and policies for sustainable 

and equitable non-timber forest product use. A policy brief produced by United Nations University, the 

Center for International Forestry Research, People and Plants International, the Institute for Culture and 

Ecology, and the University of Cape Town 

Lamb, D., Erskine, P.D. & Parrotta, J.A. 2005. Restoration of Degraded Tropical Forest Landscapes. In: Science 

310: 1628-1632 

Landell-Mills, N. 2002. Marketing Forest Environmental Services – Who Benefits? Gatekeeper Series 104. 

IIED, London 

Landell-Mills, N. & Porras, I.T. 2002. Silver bullet or fools’ gold? A global review of markets for forest 

environmental services and their impacts on the poor. IIED, London 

Larmont, S.R., Eshbaugh, W.H. & Greenberg, A.M. 1999. Species Composition, Diversity, and Use of 

Homegardens Among Three Amazonian Villages. In: Economic Botaniy 53 (3): 312-326 

Lauer, W. 1973. Zusammenhänge zwischen Klima und Vegetation am Ostabfall der mexikanischen Meseta: In: 

Erdkunde 27, 192-213 

299

Laurance, W.F., Lovejoy, T.E., Vasconcelos, H.L., Bruna, E.M., Didham, R.K., Stouffer, P.C., Gascon, C., 

Bierregaard, R.O., Laurance, S.G. & Sampaio, E. 2002. Ecosystem Decay of Amazonian Forest Fragments: 

a 22-Year Investigation. In: Conservation Biology 16 (3): 605-618 

Leakey, R.R.B. & Simons, A.J. 1998. The domestication and commercialization of indigenous trees in 

agroforestry for the alleviation of poverty. In: Agroforestry Systems 38: 165-176 

León, C. 1962. El Espanto: Sus implicaciones Psiquiáticas. Paper presented at the Second Latin-American 

Congress of Psychiatry. Mexico, November, 11-17. Cited in: Tousignant, M. 1979. Espanto: A dialogue 

with the Gods. In: Culture, Medicine and Psychiatry 3 (4): 347-361 

Levaseur, V. & Olivier, A. 2000. The farming system and traditional agroforestry systems in the Maya 

community of San josé, Belize. In: Agroforestry Systems 49: 275-288 

Lewis, W. H. 2003. Pharmaceutical Discoveries Based on Ethnomedicinal Plants: 1985 to 2000 and Beyond. In: 

Economic Botany 57 (1): 126-134 

Leyer, I. & Wesche, K. 2007. Multivariate Statistik in der Ökologie. Eine Einführung. Springer. Berlin 

Heidelberg 

Logback, J., Latina Fernandes, L., Erickson, P., Cote, M. & Lloyd, H. 2002. Economic Alternatives Protect the 

Amazon Rainforest in Ecuador. In: Stepp, J.R., Wyndham, F.S., Zarger, R.K. (eds.). Ethnobiology and 

Biocultural Diversity. Proceedings of the Seventh International Congress of Ethnobiology. The International 

Society of Ethnobiology. University of Georgia Press, Athens 

Lohmann, L. 2006. From the Netherlands to the Andes – A tale from Ecuador. In: Hällström, N., Nordberg, O. 

Österbergh R. (eds.). Carbon Trading. A critical conversation on climate change, privatisation and power. 

Development Dialogue 48. September. Udevalla 

López, F. 2005. El Parque Nacional Podocarpus: agua y biodiversidad. Usos y Beneficios para la Reión Sur del 

Ecuador. Fundación Ecológica Arcoiris. Loja 

López Sandoval M.F. 2004. Agricultural and Settlement Frontiers in the Tropical Andes: The Páramo Belt of 

Nrothern Ecuador, 1960-1990. PhD Thesis. Regensburger Geographische Schriften 37. Institut für 

Geographie. Universität Regensburg 

Love, B.E., Bork, E.W. & Spaner, D. 2009. Tree seedling establishment in living fences: a low-cost agroforestry 

management practice for the tropics. In: Agroforestry Systems 77: 1-8 

Luck, G., Ricketts, T., Daily, G.C. & Imhoff, M. 2004: Alleviating spatial conflict between people and 

biodiversity. In: Proceedings of the Natural Academy of Science PNAS. January 6, 2004. Vol. 101: 182-186 

MacGregor, J. 1996. Developing a National Sustainable Tourism Strategy: Going Beyond Ecotourism to Protect 

the Planet’s Resources. In: Miller, J.A., Malek-Zadeh, E. (eds.). The Ecotourism Equation: Measuring the 

Impacts. Bulletin Series. Yale School of Forestry and Environmental Studies 99. Yale University, New 

Haven, Connecticut 

Macilwain, C. 1998. When rhetoric hits reality in debate on bioprospecting. In: Nature 392: 535-54 

Madsen, J.E. 1989. Aspectos generales de flora y vegetación del Parque Nacional Podocarpus. Universidad 

Nacional de Loja. Loja 

300

MAGAP (Ministerio de Agricultura, Ganadería, Pesca y Acuacultura del Ecuador) 2002. Servicio de 

Información y Censo Agropecuario. III Censo Agropecuario del Ecuador. Quito 

Makeschin, F., Haubrich, F., Abiy, Burneo, J.I., Klinger, T. 2008. Pasture Management and Natural Soil 

Regeneration. In: Gradients in a Tropical Mountain Ecosystem of Ecuador. Beck, E., Bendix, J., Kottke, I., 

Makeschin, F., Mosandl, R. (eds.). Springer-Verlag, Berlin Heidelberg: 413-424 

Marquette, C.M. 1998. Land Use Patterns Among Small Farmer Settlers in the Northeastern Ecuadorian 

Amazon. In: Human Ecology 26(4): 573-598 

Marquette, C.M. 2006. Settler Welfare on Tropical Forest Frontiers in Latin America. In: Population and 

Environment 27: 397-444 

Marrero, E., Bulnes, C., Sánchez, L.M., Palenzuela, I., Stuart, R., Jacobs, F. & Romero, J. 2001. Pteridium 

aquilinum (bracken fern) toxicity in cattle in the humid Chaco of Tarija, Bolivia In: Veterinary and Human 

Toxicology, 43(3): 156-158. 

Marshall, E. & Newton, A.C. 2003. Non-Timber Forest Products in the Community of El Terrero, Sierra de 

Manantlán Biosphere Reserve, Mexico: Is Their Use Sustainable? In: Economic Botany 57(2): 262-278 

Martin, G.J. 1995. Ethnobotany. A methods manual. People and plants conservation manual. WWF, Kew 

Chapman and Hall, London. 

Martin, G.J. 2007. Ethnobotany. A methods manual. People and Plants Conservation Series. WWF, UNESCO, 

Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew. Earthscan. London 

Martin, R.M. 2008. Deforestation, land-use change and REDD. In: Unasylva 230 (59) 3-11. FAO, Rome 

Martínez Cobo, J.T. 1986. Study of the problem of discrimination against indigenous populations (E/CN. 

4/Sub.2/1986/7 and Add. 1-4). Addendum 4 containing the conclusions and recommendations. United 

Nations Publication, Sales No E.86.XIV.3. New York 

Martínez-Garza, C. & González-Montagut 2002. Seed rain of fleshy-fruited species in tropical pastures in Los 

Tuxtlas, Mexico. In: Journal of Tropical Ecology 18: 457-462 

Matallo Jr, H., Casas Castañeda, F. & Migongo-Bake, E. 2002. Use of Live Fences of Nopal (Opuntia) and 

associated Crops to Rehabilitate and Protect Sloping Land in Loja, Ecuador. In: Mountain Research and 

Development 22(1): 22-25 

mathworks.com (n. Y.) http://www.mathworks.com/help/toolbox/stats/bq_679x-3.html (Verified 10.08.10) 

Matysek, K.A., Stratford, E. & Kriwoken, L.K. 2006. The UNESCO Biosphere Reserve Program in Australia: 

constraints and opportunities for localized sustainable development. In: The Canadian Geographer / Le 

Géographe canadien 50 (1): 85-100 

Matt, F., Almeida, A., Arguero, A. & Reudenbach, C. 2008. Seed dispersal by Birds, Bats and Wind. In: 

Gradients in a Tropical Mountain Ecosystem of Ecuador. Beck, E., Bendix, J., Kottke, I., Makeschin, F., 

Mosandl, R. (eds.). Springer-Verlag, Berlin Heidelberg: 157-165 

McAffee, K. 1999. Selling nature to save it: biodiversity and the global economic paradigm. In: UNEP (United 

Nations Environment Programme). Cultural and Spiritual Values of Biodiversity. Intermediate Technology 

Publications, London: 526-530 

301

McDaniels, J., Chouinard, R. & Veiga, M.M. 2010. Appraising the Global Mercury Project: An adaptive 

management approach to combating mercury pollution in small-scale gold mining. In: International Journal 

of Environment and Pollution 41 (3-4): 242-258 

McNeely, J.A. 2004. Nature vs. nurture: managing relationsships between forests, agroforestry and wild 

biodiversity. In: Agroforestry Systems 61: 155-165 

Mecham, J. 2001. Causes and consequences of deforestation in Ecuador. Centro de Investigación de los Bosques 

Tropicales – CIBT. http://www.rainforestinfo.org.au/projects/jefferson.htm (Verified 6.02.09) 

Mehring, M. & Stoll-Kleemann, S. 2010. Principle and practice of the buffer zone in biosphere reserves: from 

global to local – general perspective from managers versus local perspective from villagers in Central 

Sulawesi, Indonesia. In: Tscharntke, T., Leuschner, C., Veldkamp, E., Faust, H. Guhardja, E. & Bidin, A. 

(eds). Tropical Rainforests and Agroforests under Global Change. Environmental Science and Engineering. 

Springer-Verlag Berlin Heidelberg: 413-429. 

Mena Vásconez, P. 1995. Las Áreas Protegidas con Bosque Montano en Ecuador. In: Churchill, S.P., Balslev, 

H., Forero, E., Luteyn, J.L. (eds). Biodiversity Biodiversity and Conservation of Neotropical Montane 

Forests. Proceedings of the Neotropical Montane Forest Biodiversity and Conservation Symposium, the 

New York Botanical Garden, 21-26 June 1993. New York Botanical Garden Press 

Méndez, V.E., Lok, R. & Somarriba E. 2001. Interdisciplinary analysis of homegardens in Nicaragua: microzonation, 

plant use and socioeconomic importance. In: Agroforestry Systems 51: 85-96 

Mesa, C., Alfonso, P., Monterde, E. & Costa, M. 2010. Cooperación en el campo de la pequeña minería en 

Sudamérica: EL papael de las ONGs. In: Bloetín de la Sociedad Geológica Mexicana 62(1): 109-122 

Michon, G. & De Foresta, H., 1997. Agroforests: pre-domestication of forest trees or true domestication of forest 

ecosystems? Netherlands Journal of Agricultural Science, 45: 451-462 

Millennium Ecosystem Assessment 2005a. Ecosystems and Human Well-being: Current State and Trends. 

Volume I. World Resources Institute. Washington DC 

Millennium Ecosystem Assessment 2005b. Ecosystems and Human Well-being: Biodiversity Synthesis. World 

Resources Institute. Washington DC 

Miller, C. 2002. Fruit Production of the Ungurahua Palm (Oenocarpus bataua subsp. bataua, Arecaceae) in an 

Indigenous Managed Reserve. In: Economic Botany 56(2): 165-176 

Miller, R.P. & Nair, P.K.R. 2006. Indigenous agroforestry systems in Amazonia: from prehistory to today. In: 

Agroforestry Systems 66: 151-164 

Milner-Gulland, E.J., Bennett, E.L. & SCB. 2002 Annual Meeting Wild Meat Group. 2003. Wild meat: the 

bigger picture. In: Trends in Ecology and Evolution 18 (7): 351-357 

MiningWatch Canada 2007. Victim or Villain? Canadian Mining Investment in South-East Ecuador Exacerbates 

Divisions, Conflicts. http://www.miningwatch.ca/updir/Ecuador_Analysis_final.pdf (Verified 07.07.09) 

Ministerio del Ambiente 2008a. Informe Nacional para el Convenio sobre Diversidad Biológica 

http://www.ambiente.gov.ec/paginas_espanol/4ecuador/docs/Patrimonio/Meta1.pdf (Verified 03.06.09) 

Ministerio del Ambiente 2008b. Dirección de Biodiversidad. Listado actual de Áreas Naturales que conforman el 

SNAP actual. http://www.ambiente.gov.ec/contenido.php?cd=370 (Verified 03.06.09) 

302

Ministerio del Ambiente 2009. Programa Socio Bosque. Capítulo 1. Antecedentes, Descripción y Objetivos. 

http://www.ambiente.gov.ec/contenido.php?cd=278 (Verified 14.10.09) 

Montes Hernández, S. & Merrick, L.C., Eguigarte, L.E. 2005. Maintenance of squash (Cucurbita spp.) landrace 

diversity by farmers’ activities in Mexico. In: Genetic Resources and Crop Evolution 52: 697-707 

Morales Males, P. & Schjellerup, I. 1999. Los Shuar de Makuma y Mutints. La gente y y su cultura. In: Borgtoft, 

H., Skov, F., Fjeldså, J., Schjellerup, I. & Øllgaard, B. (eds.). La gente y la biodiversidad. Dos estudios en 

comunidades de las estribaciones de los Andes en Ecuador. Abya-Yala, Quito 

Morocho, D. & Romero J.C. (eds.). 2003. Bosques del Sur. El estado de 12 remanentes de bosques andinos de la 

provincia de Loja. Fundación Ecológica Arcoiris/PROBONA/DICA. Loja 

Mosandl R. & Günter S. 2008. Sustainable management of tropical mountain forests in Ecuador. In: Gradstein 

SR, Homeier J, Gansert D (eds.). Biodiversity and Ecology Series (2): The tropical mountain forest, 

Universitätsverlag Göttingen: 179-195 

Mountford, H. & Keppler, J.H. 1999. Financing incentives for the protection of biodiversity. In: The Science of 

Total Environment 240: 133-144 

Muchagata, M. & Brown, K. 2000. Colonist farmers’ perceptions of fertility and the frontier environment in 

eastern Amazonia. In: Agriculture and Human Values 17: 371-384 

Münzel, M. 1977. Jívaro-Indianer in Südamerika (Roter Faden zur Ausstellung, 4), Museum für Völkerkunde. 

Frankfurt/ M. 

Mundo Shuar 1977. Las Plantas. Fascículo 5, Serie A. Centro de Documentación, Investigación y Publicaciones 

SUCUA (Morona Santiago), Ecuador 

Municipio de Loja (ed.) 2003. Guía Turística de la Región Sur del Ecuador. Loja, Siglo XXI. Loja 

Myers, N., Mittermeier, R., Mittermeier, C., da Fonseca, G.A.B. & Kent, J. 2000: Biodiversity hotspots for 

conservation priorities. In: Nature 403: 853-858 

Nakashizuka, T. 2007. An interdisciplinary approach to sustainability and biodiversity of forest ecosystems: an 

introduction. In: Ecological Research 22: 359-360 

NCI (Nature and Culture International) 2009a. Colambo Yacuri Conservation & Development Area. 

http://www.natureandculture.org/htm/ecuador/areas-andes-colambo.htm (Verified 08.06.09) 

NCI (Nature and Culture International) 2009b. Podocarpus – El Cóndor Biosphere Reserve. 

http://www.natureandculture.org/htm/ecuador/areas-andes-podocarpus.htm (Verified 25.06.09) 

NCI (Nature and Culture International) 2009c. Conservation of the Angashcola Forest. 

http://www.natureandculture.org/htm/ecuador/areas-andes-angashcola.htm (Verified 25.06.09) 

NCI (Nature and Culture International) 2010. Protecting Watersheds in Southern Ecuador. 

http://www.natureandculture.org/htm/ecuador/areas-watersheds.htm (Verified 25.07.10) 

Neill, D. 1999. Vegetation. In: Jørgensen, P.M., & S. León Yáñez. (eds.). Catalogue of the vascular plants of 

Ecuador. Missouri botanical Garden Press. St. Louis: 13-25 

Neill, D. 2005. Cordillera del Cóndor. Botanical treasures between the Andes and the Amazon. In: Plant Talk 

41:17-21. Cornwall 

303

Neill, D. A. 2007. Inventario Botánico de la Región de la Cordillera del Cóndor, Ecuador y Perú: Actividades y 

Resultados Cientificos del Proyecto 2004-2007. Missouri Botanical Garden. Saint Louis 

Neill, D. & Jørgensen, P.M. 1999. Climates. In: Jørgensen, P.M., & S. León Yáñez. (eds.). Catalogue of the 

vascular plants of Ecuador. Missouri botanical Garden Press. St. Louis: 8-13 

Nepstad, D.C., Veríssimo A., Alencar A., Nobre C., Lima E., Lefebrve P., Schlesinger P., Potter C., Moutinho, 

P., Mendooza E., Cochrane, M. & Brooks, V. 1999: Large-scale impoverishment of Amazonian forest by 

logging and fire. In: Nature, 398: 505-508. 

Nepstad, D.C., Uhl, C. & Serrão, E.A. 1990. Cómo vencer los obstáculos. La regeneeración del bosque en 

pastizales abandonados altamente degradados. In: Anderson. A. (ed.). 1990. Alternativas a la deforestación. 

Fundación Natura, Abya-Yala, Museo Emilio Goeldi. Cayambé: 337-360 

Newman, D.J., Cragg, G.M. & Snader, K.M. 2003. Natural Products as Sources of New Drugs over the Period 

1981-2002. In: J. Nat. Prod. 66: 1022-1037 

Niemann, H. 2008. Late Quaternary vegetation, climate and fire dynamics in the Podocarpus National Park 

region, southeastern Ecuadorian Andes, A.-v.-H. Institute for Plant Sciences, University of Göttingen, phd 

thesis, 178 

Niemann, H. & Behling, H. 2008. Late Quaternary vegetation, climate and fire dynamics inferred from the El 

Tiro record in the southeastern Ecuadorian Andes, Journal of Quaternary Science 23 (3): 203-212 

NPIC (National Pesticide Information Center) 2009. Malathion. Technical Fact sheet. United States 

Environmental Protection Agency 

Ordoñez-Delgado, L. & Flores, D. (eds.) 2007. Estudio de alternativas de manejo del sector de cerro plateado. 

Cantón Nangaritza - Provincia de Zamora Chinchipe – Ecuador. Fundación Ecológica Arco Iris. Miniterio 

del Ambiente. Loja 

Ordoñez, O. & Lalama, K. 2006. Experiencias del manejo apícola en Uritusinga. Loja - Ecuador. Fundación 

Ecológica Arco Iris, PROBONA (Programa de bosques andinos y ecosistemas), y Asociación de 

Productores Agropecuarios Arco Iris. Loja 

Ordóñez Delgado, L. & Flores Rosas, D. (eds.). 2007. Estudio de Alternativas de Manejo del Sector de Cerro 

Plateado. Cantón Nangaritza – Provincia de Zamora Chinchipe – Ecuador. Fuundación Ecológica Arco Iris. 

Ministerio del Ambiente. Loja 

Ordóñez Vivanco, P., Vega Esparza, M. & Malagón Avilés, O. 2006. Phytochemical study of native plant 

species used in traditional medicine in Loja Province. In: Lyonia. Volume 10 (2): 65-71 

Oregon Forest Resources Institute 2006. Forests, Carbon and Climate Change. A Synthesis of Science Findings 

http://www.oregonforests.org/assets/uploads/For_Carbon_fullrpt.pdf (Verified 19.07. 10) 

Osorio, N. 2004. Lessons from the World Coffee Crisis: A Serious Problem for Sustainable Development. 

International Coffee Organization, ED 1922/04 

Pacheco, P. 2009. Smallholder Livelihoods, Wealth and Deforestation in the Eastern Amazon. In: Human 

Ecology 37: 27-41 

304

Palacios, W.A. 1997. Botany and Landscape of the Río Nangaritza Basin. In: Schulenberg, T.S. & Awrey, K. 

(eds.). The Cordillera del Cóndor Region of Ecuador and Peru: A Biological Assessment. Conservation 

International. RAP Working Papers 7, Washington D.C.: 37-44 

Paladines Paladines, F. 2006. Loja de arriba abajo. Serie identidad y raíces. Loja 

Pan, W.K.Y., Walsh, S.J., Bilsborrowa, R.E., Frizzelle, B.G., Erlien, C.M. & Baquero, F. 2004. Farm-level 

models of spatial patterns of land use and land cover dynamics in the Ecuadorian Amazon. In: Agriculture, 

Ecosystems and Environment 101: 117–133 

Park, M. 2004. Untersuchungen zur Diskrepanz zwischen Nahrungsmitteldiversität und Ernährungsdiversität in 

Gemeinden der Shuar im Nangaritza-Tal, Südecuador. Diplomarbeit. Institut für Ernährungswissenschaft. 

Fachbereich: Agrarwissenschaften, Oecotrophologie und Umweltmanagement. Justus-Liebig-Universität 

Gießen 

Parrotta, J.A., Bowles, O.H. & Wunderle Jr., J.M. 1997a. Development of floristic diversity in 10-year-old 

restoration forests on a bauxite mined site in Amazonia. In: Forest Ecology and Management 99(1-2): 21-42 

Parrotta J.A., Turnbull J.W. & Jones N. 1997b. Catalyzing native forest regeneration on degraded tropical lands. 

In: Forest Ecology and Management 99:1–7 

Pelto P.J. & Pelto G.H. 1990. Field methods in medical anthropology. In: Johnson, T.M. & Sargent, C.F. (eds.) 

Medical anthropology: A handbook of theory and method. Greenwood Press, New York: 269-297 

Pennington, T.D., & Revelo, N. 1997. El Género Inga en el Ecuador. Morfología, Distribución y Usos. The 

Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew 

Pereira Jr., R., Zweede, J., Asner, G.P. & Keller, M. 2002. Forest canopy damage and recovery in reducedimpact 

and conventional selective logging in eastern Para, Brazil. In: Forest Ecology and Management 168: 

77-89 

Peres, C.A. 1990. Effects of Hunting on Western Amazonian Primate Communities. In: Biological Conservation 

55: 47-59 

Peres, C.A. 2000. Effects of Subsistence Hunting on Vertebrate Community Structure in Amazonian Forests. In: 

Conservation Biology 14 (1): 240-253 

Peres, C.A. & Lake, I.R. 2003. Extent of Nontimber Resource Extraction in Tropical Forests: Accessibility to 

Game Vertebrates by Hunters in the Amazon Basin. In: Conservation Biology 17 (2): 521-535 

Peres, C.A. & Zimmermann, B. 2000. Perils in Parks or Parks in Peril? Reconciling Conservation in Amazonian 

Reserves with and without Use. In: Conservation Biology 15 (3): 793-797 

Perez-Alenza, M.D., Blanco, J., Sardon, D., Sánchez Moreiro, M.A., Rodríguez-Bertos, A., Sánchez, B., Pizarro, 

M., Mazzucchelli, F. & Peña, L. 2006. Clinico-pathological findings in cattle exposed to chronic bracken 

fern toxicity. In: New Zealand Veterinary Journal 54(4): 185-192 

Persoon, G.A., Minter, T., Slee, B. & van der Hammen, C. 2004. The Position of Indigenous Peoples in the 

Management of Tropical Forests. Tropenbos Series 23. Vageningen 

Perz, S.G. 2005. The Effects of Household Asset Endowments on Agricultural Diversity among Frontier 

Colonists in the Amazon. In: Agroforestry Forum 63: 263-279 

305

Perz S.G., Walker, R.T. & Caldas, M.M. 2006. Beyond Population and Environment: Household Demographic 

Life Cycles and Land Use Allocation among Small Farms in the Amazon. In: Human Ecology 34: 829-849 

Peters, C.M. 1996. Beyond Nomenclature and Use: A Review of Ecological Methods for Ethnobotanists. In: 

Alexiades M.N. (ed). Selected Guidelines for Ethnobotanical Research: A Field Manual. The New York 

Botanical Garden Press. Bronx, New York: 241-276 

Peters, T. 2009. Struktur und ökologische Merkmale der oberen Waldgrenze in der Andinen Depression. 

Dissertation an der Friedrich-Alexander Universität Erlangen-Nürnberg 

Petersen, F. 2007. Natural Products Research at Novartis and External Collaborations. Novartis Institutes for 

Biomedical Research. July 2007 

Phillips A. 1997. Landscape Approaches to National Parks and Protected Areas. In: Gordon Nelson, G. & 

Serafin, R. (eds.). National Parks and Protected Areas. Keystones to Conservation and Sustainable 

Development. Springer 

Phillips, O. & Gentry, A. 1993. The Useful Plants of Tambopata, Peru: I. Statistical Hypotheses Tests with a 

New Quantitative Technique. In: Economic Botany 47(1): 15-32 

Phillips, O. 1996. Some quantitative methods for analysing ethnobotanical knowledge. In: Alexiades MN (ed.). 

1996. Selected Guidelines for Ethnobotanical Research: A Field Manual. The New York Botanical Garden, 

Bronx, New York: 171-197 

Phillips, R. & Rix, M. (eds.). 1991: Perennials. Pan Books Ltd, London 

Pichón, F.J. 1996a. Settler Agriculture and the Dynamics of Resource Allocation in Frontier Environments. In: 

Human Ecology 24 (3): 341-371 

Pichón, F.J. 1996b. The Forest Conversion Process: A Discussion of the Sustainability of Predominant Land 

Uses Associated with Frontier Expansion in the Amazon. In: Agriculture and Human Values. Winter. 

Volume 13, No. 1: 32-51 

Pichón F.J. 1997. Settler Households and Land-Use Patterns in the Amazon Frontier: Farm-Level Evidence from 

Ecuador. In: World Development 25 (1): 67-91 

Pimbert, M. 2009. Towards food sovereignty: reclaiming autonomous food systems. International Institute for 

Environment and Development (IIED). London. 

Pohle, P. 2004. Erhaltung von Biodiversität in den Anden Südecuadors. Geographische Rundschau. 56(3): 14- 

21. 

Pohle, P. & Reihnhardt, S. 2004. Indigenous knowledge of plants and their utilization among the Shuar of the 

lower tropical mountain forest in southern Ecuador. In: Lyonia 7 (2): 133-149 

Pohle, P. 2008a. The People settled around the Podocarpus National Park. 2008. In: Gradients in a Tropical 

Mountain Ecosystem of Ecuador. Beck, E., Bendix, J., Kottke, I., Makeschin, F., Mosandl, R. (eds.). 

Springer-Verlag, Berlin Heidelberg: 25-36 

Pohle, P. 2008b. Indigenous and Local Concepts of Land Use and Biodiversity Management in the Andes of 

Southern Ecuador. In: Löffler, J., & Stadelbauer, J. (eds.). Diversity in mountain systems. Colloquium 

Geographicum 31. Asgard-Verlag Sankt Agustin 

306

Pohle, P. & Gerique, A. 2006. Traditional ecological knowledge and biodiversity management in the Andes of 

southern Ecuador. In: Geographica Helvetica, Swiss Journal of Geography. 4 – 2006: 275-285. 

Pohle, P. & Gerique A. 2008. Use of biodiversity along the altitudinal gradient: Plant knowledge and plant use 

among indigenous Shuar and Saraguro communities in southern Ecuador. In: Gradients in a Tropical 

Mountain Ecosystem of Ecuador. Beck, E., Bendix, J, Kottke, I., Makeschin, F, Mosandl, R. (eds.). 

Springer-Verlag, Berlin Heidelberg: 331 -346 

Pohle, P., Gerique, A., Park, M. & López Sandoval, M.F. 2010. Human ecological dimensions in sustainable 

utilization and conservation of tropical mountain rain forests under global change in southern Ecuador. In: 

Tscharntke, T., Leuschner, C., Veldkamp, E., Faust, H. Guhardja, E. & Bidin, A. (eds). Tropical Rainforests 

and Agroforests under Global Change. Environmental Science and Engineering. Springer-Verlag Berlin 

Heidelberg: 477-509 

Posey, D.A. 1985. Indigenous management of tropical forest ecosystems: the case of the Kayapo Indians of the 

Brazilian Amazon. In: Agroforestry Systems 3: 139–157 

Posey, D.A. 1999. Introduction: Culture and Nature – The Inextricable Link. In: UNEP. Cultural and Spiritual 

Values of Biodiversity. Intermediate Technology Publications, London: 3-18 

Postel, S.L. & Thompson Jr., B.H. 2005. Watershed protection: Capturing the benefits of nature’s water supply 

services. In: Natural Resources Forum 29: 98-108 

Potthast, K., Hamer, U. & Makeschin, F. 2010. Impact of litter quality on mineralization processes in managed 

and abandoned pasture soils in Southern Ecuador. In: Soil Biology and Biochemistry 42:56-64. 

PRODEMINCA (Projecto de Desarrollo Minero y Control Ambiental) 2000. Evaluación de distritos mineros del 

Ecuador “potencial minero metálico y guías de exploración” Vol. V. Quito, junio del 2000, pág. 344, 146- 

148. In: Guamán G.A. 2004. Geología de la Microregión: 89 

Proyecto FAO-Holanda 1995. Prácticas Forestales. Metodología y Estudios de Caso. “Desarrollo Forestal 

Participativo en los Andes”. Quito 

Putsche, L. 2000. A Reassessment of Resource Depletion, Market Dependency, and Culture Change on a 

Shipibo Reserve in the Peruvian Amazon. In: Human Ecology 28 (1): 131-140 

Rahbek, C., Bloch, H., Poulsen, M.K. & Rasmussen, J.F. 1995. The Avifauna of the Podocarpus National Park – 

The „Andean Jewel in the Crown“ of Ecuador’s Protected Areas. In: Ornitologia Neotropical 6: 113-120 

Ramírez Requelme, M.E., Ramos, J.F.F., Angélica, R.S. & Brabo, E.S. 2003. Assessment of Hg-contamination 

in soils and stream sediments in the mineral district of Nambija, Ecuadorian Amazon (example of an 

impacted area affected by artisanal gold mining). In: Applied Geochemistry 18: 371-381 

Rankl, M. 2009. Die Verbreitung der Landnutzungsflächen im Valle del Río San Francisco – Südecuador. 

Bachelorarbeit im Bachelor-Studiengang Kulturgeographie und Areal Studies. Friedrich-Alexander- 

Universität Erlangen Nürnberg 

Rasmussen, J.F. & Rahbek, C. 1994. Aves del Parque Nacional Podocarpus: una lista anotada. Birds of 

Podocarpus National Park: an annotated checklist. CECIA, Quito, Ecuador: 125 pp. 

307

REDD Monitor 2010. On-line bulletin. Analysis, opinions, news and views about Reduced Emissions from 

Deforestation and Forest Degradation. REDD: An introduction. http://www.redd-monitor.org/redd-anintroduction/ 


Rengel, A. & Jiménez, A. 2003. Flora melífera a diferentes rangos altitudinales y melisopalinología de apiarios 

en el sector occidental del Parque Nacional Podocarpus. Tésis de Ingeniera Forestal, Facultad de Ciencias 

Agrícolas. Universidad Nacional de Loja, Loja 

Requelme Ramírez, M.E., Ramos, J.F.F., Angélica, R.S. & Brabo, E.S. 2003. Assessment of Hg-contamination 

in soils and stream sediments in the mineral district of Nambija, Ecuadorian Amazon. In: Applied 

Geochemistry 18: 371-381 

Revelo, N. & Palacios, W.A. 2005. Avances Silviculturales en la Amazonía Ecuatoriana: Ensayos en la Estación 

Biológica Jatun Sacha. Fundación Jatun Sacha & Proyecto CAIMAN. Quito 

Reyes-García, V., Vadez, V., Huanca, T., Leonard, W. & Wilkie, D. 2005. Knowledge and Consumption of 

Wild Plants: A comparative study in two Tsimane’ villages in the Bolivian Amazon. In: Ethnobotany 

Research & Applications 3: 201-207 

Reyes-García, V., Vadez, V., Martí, N., Huanca, T., Leonard, W.R. & Tanner, S. 2008. Ethnobotanical 

Knowledge and Crop Diversity in Swidden Fields: A Study in a Native Amazonian Society. In: Human 

Ecology 36: 569-580 

Richter, M. 2003. Using epiphytes and soil temperatures for eco-climatic interpretations in Southern Ecuador. 

Erdkunde 57, H. 3, S. 161-181 

Richter 2008. Tropical mountain forests – distribution and general features. In: Gradstein, S.R., Homeier, J., 

Gansert, D. (eds.). The Tropical Mountain Forest – Patterns and Processes in a Biodiversity Hotspot. 

Biodiversity and Ecology Series 2: 7-24 

Richter, M. & Moreira Muñoz, A. 2005. Heterogeneidad climática y diversidad de la vegetación en el sur de 

Ecuador: un método de fitoindicación. In: Revista Peruana de Biología 12(2): 217- 238 

Ridgely, R.S., Greenfield, P.J. & Gill, F.B. 2001. The birds of Ecuador. Field Guide Volume II. 

Ríos, M. 2008. Plantas útiles del Ecuador: uso y abuso. In: Ríos, M., de la Cruz, R. & Mora, A. 2008. 

Conocimiento tradicional y plantas útiles del Ecuador: sáberes y prácticas. IEPI y Ediciones Abya-Yala, 

Quito: 7-29 

Rivera Rossi 2007. Parque Nacional Podocarpus. In: ECOLAP & MAE 2007. Guía del Patrimonio de Áreas 

Naturales Protegidas del Ecuador. ECOFUND, FAN, DarwinNet, IGM. 

Robertson, N. & Wunder, S. 2005. Fresh tracks in the forest: assessing incipient payments for environmental 

services initiatives in Bolivia. CIFOR, Bogor, Indonesia 

Robinson, J.G. 1996. Hunting wildlife in forest patches: an ephemeral resource. Pages 111-130 in Schelhas, J. & 

Greensberg, R. (eds.). Forest patches in tropical landscapes. Island Press, Washington D.C. Cited in: Peres 

C.A. 2000. Effects of Subsistence Hunting on Vertebrate Community Structure in Amazonian Forests. In: 

Conservation Biology 14 (1): 240-253 

Romoleroux, K. 1997. Las Moras del Parque Nacional Podocarpus. In: Feil, J.P. (ed). El Parque Nacional 

Podocarpus. Historia Natural y Desarrollo. The Rainforest Group. Nepenthes. Aarhus 

308

Roos, K. 2004. Taxonomische und physiologische Charakterisierung von Adlerfarn (Pteridium aquilinum) auf 

anthropogenen Flächen der Bergregenwaldregion Südecuadors. Unveröffentlichte Diplomarbeit. Lehrstuhl 

für Pflanzenphysiologie. Universität Bayreuth. 

Rudel, T.K. & Horowitz, B. 1996. La deforestación tropical. Pequeños agricultores y desmonte agrícola en la 

Amazonía Ecuatoriana. Hombre y Ambiente 35-36. Abya-Yala 1996, Quito. Translation of the 1993 edition: 

Tropical Deforestation, Small Farmers and Land Clearing in the Ecuadorian Amazon. Columbia University 

Press, New York 

Rudel, T.K., Bates, D. & Machinguiashi, R. 2002. Ecologically Noble Amerindians? Cattle Ranching and Cash 

Cropping among Shuar and Colonists in Ecuador. In: Latin American Research Review. Volume 37 Number 

1: 144-159 

Ruitenbeek, H.J. 1992. The rainforest supply price: a tool for evaluating rainforest conservation expenditures. In: 

Ecological Economics 6: 57-78 

Ruiz-Pérez, M, Almeida, M., Dewi, S., Lozano Costa, E.M., Ciavatta Pantoja, M., Puntodewo, A., de Arruda 

Postigo, A. & Goulart de Andrade, A. 2005. Conservation and Development in Amazonian Extractive 

Reserves: The Case of Alto Juruá. In: Ambio 34(3): 218-223 

Sælemyr, S.T. 2004. People, park and plant use: Perception and use of Andean ’nature’ in the southern 

Ecuadorian Andes. In: Norwegian Journal of Geography. Vol. 58: 194-203. Oslo 

Salinas de Loyola, J. 1965. Relación de la Ciudad de Zamora de los Alcaides (1573?). En RGI (Jiménez de la 

Espada, M. (ed.). Tomo III: 125-135. Editorial Atlas, Madrid. Cited in Estrella 1986 

Sánchez, O., Kvist, L.P. & Aguirre, Z. 2006. Bosques secos en Ecuador y sus plantas útiles. In: Moraes, M., 

Øllgaard, B., Kvist, L.P., Borchsenius, F. & Balslev, H. (eds.). Botánica Económica de los Andes Centrales. 

Universidad Mayor de San Andrés, La Paz: 188-204 

Sánchez-Paramo, C. 2005. Pobreza en Ecuador. In: en breve 71. Banco Mundial 

Santín, F. 2004. Ethnobotany of the Communities of the Upper Río Nangaritza. In: Lyonia, Volume 7 (2): 105- 

122. 

Sauer, W. 1971. Geologie von Ecuador. Beiträge zur regionalen Geologie der Erde. Band 11. Berlin 

Sayer, J., Ishwaran, N., Thorsell, J. & Sigaty T. 2000. Tropical Forest Biodiversity and the World Heritage 

Convention. In: Ambio 29 (6): 302-309 

Schaaf, T. 1999. Environmental conservation based on sacred sites. In: UNEP (United Nations Environment 

Programme). Cultural and Spiritual Values of Biodiversity. Chapter 8: 341-342. Intermediate Technology 

Publications, London 

Schachtel, G. & Hermann, A. 2005. HaGiS Spreadsheet. A tool for entry and analysis of virulence data in plant 

pathology. http://va-tipp.de/ (Verified 18.02.10) 

Scherr, S. J., 2004. Building opportunities for small-farm agroforestry to supply domestic wood markets in 

developing countries. In Agroforestry Systems, 61: 357-370. 

Schneider, R. 2000.Landschaftsstrukturen anthropogen gestörter potentieller Waldstandorte in Südecuador. 

Diplomarbeit. Lehrstuhl für Biogeographie. Universität Bayreuth. Bayreuth 

309

Scholz, U. 2003. Die feuchten Tropen. Das Geographische Seminar. Westermann. Braunschweig 

Schrumpf, M., Guggenberger, G., Valarezo, C. & Zech, W. 2001. Tropical montane rain forest soils. 

Development and nutrient status along an altitudinal gradient in the South Ecuadorian Andes. In: Die Erde 

132: 43-60 

Schuh, Hans. 2010. Rat für Artenvielfalt. Biopolitik. In: Die Zeit Online Nr. 25. 17. Juni. http://pdf.zeit.de/ 

2010/25/Kommentar-Artenvielfalt.pdf (Verified 19.06.10) 

Schulenberg, T.S. 1997. Birds of Miazi. In: Schulenberg, T.S. & Awrey, K. (eds.). The Cordillera del Cóndor 

Region of Ecuador and Peru: A Biological Assessment. Conservation International. RAP Working Papers 7, 

Washington D.C.: 66 

Schulenberg, T.S. & Awrey, K. (eds.). 1997. The Cordillera del Cóndor Region of Ecuador and Peru: A 

Biological Assessment. Conservation International. RAP Working Papers 7, Washington D.C. 

Schulz, B., Becker, B. & Götsch, E. 1994. Indigenous knowledge in a „modern” sustainable agroforestry system 

– a case study from eastern Brazil. In: Agroforestry Systems 25: 59-69 

Schwartzman, S., Moreira, A. & Nepstad, A. 2000. Rethinking Tropical Forest Conservation: Perils in Parks. In: 

Conservation Biology (14) 5: 1351-1357 

Schwartzman, S. & Zimmerman, B. 2005. Conservation Alliances with Indigenous Peoples of the Amazon. In: 

Conservation Biology 19(3): 721-727 

Secretariat of the CBD (Convention on Biological Diversity) 1992. Convention on Biological Diversity. Text. 

https://www.cbd.int/convention/convention.shtml (Verified 08.11.08) 

Secretariat of the CBD (Convention on Biological Diversity) 2000. Convention on Biological Diversity. COP 

Decision V5. Appendix. http://www.cbd.int/agro/whatis.shtml (Verified 27.11.08) 

Secretariat of the CBD (Convention on Biological Diversity) 2008a. Access and Benefit-Sharing in Practice: 

Trends in Partnerships Across Sectors. Technical Series No. 38. Montreal 

Secretariat of the CBD (Convention on Biological Diversity) 2008b. International Regime on Access and 

Benefit-sharing. http://www.cbd.int/abs/regime.shtml (Verified 10.11.08) 

Secretariat of the CBD (Convention on Biological Diversity) 2008c. Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and 

Forest Degradation (REDD) http://www.cbd.int/forest/redd/ (Verified 17.11.08) 

Secretariat of the CBD (Convention on Biological Diversity) 2010. Welcome to the International Year of 

Biodiversity. http://www.cbd.int/2010/about/ (Verified 22.06.10) 

Secretariat of the Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues 2004. The Concept of Indigenous Peoples. Backround 

Paper (PFII/2004/WS.1/3). United Nations Departament of Economic and Social Affairs. New York 

Seeberg-Elverfeldt, C. Schwarze, S. & Faust, H. 2010. Institutions for environmental service payment 

programmes – evidence of community resource management arrangements in Central Sulawesi, Indonesia. 

In: Tscharntke, T., Leuschner, C., Veldkamp, E., Faust, H. Guhardja, E. & Bidin, A. (eds). Tropical 

Rainforests and Agroforests under Global Change. Environmental Science and Engineering. Springer- 

Verlag Berlin Heidelberg: 431-446. 

310

Serrano Calderón de Ayala, E. 1995. David Samaniego Shunaula. Nueva Crónica de los Indios de Zamora y del 

Alto Marañón (Historia oral). Abya-Yala. Quito 

Serrão, E.A.S., Nepstad, D. & Walker, R. 1996. Upland agricultural and forestry development in the Amazon: 

sustainability, criticality and resilience. In: Ecological Economics 18: 3-13 

Settelmyer, S. & Schlamadinger, B. 2008. A carbon market solution? In: Global Carbon 2008. A Carbon Expo 

Special Report from Environmental Finance and Carbon Finance. May: 12-14 

Shafer, C.L. 1999. National park and reserve planning to protect biological diversity: some basic elements. In: 

Landscape and Urban Planning 44: 123-153 

Shanley, P. & Galvão, J. 1999. Box 9.6: Lore, Legend and Forest Conservation in the Eastern Amazon. In: 

UNEP (United Nations Environment Programme). Cultural and Spiritual Values of Biodiversity. Chapter 9: 

365. Intermediate Technology Publications, London 

Shanley, P. & Laird, S. 2002. “Giving back”: making research results relevant to local groups and conservation. 

In: Laird, S. (ed.) Biodiversity and Traditional Knowledge. Equitable Partnerships in Practice. People and 

plants conservation manuals. Earthscan Publications. London and Sterling: 103-123 

Shanley, P. & Stockley, M. 2008. Traditional Knowledge, Forest Management and Certification: A Reality 

Check. In: Forests, Trees and Livelihoods 18 (1): 55-67 

Sheil D. & Liswanti N. 2006. Scoring the Importance of Tropical Forest Landscapes with Local People: Patterns 

and Insights. In: Environmental Management 38 (1): 126-136 

Shepard, G.H. 2009. Indigenous people defend rainforest as well as their rights. In: Nature 469: 457 

Sick, W.-D. 1988. Aktuelle Landnutzungskonflikte in Ecuador. In: Mäckel, R. & Sick, W.-D. (eds.). Natürliche 

Ressourcen und Ländliche Entwicklungsprobleme der Tropen. Franz Steiner Verlag Wiesbaden GmbH. 

Stuttgart: 315-324 

Sierra, R. 1999. Traditional resource-use systems and tropical deforestation in a multi-ethnic region in Northwest 

Ecuador. In: Environmental Conservation 26 (2): 136-145 

Sierra, R., Rodriguez, F. & Losos, E. 1999a. Forest resource change during early market integration in tropical 

rain forests: the Huaorani of upper Amazonia. In: Ecological Economics 30: 107-119 

Sierra, R., Cerón, C., Palacios, W. & Valencia, R. 1999b. Mapa de vegetación del Ecuador continental. 

INEFAN/GEF-BIRF, Wildlife Conservation Society and EcoCiencia, Quito 

Sierra, R., Campos, F. & Chamberlin, J. 2002. Assessing biodiversity conservation priorities: Ecosystem risk and 

representativeness in continental Ecuador. In: Landscape and Urban Planning 59: 95-110 

Sinclair, A.R.E, Ludwig, D. & Clark, C.W. 2000. Conservation in the Real World. In: Science 289: 1875-1876 

Slikkerveer, L.J. Ethnoscience, ‘TEK’ and its Application to Conservation. In: UNEP (United Nations 

Environment Programme). Cultural and Spiritual Values of Biodiversity. Intermediate Technology 

Publications, London: Chapter 5: 169-177 

Smith, F. 1996. Biological diversity, ecosystem stability and economic development. In: Ecological Economics 

16: 191-203 

311

Smith, J. & Scherr, S.J. 2002. Forest Carbon and Local Livelihoods: Assessment of Opportunities and Policy 

Recommendations. CIFOR (Center for International Forestry Research). Occasional Paper No. 37. Bogor, 

Indonesia 

Smith, N., Mori, S.A., Henderson, A., Stevenson, D.W. & Heald, S.V. (eds.). Flowering Plants of the 

Neotropics. Princeton University Press. Princeton and Oxford 

Smithonian Institution 2009. Migratory Bird Center. Ecuador’s PROCAFEQ. http://nationalzoo.si.edu/ 

ConservationAndScience/MigratoryBirds/Coffee/Bird_Friendly/procafeq_ecuador.cfm (Verified 30.06.09) 

Somarriba, E., Valdivieso, R., Vásquez, W. & Galloway, G. 2001. Survival, growth, timber productivity and site 

index of Cordia alliodora in forestry and agroforestry systems. In: Agroforestry Systems 51: 111-118 

Sousa, R.N. & Veiga, M.M. 2009. Using Performance Indicators to Evaluate an Environmental Education 

Program in Artisanal Gold Mining Communities in the Brazilian Amazon. In: Ambio 38 (1): 40-46 

Spiegel, S. 2009. Labour challenges and mercury management at gold mills in Zimbabwe: Examining 

production processes and proposals for change. In: Natural Resources Forum 33: 221-232 

Springate-Baginski, O. & Wollenberg, E. (eds.) 2010. REDD, forest governance and rural livelihoods:the 

emerging agenda. CIFOR, Bogor, Indonesia. 

Stepp, J.R. & Moerman 2001. The importance of weeds in ethnopharmacology. In: Journal of 

Ethnopharmacology 75: 19-23 

Stern, N. 2006. Stern Review on the Economics of Climate Change. H.M. Treasury. London 

Stimm, B., Beck, E., Günter, S., Aguirre, N., Cueva E., Mosandl, R. & Weber, M. 2008. Reforestation of 

Abandoned Pastures: Seed Ecology of Native Species and Production of Indigenous Plant Material. In: 

Gradients in a Tropical Mountain Ecosystem of Ecuador. Beck, E., Bendix, J., Kottke, I., Makeschin, F. & 

Mosandl, R. (eds.). Springer-Verlag, Berlin Heidelberg: 433-445 

Studley, J.F. 1998. Dominant Knowledge Systems and Local Knowledge. Mountain Forum On-line Library 

Document http://www.mtnforum.org/rs/ol/searchft.cfm?step=vd&docid=126 (Verified 09.11. 08) 

Takacs, D. 1996. The Idea of Biodiversity. Philosophies of Paradise: The Johns Jopkins University Press. 

Baltimore & London 

Tarras-Wahlberg, N.H., Flachier, A., Frediksson, G., Lane, S., Lundberg, B. & Sangfors, O. 2000. 

Environmental Impact of Small-scaleand Artisanal Gold Mining in Southern Ecuador. In: Ambio 29(8): 

484-491 

Temme M. 1972. Wirtschaft und Bevölkerung in Südecuador. Eine sozio-ökonomische Analyse des 

Wirtschaftsraum Loja. Kölner Forschungen zur Wirtschafts- und Sozialgeographie. Band 19. Köln 

Tene, V., Malagón, O., Vita Finzi, P., Vidari, G., Armijos, C. & Zaragoza, T. 2007. An ethnobotanical survey of 

medicinal plants used in Loja and Zamora-Chinchipe, Ecuador. In: Journal of Ethnopharmacology 111 

(2007): 63-81 

Terborgh, J. & Peres, C.A. 2002. The Problem of People in Parks. In: Terborgh, J., van Schaik, C., Davenport, L. 

& Rao, M. (eds.). Making Parks Work: Strategies for Preserving Tropical Nature. Island Press 

312

Thomas, E., Vandebroek, I. & Van Damme, P. 2007. What Works in the Field? A comparison of Interviewing 

Methods in Ethnobotany with Special Reference to the Use of Photographs. In: Economic Botany, 61(4): 

376–384. 

Ticktin, T. 2004. The ecological implications of harvesting non-timber forest products. In: Journal of Applied 

Ecology 41: 11-21 

TIES (The International Ecotourism Society) 1990. Definitions & Principles. www.ecoturism.org (Verified 

03.03.09) 

Toledo, V.M., Batís, A.I., Bacerra, R., Martínez, E. & Ramos, C.H. 1992. Products from tropical rain forests of 

Mexico: An ethnoecological approach. In: Plotkin, M. & Famolare, L. (eds.). Non-wood products from 

tropical rain forests. Conservation International. Washington D.C.: 99-109. Cited in Phillips 1996 

Tomaselli, I. 2009. How forest plantations can contribute to economic renewal in South America. In: Unasylva 

233 (60): 29-35 

Tourrand, J.-F., Morales Grosskopf, C.H. & Wood, C.H. 2008: Amazonian cattle-ranching: Towards a new 

social-environmental agreement. In: Tiessen, H. & Steward J.W.B. (eds.). Applying Ecological Knowledge 

to Land-Use Decisions. Scope. Inter-American Research Institute for Global Change Research. São José dos 

Campos. 

Tousignant, M. 1979. Espanto: A dialogue with the Gods. In: Culture, Medicine and Psychiatry 3 (4): 347-361 

Trujillo, J. 1988. La colonización en el Ecuador. In: Gondard, P., León J., Peltre P., Sylva P. (eds.). 

Transformaciones agrarias en el Ecuador. Geografía Básica del Ecuador. Tomo V, Geografía Agraria 

Volumen I. IPGH (sección Ecuador) y ORSTOM (Francia). Quito: 59-70. 

Tschakert, P., Coomes, O. & Potvin, C. 2007. Indigenous livelihoods, slash-and-burn agriculture, and carbon 

stocks in Eastern Panama. In: Ecological Economics 60: 807-820 

Tutillo, A. 2010. Tutillo, A.: Die Nutzung der natürlichen Ressourcen bei den Saraguro und Mestizen im 

Wassereinzugsgebiet Tambo Blanco in Südecuador. Dissertation. Institut für Geographie. 

Naturwissenschaftliche Fakultät der Friedrich Alexander-Universität Erlangen-Nürnberg. 

Tutillo, A. 2005. La actividad agropecuaria en la Comunidad Saraguro de El Tibio: El uso del suelo y su relación 

con el ambiente. Disertación previa a la obtención de la licenciatura en Ciencias Geográficas y Estudios 

Ambientales, Pontificia Universidad Católica del Ecuador (PUCE), Quito. 

Tuxill, J. & Nabhan, G.P. 2001. People, Plants and Protected Areas. A Guide to In Situ Management. WWF. 

Earthscan Publications Ltd, London and Sterling, VA. 

Tved, M.W. & Young T. 2007. Beyond Access: Exploring Implementation of the Fair and Equitable Sharing 

Commitment in the CBD. IUCN Environmental Policy and Law Paper No. 67/2. Fridtjoft Nansens Institutt. 

http://www.fni.no/doc&pdf/beyond_access.pdf (Verified 21.10.09) 

TYPSA & MHI Turismo. 2007. Estudios de Factibilidad del Turismo de Naturaleza y Comunitario – zona Sur 

del Ecuador. Informe Final. Cooperación técnica ATN/SF-9603 EC. Banco Interamericano de Desarrollo 

BID y MHI Turismo – TYPSA 

Uhl, C., Buschbacher, R. & Serrão, E.A.S. 1988. Abandoned pastures in eastern Amazonia. I. Patterns of plant 

succesion. In: Journal of Ecology 76: 663-681 

313

Ulloa, C., & D.A. Neill. 2005. Cinco años de adiciones a la flora del Ecuador, 1999-2004. Editorial de la 

Universidad Técnica Particular de Loja (UTPL), Loja. 

UNESCO (United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization) 2010. Biosphere Reserves. FAQ 

http://www.unesco.org/mab/doc/faq/brs.pdf (Verified 17.07. 10) 

UNFCCC (United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change) 1998. Kyoto Protocol 

http://unfccc.int/resource/docs/convkp/kpeng.pdf (Verified 05.03.09) 

UNFCC (United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change) 2007. CDM – Executive Board. AR- 

AM0007 / Version 01. Sectoral Scope: 14. EB 29. Approved afforestation and reforestation baseline and 

monitoring methodology AR-AM007 “Afforestation and Reforestation of Land Currently 

Under Agricultural or Pastoral Use” 

UNFCCC (United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change) 2008. Fact Sheet: Reducing emissions 

from deforestation in developing countries: approaches to stimulate action. 

UNDP (United Nations Development Programme) 2000. Target 7b. Millenium Development Goals 

http://www.undp.org/mdg/goal7.shtml (Verified 27.01.09) 

UNEP (United Nations Environment Programme) 1999. Cultural and Spiritual Values of Biodiversity. 

Intermediate Technology Publications, London 

UNL (Universidad Nacional de Loja), CINFA (Centro Integrado de Geomática Ambiental), Herbario Reinaldo 

Espinosa 2006a. Estado de Conservación del Área de Bosque y Vegetación Protectora “Corazón de Oro”. 

Loja 

UNL (Universidad Nacional de Loja), CINFA (Centro Integrado de Geomática Ambiental), Herbario Reinaldo 

Espinosa 2006b. Estado de Conservación del Área de Bosque y Vegetación Protectora “Cuenca Alta del Río 

Nangaritza”. Loja 

UN-REDD Programme (United Nations Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Land Degradation 

Programme) 2009. About REDD+, http://www.un-redd.org/AboutREDD/tabid/582/language/en-US/ 

Default.aspx (Verified 07.07.10) 

Valarezo Manosalvas, C., Íñiguez Íñiguez, M., Guaya Pauta, P., Valarezo Manosalvas, L. 1998. Condiciones 

Físicas de los Suelos de la Región Sur del Ecuador. Una Guía para Proyectos de Riego, Drenaje, Manaejo y 

Conservación de Suelos. Universidad Nacional de Loja. Loja 

Van Deijk, J.F.W. 1999. An Assessment of non-wood forest product resources for the development of 

sustainable commercial extraction. In: Sunderland, Clark, L.E. & Vantomme, P. (eds.). Non Wood-Forest- 

Products in Central Africa. FAO, Rome 

Van den Eyden, V., Cueva, E. & Cabrera, O. 1998. Plantas silvestres comestibles del sur del Ecuador – Wild 

edible plants of southern Ecuador. Ediciones Abya-Yala, Quito 

Van den Eyden, V., Cueva, E. & Cabrera, O. 2003. Wild Foods from Southern Ecuador. In: Economic Botany 

57 (4): 576-603 

Van den Eynden, V. 2004. Use and management of edible non-crop plants in southern Ecuador. PhD Thesis in 

Applied Biological Sciences, Gent University 

314

Van den Eynden V., Cueva C. & Cabrera O. 2004 Of "Climbing Peanuts" and "Dog's Testicles", Mesztizo and 

Shuar plant nomenclature in Ecuador. In: Journal of Ethnobiology 24(2): 279-306 

Van Schaik, C. & Rijksen, H.D. 2002. Integrated Conservation and Development Projects: Problems and 

Potential. In: Terborgh, J., van Schaik, C., Davenport, L. & Rao, M. (eds.). Making Parks Work: Strategies 

for Preserving Tropical Nature. Island Press 

Vázquez-Yanes, C. 1998. Trema micrantha (L.) Blume (Ulmaceae): A promising neotropical tree for site 

amelioration of deforested land. In: Agroforestry Systems 40: 97-104 

Veríssimo, D., Fraser, I., Groombridge, J., Bristol, R. & MacMillan, D.C. 2009. Birds as tourism flagship 

species: a case study of tropical islands. In: Animal Conservation 12: 549-558 

Vieira, D.L.M., Holl, K.D. & Peneireiro, F.M. 2009. Agro-Successional Restoration as a Strategy to Facilitate 

Tropical Forest Recovery. In: Restoration Ecology 17(4): 451-459 

Voeks, R.A. 1996. Tropical forest healers and habitat preference. In: Economic Botany 50: 381-400 

Vogel, J.H. 1997. The Successful Use of Economic Instruments to Forster Sustainable Use of Biodiversity: Six 

Case Studies from Latin America and the Caribbean. In: Biopolicy Journal, Volume 2, Paper PY97005 

https://tspace.library.utoronto.ca/bitstream/1807/97/1/py97005.pdf (Verified 12.07.10) 

Walter, S. 2002. Certification and benefit-sharing mechanisms in the field of non-wood forest products – an 

overview. In: Medicinal Plant Conservation. Newsletter of the medicinal plants specialist group of the IUCN 

Species Survival Commission: 3-8 

Warner, K. 1991. Shifting cultivators. Local technical knowledge and natural resource management in the humid 

tropics. FAO (Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations) Community Forestry Note 8. Rome 

Warren, D.M. 1991. Using Indigenous Knowledge in Agricultural Development. World Bank Discussion Papers, 

No. 127. Washington, D.C. 

WCMC (World Conservation Monitoring Centre) 2003. Strategic Plan for the Convention on Biological 

Diversity. United Nations Environmental Programme (UNEP) http://www.unep-wcmc.org/gbc/cbd.htm 


Weber, M., Günter, S., Aguirre, N., Stimm, B. & Mosandl, R. 2008. Reforestation of Abandoned Pastures: 

Silvicultural Means to Accelerate Forest Recovery and Biodiversity. In: Gradients in a Tropical Mountain 

Ecosystem of Ecuador. Beck, E., Bendix, J., Kottke, I., Makeschin, F., Mosandl, R. (eds.). Springer-Verlag, 


Weiss, C. & Eisner, T. 1998. Partnerships for value-added through bioprospecting. In: Technology In Society 

20: 481-498 

Werner, F.A. & Gradstein, S.R. 2008. Seedling establishment of vascular epiphytes on isolated and enclosed 

forest trees in an Andean landscape, Ecuador. In: Biodiversity Conservation 17: 3195-3207 

Werner, F.A., Homeier, J. & Gradstein, S.R. 2005. Diversity of vascular epiphytes on isolated remnant trees in 

the montane forest belt of southern Ecuador. In: Ecotropica 11: 21-40 

Wertz-Kanounnikoff, S. 2006. Payments for environmental services – A solution for biodiversity conservation? 

In: Ressources Naturelles 12. Institut du développement durable et des relations internationales IDDRI. Paris 

315

Wesche, R. & Drumm, A. 1999. Defending our Rainforest. A Guide to Community-Based Ecotourism in the 

Ecuadorian Amazon. Abya Yala, Quito 

Wezel, A. & Ohl, J. 2005. Does remoteness from urban centres influence plant diversity in homegardens and 

swidden fields? A case study from the Matsiguenka in the Amazonian rain forest of Peru. In: Agroforestry 

Systems 65: 241-251 

White, A. 1982. Hierbas del Ecuador. Plantas medicinales. Ediciones Libri Mundi. Quito 

Wilcke W., Yasin S., Abramowski U., Valarezo C. & Zech W. 2002. Nutrient storage and turnover in organic 

layers under tropical montane rain forest in Ecuador. Eur. J. Soil. Sci. 53:15–27 

Wild, R.G. & Mutebi, J. 1996. Conservation through community use of plant resources. Establishing 

collaborative management at Bwindi Impenetrable and Mgahinga Gorilla National Parks, Uganda. People 

and Plants Working Paper 5. UNESCO, Paris 

Wittemyer, G., Elsen, P., Bean, W.T., Coleman, A., Burton, C.O. & Brashares, J.S. 2008. Accelerated Human 

Population Growth at Protected Area Edges. In: Science 231: 123-126 

Woodley, E. 1991. Indigenous Ecological Knowledge Systems and Development. In: Agriculture and Human 

Values 8 (1-2): 173-179 

World Agroforestry Centre 2008. Transforming Lives and Landscapes. Strategy 2008-2015. Nairobi. 

http://www.worldagroforestry.org (Verified 01.03.09) 

World Bank 2007. World Development Report 2008: Agriculture for Development. Washigton D.C. 

Wright, S.J. 2002. Plant diversity in tropical forests: a review of mechanism of species coexistence. In: 

Oecologia 130: 1-14 

Wright, S.J. 2005. Tropical forests in a changing environment. In: Trends in Ecology and Evolution 20 (10): 

553-560 

Wright, R.G. & Mattson, D.J. 1996. The Origin and Purpose of National Parks and Protected Areas. In: Wright, 

R.G. (ed.). National parks and protected areas – their role in environmental protection. Blackwell Science. 

Cambridge, Massachusetts: 3-14 

WTTC (World Travel and Tourism Council) 2007. About WTTC. http://www.wttc.org/eng/About_WTTC/ 


Wunder, S. 1996a. Los caminos de la madera. Programa Regional Bosques Nativos Andinos 

(PROBONA)/IUCN/DDA, Quito 

Wunder, S. 1996b. Deforestation and the uses of wood in the Ecuadorian Andes. In: Mountain Research and 

Development 16 (4): 367-382 

Wunder, S. 1999. Promoting Forest Conservation through Ecotourism Income? A case study from the 

Ecuadorian Amazon region. CIFOR Occasional Paper 21. Bogor, Indonesia 

Wunder, S. 2000a. Ecotourism and economic incentives – an empirical approach. In: Ecological Economics 32: 

465-479 

Wunder, S. 2000b. The Economics of Deforestation. The example of Ecuador. Palgrave Macmillan 

316

Wunder 2005. Payments for Environmental Services: Some Nuts and Bolts. CIFOR Occasional Paper 42. Bogor, 

Indonesia 

Wunder, S. 2006. Are Direct Payments for Environmental Services Spelling Doom for Sustainable Forest 

Management in the Tropics? In: Ecology and Society 11(2): 23 

Wunder, S. & Albán, M. 2008. Decentralized payments for environmental services: The cases of Pimampiro and 

PROFAFOR in Ecuador. In: Ecological Economics 65: 685-698 

Yamamoto, S. 2000. Forest Gap Dynamics and Tree Regeneration. In: Journal of Forest Resources 5: 223-229 

Young, A. 1994. Towards an international classification of land use. Consultancy report to UNEP/FAO, 

February 1994. www.fao.org/landandwater/agll/landuse/docs/young1994.doc (Verified 10.09.10) 

Young, K.R. 1994. Roads and the Environmental Degradation of Tropical Montane Forests. In: Conservation 

Biology 8(4): 972-976 

Zapata-Ríos, G., Urgilés C. & Suárez, E. 2009. Mammal hunting by the Shuar of the Ecuadorian Amazon: Is it 

sustainable? In: Oryx 43(3): 375-385 

Zeppel, H.D. 2006. Indigenous Ecotourism. Sustainable Development and Management. Cromwell Press. 

Trowbridge 

Zhingri Camacho, M. 2003a. Centro Shuar Chumpias. Estudio socio-histórico. PROSENA: Proyecto Sectorial 

Nangaritza. Unpublished study 

Zhingri Camacho, M. 2003b. Centro Shuar Napints. Estudio socio-histórico. PROSENA: Proyecto Sectorial 

Nangaritza. Unpublished study 

317

12 ANNEX 

12.1 THE ETHNOBOTANICAL INVENTORY 

The vouchers are stored in the Reinaldo Espinosa Herbarium, National University of Loja (UNL). 

Some duplicates will be stored in the Herbarium of the Pontificia Universidad Católica del Ecuador 

(PUCE), Quito. Pictures of the vouchers and plant species and transcriptions of the interviews can 

be obtained by contacting the author. 

12.1.1 Index of abbreviations and description of the plant list 

Local names: 

(En): English 

(Qu): Quechua 

(Sh): Shuar 

(Sp): Spanish 

Use categories: 

BEE: Beetle larvae breeding 

CON: Construction 

CRA: Crafts 

FEN: Living fence 

H/F: Hunting/Fishing 

FIB: Fibers 

FOD: Fodder 

FOO: Food 

FUE: Fuel 

MED: Medicine 

MEL: Meliferous 

ORN: Ornamental 

318

OTH: Other uses 

R/M: Ritual/Mythical 

SHA: Shade 

PDV: Paint/Dye/Varnish 


VET: Veterinary 

Plants identified by: 

AG: Andrés Gerique (University of Erlangen-Nürnberg) 

BM: Bolivar Merino (Herbario Reinaldo Espinosa, Universidad Nacional de Loja) 

CC: Carlos Chimbo (Former staff member of the Herbario Reinaldo Espinosa, Universidad 

Nacional de Loja) 

DN: David Neill (Former curator, Missouri Botanical Garden, St. Louis) 

DV: Darío Veintimilla (Former staff member of the Herbario Reinaldo Espinosa, Universidad 


FW: Florian Werner (University of Oldenburg) 

GM: Glenda Mendieta (University of Oldenburg) 

HS: Holger Salas Chimbo (Former staff member of the Herbario Reinaldo Espinosa, 

Universidad Nacional de Loja) 

JH: Jürgen Homeier (University of Göttingen) 

LG: Lucho Gutierrez (Former staff member of the Herbario Reinaldo Espinosa, Universidad 


OS: Oswaldo Sánchez (Former staff member of the Herbario Reinaldo Espinosa, Universidad 


Description of the plant inventory: 

Plant species 

Plant name (language) 

Location. Life form. Environment. 

Use: Abbreviation of the use(s) and use(s) description 

Informant : Code of the informant(s) 

Voucher/ Picture code: Code(s) of the voucher(s) and/or of pictures of the plant species. 

Determined by: Abbreviation of the name of the researcher(s) who determined the species 

Other sources/Notes: Extra-information and comments about the species. It may include the code of the vouchers used to identify the plant 

(e.g. FS25). These vouchers are stored in the Reinaldo Espinosa Herbarium, National University of Loja (UNL), Ecuador 

319

12.1.2. Plant list 

MAGNOLIOPHYTA 

PTERIDOPHYTES 

CYATHEACEAE 

Cyathea cf. caracasana (Klotzsch) Domin 

Llashín (Qu) 

El Retorno, El Tibio, Los Guabos, El Cristal. Tree fern in forest remnants, primary forest areas and protected in pastures. Native 

Use: CON, SHA: The stem is used for construction in El Tibio and Los Guabos and El Cristal. It is considered by the Saraguros and the 

Mestizos of Los Guabos as an excellent and very resistant wood. It is sometimes protected in pastures by the Mestizos of El Retorno as 

shade for cattle (47M) 

Informant : 47M, 68M, 8M, 15M 

Voucher/ Picture code : C2-5661, C2-5662, G1-541, G3-761, G3-762 

Determined by: DV 

Cyathea sp. 

Helecho (Sp) 

Shaime. Tree fern in abandoned chacra 

Use: No use reported 

Informant : 18F 

Voucher/ Picture code: AG233, S2-720, S2-722 


DENNSTAEDTIACEAE 

Pteridium arachnoideum (Kaulf.) 

Llashipa (Qu) 

El Tibio, Sabanilla, El Retorno, Los Guabos, El Cristal. Fern in disturbed areas. Native 

Use: MED, FOD: The Saraguros prepare an infusion with 2-3 llashipa sprouts, sugar, and Ocimum basilicum in order to induce labor 

contractions (16M). The rhizomes are used by the Saraguros and the Mestizos to feed pigs. The meat of these pigs is considered excellent 

Informant : 16M, 7M, 48F, 68M 

Voucher/ Picture code : T4-8402, C2-6763, G1-567 

Determined by: WQ, HS 

DRYOPTERIDACEAE 

Bolbitis cf. lindigii (Mett.) Ching 

Name unknown 

Shaime. Fern in abandoned chacra. Native 

Use : No use reported 

Informant : 12M, 18F 

Voucher/ Picture code: S6-213 

Determined by: HS 

EQUISETACEAE 

Equisetum bogotense Kunth 

Cola de caballo (Sp) 

Sabanilla, El Retorno, Los Guabos, El Cristal. Fern. Native 

Use: MED, FOO: This species is used in infusions for its medicinal properties. It is good to treat kidney problems. It is a common 

ingredient of the horchata drink. The Saraguros know the use 

Informant: 50M, 5F, 26F, MF, 27F 

Voucher/Picture Code : C5-65 

Determined by: DV, AG 

320

PTERIDACEAE 

Adianthum raddianum C. Presl. 

Culantrillo (Sp) 

El Tibio, Los Guabos. Fern in humid areas. Native 

Use: MED: The Saraguros and the Mestizos make a tea from the leaves to treat stomach upset (16M). It is used in Los Guabos to treat 

menstrual irregularities and cough (8M). The tea should be drunk often 

Informant : 16M, 8M, 57F, 26F 

Voucher/ Picture code: AG272, AG453, G1-416, G1-417, G1-419 


SELAGINELLACEAE 

Selaginella geniculata (Presl.) A.Br. 

Nashiship (Sh) 

Shaime. Fern in primary forest. Native 

Use: VET, OTH: In the past the leaves were put in to the chicken house to protect poultry from parasites and to conserve the eggs 

Informant : 12M 

Voucher/ Picture code: AG407, S8-917 

Determined by: OS 

GIMNOSPERMAE 

CUPRESSACEAE 

Cupressus lusitanica Mill. 

Ciprés (Sp) 

El Tibio, Sabanilla, Los Guabos, El Retorno, El Cristal. Tree. Introduced and cultivated 

Use: CON, FEN: The trunk is used for construction. It is also used as living fence 

Informant : 55F, 68M 

Voucher/ Picture code : T3-264, T6-450, C3-8257, C5-1064, G1-386 

Determined by: AG 

PINACEAE 

Pinus patula Schiede & Deppe ex Schltdl. 

Pino (Sp) 

El Tibio, Sabanilla, El Retorno, Sevilla de Oro. Tree. Introduced and cultivated. Naturalized in some areas 

Use: CON: The trunk is used for construction by Mestizos and Saraguros 

Informant : 29M, 34M 

Voucher/ Picture code : C1-4499, C2-5693, C2-6730, C2-6736, C5-1030, O1-576 


Pinus radiata D. Don 

Pino (Sp) 

Sabanilla, Sevilla de Oro. Tree. Introduced and cultivated 

Use: CON: The trunk is used for construction 


Voucher/ Picture code : O1-631 


Other sources/Notes: Pinus radiata has been observed in the Sabanilla area, but not in the studied fincas 

PODOCARPACEAE 

Podocarpus oleifolius D.Don ex Lamb. 

Romerillo (Sp) 

El Tibio, Los Guabos, Sabanilla, La Fragancia. Tree in primary forest remnants and protected in pastures. Native 

Use: CON: The trunk is used for construction. Its timber is very appreciated 


Voucher/ Picture code: AG417, T2-968, C2-5738, C2-6694, C2-6695, C2-6696, C2-6702 

Determined by: HS, OS 

321

Prumnopitys montana (Humb. & Bompl. ex Willd.) 

Romerillo azuceno (Sp.) 

El Tibio, Los Guabos, Sabanilla, El Cristal, Sevilla de Oro. Tree in primary forest, protected in pastures and replanted in gardens. Native 

Use: CON, ORN: The trunk is used for construction. Its timber is much appreciated. The leaves are used in the elaboration of flower 

crowns to decorate the local chapels in El Tibio, El Cristal and Los Guabos 

Informant : 8M, 7M, 16M, 68M, 54M, 43M, 27F, 34M 

Voucher/ Picture code: AG304, T1-18b, T2-969, T3-7012, C3-7746, C3-7747, T6-422, T6-423, T6-424, T6-425, T6-426, T6-427, T6-428, 

T6-433, T6-434, T6-435, O1-604 

Determined by: HS, DV 

ANGIOSPERMAE 

ACANTHACEAE 

Aphelandra sp. 

Kuish miniamar (Sh) 

Shaime. Herb. Primary forest 



Voucher/ Picture code: S3-4036, S3-4037 


Other sources/Notes: It could be used as ornamental 

Dicliptera sp. 

Tsemaik-tapir (Sh) 

Napints. Herb. Disturbed primary forest and cultivated (transplanted?) in home gardens 

Use: MED, H/F: The leaves are chewed and spat over the patient to treat unknown illness. They are used together with other plants as fish 

poison 

Informant : 58F, 53F, 11M 


Determined by: CC 

Fittonia albivenis (Lindl. ex Veitch) Brummit 

Akapmas, Jintim (Sh) 

Shaime, Shamatak. Primary forest herb. Native 

Use: MED, VET: A poultice made from the leaves is used to treat hepatic problems (12M). The leaves are given to dogs to improve their 

hunting ability (39M). 


Voucher/ Picture code: AG45, AG190, S2-543, S2-691, S6-13, S7-1108 

Determined by: AG, DV 

Hypoestes sp. 

Name unknown 

Shaime, cultivated in garden. Introduced herb. 

Use : ORN: The species is cultivated for its attractive leaves 

Informant: 18F 



Justicia pectoralis Jacq 

Perejilillo (Sp) 

El Retorno. Tolerated herb in garden. Native 

Use : MED: A tea is made from the plant to treat influenza and backache 


Voucher/ Picture code: AG400 


Justicia sp. 

Insulina (Sp) 

La Fragancia, Sabanilla. Herb. Cultivated 

Use: MED: A tea from the plant is made to treat cancer and other health problems. It is a new and popular remedy 


Voucher/ Picture code : C5-1002, C5-1003 

Determined by: BM 

322

Thunbergia alata Bojer ex Sims 

Susana de los ojos negros (Sp) 

Los Guabos, El Retorno. Common herb introduced and cultivated in gardens. Introduced 

Use : ORN: The plant is cultivated in gardens because of its beautiful flowers 

Informant : 27F, 48F 

Voucher/ Picture code : C1-4460, G1-335 

Determined by: WQ 

ACTINIDIACEAE 

Saurauia cf. bullosa Wawra 

Sungana (Qu) 

El Tibio, Los Guabos. Tree. Tolerated in pastures. Native 

Use: FOO: The Saraguros eat the fruits. They taste sweet. No use reported in Los Guabos 


Voucher/ Picture code : T3-7015, T3-7016, T3-7017, T3-7018, T3-7020, T3-7021, G1-402, G1-466 


Saurauia cf. harlingii Soejarto 

Sungana (Qu) 

El Tibio. Tree. Tolerated in pastures. Endemic 

No use reported 


Voucher/ Picture code : AG87, T3-7218, T3-7219, T4-8324, T4-8325, T4-8326, T4-8327 


Saurauia laxiflora Soejarto 

Jicamillo (Sp) 

El Tibio. Tree. Tolerated tree near fences. Endemic 

Use: CON, ORN: The trunk is used for construction. The flowers are used to elaborate ornaments to embellish the local chapel 


Voucher/ Picture code : AG79, T3-7218, T3-7219 


Saurauia peruviana Buscal 


El Tibio, Sabanilla. Treelet. Native. Protected tree in pastures. Native 

Use: FOO: The fruits are edible 

Informant: 68M, 29M 

Voucher/ Picture code: AG111, AG154 

Determined by: DV, GM 

Other sources/Notes: former landowners already protected the trees found in Sabanilla. They were not under use anymore. The fruits of 

Saurauia spp. are also eaten in El Cristal 

Saurauia sp. 1 

Ship (Sh) 

Napints Tree. Primary forest 

Use : FOO: The ripe fruits are eaten raw, specially by children 




Other sources/ Notes: Saurauia pseudotrigillosa? FS25 



El Tibio. Tree protected in pastures 





Other sources/Notes: The fruits of Saurauia spp are also eaten in El Cristal 

323


Name unknown 

El Tibio. Tree. Protected in pastures 





AGAPANTHACEAE 

Agapanthus umbelallatus L’ Her. 

Name unknown 

El Tibio Herb. Introduced and cultivated 

Use: ORN: This species is used as ornamental plant 


Voucher/ Picture code: T1-1b 


AGAVACEAE 

Agave americana L. 

Penco (Sp) 

Sevilla de Oro. Herb. Introduced and cultivated 

Use: FEN, FIB, FOO: In the past it was cultivated as living fence. Many of these fences are still in use. The fibres from the leaves were 

used for spinning and the sap (called misque) was collected and consumed fresh or fermented for hard liquor 




Chlorophytum comosum Ker-Gawl. 

Name unknown 

Los Guabos. Herb. Introduced and cultivated 

Use : ORN: This species is cultivated as ornamental plant 


Voucher/ Picture code : G1-682 


Furcraea andina Trel. 

Cabuya (Sp) 

El Tibio, La Fragancia. Herb. Old cultivated specimens present in fincas. No longer cultivated. Native 

Use: FEN, FIB: The species was cultivated in the past as living fence. Some fences are still in use. At one time, the fibres were used for 

spinning. This use is known, but nobody of the informants does it anymore 


Voucher/ Picture code : T2-792, T2-851, T2-854, T3-6972, C4-907, C4-908, T4-8311, G1-390 


Yucca guatemalensis Baker 

Flor de novia, Palma de mayo (Sp) 

El Tibio, Los Guabos, Sabanilla. Treelet. Cultivated 

Use: FEN, ORN, FOO: It is used in some fincas as living fence. The flowers are used by the Saraguros and Mestizos to decorate chapels. 

The Saraguros of El Tibio sometimes use petals in horchata (31F) 

Informant : 31F, 68M, 29M 

Voucher/ Picture code : T1-1b, T3-6972, T3-7161, C2-6633, T4-8429, G2-1573 


AIZOACEAE 

Aptenia cordifolia (L. f.) Schwantes 

Utuyuyu (Qu) 

Los Guabos. Herb. Introduced and cultivated in gardens 

Use: ORN, OTH: The species is cultivated as an ornamental plant. It is also used as lotion to wash the babies in an undisclosed way (48F) 


Voucher/ Picture code : G1-358, G1-677 


324

ALLIACEAE 

Allium cepa L. 

Sepui (Sh), Cebolla (Sp) 

Napints, El Tibio, La Fragancia, Los Guabos, Sabanilla. Herb. Introduced and cultivated in chacras 

Use : FOO: It is cultivated for its edible bulb 

Informant : 58F, 31F, 46F, 27F 

Voucher/ Picture code : T1-2a, T1-18a, C2-5959, G1-306 


Allium fistulosum L. 

Cebolla larga (Sp) 

El Tibio. Herb. Introduced and cultivated in chacras 

Use : FOO: The bulbs are edible 


Voucher/ Picture code : T6-356 


ALSTROEMERIACEAE 

Alstroemeria sp. 

Lirio (Sp) 

El Tibio, El Retorno. Herb. Cultivated in gardens 

Use : ORN: It is cultivated as ornamental plant 


Voucher/ Picture code : C4-734 


AMARANTHACEAE 

Aerva sanguinolenta L. 

Kants (Sh), Escancel (Sp) 

Napints, Shaime, El Tibio, Los Guabos, Sabanilla. Herb. Introduced and cultivated in chacras and gardens 

Use: MED, FOO: The leaves are placed around the head by the Saraguros to treat headache (59F, 31F, 46F). A decoction of the plant with 

Bidens pilosa is used by the Saraguros to treat ”foetus ailment” (16M). The Shuar prepare an infusion with leaves to treat fever and 

influenza (37F, 58F, 10M). The plant is a typical ingredient of the horchata and other medicinal infusions (58F, 10M, 59F, 31F, 46F, 16M, 

24M) 

Informant : 58F, 10M, 37F, 59F, 31F, 46F, 16M, DH, 24M, 14M 

Voucher/ Picture code: S3-4159, S5-8111, G1-307, G2-1561 

Determined by: WQ, AG 

Other sources/Notes: A medicinal plant called kor kants has been described in Chumpias by 14M, but we did not see it 

Alternanthera porrigens (Jacq.) Kunze 

Pico de gallo, lengua de gallina (Sp) 

El Retorno, Los Guabos, La Fragancia. Herb. Cultivated. Native 

Use: MED: The Mestizos of Sabanilla use a poultice of chopped leaves to treat wound infections. In El Retorno, it is used together with 

Sangorache to treat blood pressure irregularities and mal aire (7M). A tea made from Alternanthera porrigens, Solanum nigrum and Ruta 

graveolens leaves is used in Los Guabos to treat influenza (26F) 

Informant : 27F, 7M, 57F, 22F, 26F 

Voucher/ Picture code : AG446, C1-4458, C5-1008 


Alternanthera sp. 1 

Tapir (Sh) 

Napints. Herb. Cultivated in chacra. 

Use: MED: The leaves are chewed and spat over the patient to treat child bronchitis and cold. An infusion from the leaves is made to treat 

the bronchitis of children (10M) 




325


Pata de paloma (Sp) 

Chumpias, Shaime. Herb, Cultivated in garden 

Use : ORN: The species is cultivated because of its attractive leaves 





Name unknown 

Chumpias. Herb, Cultivated in garden 

Use : ORN: The species is cultivated because of its attractive leaves 





Tigrecillo (Sp) 

El Tibio, Sabanilla, El Retorno. Herb, Cultivated in garden 

Use: MED, FOO: A tea from the plant is prepared in El Tibio to treat influenza. The tea should be drunk together with tablets from the 

pharmacy. The Saraguros and the Mestizos used the plant to prepare horchata 

Informant : 31F, 61F, 27F 



Amaranthus sp. 1 

Sangorache (Qu) 

Sabanilla, El Retorno, El Tibio. Cultivated in garden 

Use: FOO, MED: The plant is used to prepare horchata. The sap is used among the Mestizos in teas to treat cardiac pain and to strengthen 

blood (27F) 

Informant : 46F, 59F, 31F, 40F, 27F 



Amaranthus sp. 2 

Name unknown 

Napints. Herb. Cultivated in garden 

Use : MED: This herb was cultivated for its medicinal properties against an unknown ailment (by 37F) 




Iresine cf. diffusa Humb. & Bonpl. ex Willd. 

Tigrecillo (Sp) 

El Tibio. Ruderal herb tolerated in chacras and gardens. Native 

Use: FOO, MED: The plant is sometimes used to prepare horchata. An infusion is prepared with two or three stems mixed with an 

unknown herb called churón against influenza. After drinking this remedy drugs are used 



Iresine herbstii Hook. 

Escancel (Sp) 

Sabanilla, El Retorno, La Fragancia, Los Guabos, El Cristal. Herb. Cultivated in gardens and chacras. Native 

Use: MED, FOO: The Saraguros use the plant in horchatas. The Mestizos make a poultice from chopped I. herbstii and Cestrum 

sendtnerianum leaves to treat infected wounds (27F, 48F) 

Informant : 27F, 48F, 7M, 55F, 43M 

Voucher/ Picture code: AG261, T1-10a, C2-5959, G2-1562, T6-348 


Iresine sp. 1 

Katip (Sh) 

Shaime. Herb. Cultivated in garden (Transplanted?) 

Use : MED: A tea is made from the leaves to treat colds and influenza 


Voucher/ Picture code : AG167 


326

Iresine sp. 2 

Kaur kants (Sh) 

Shaime. Herb. Disturbed sites 

Use : MED: The leaves are mixed with egg and ajej to treat cough 



Other sources/ Notes: FS87 

Pachystachys lutea Nees 

Panocha de oro (Sp) 

El Retorno. Herb. Introduced and cultivated in garden 

Use : ORN: The species is cultivated for its beautiful flowers 




AMARYLLIDACAEAE 

Hippeastrum sp. 

Lirio (Sp) 

El Retorno, El Tibio. Herb. Cultivated in gardens 

Use : ORN: Hippeastrum is cultivated as ornamental plant 


Voucher/ Picture code: C1-4457 


ANACARDIACEAE 

Mangifera indica L. 

Mango (Sp) 

Napints, Shaime, Sabanilla. Tree, introduced and cultivated in house gardens 

Use : FOO: The ripe fruits are eaten raw 




Mauria heterophylla Kunth 

Cerén (Qu?) 

El Tibio, Los Guabos, Sabanilla, El Cristal, El Retorno. Tree. Secondary forest and tolerated in pastures. Native 


Informant : 7M, 68M, 15M 

Voucher/ Picture code : C3-8486, C3-8487, C3-8488, C3-8489, C3-8490, T51491, T5-1492, G2-1536, G3-7117, G3-7118 


Other sources/Notes: This tree provokes a heavy allergic skin reaction, which sometimes begins up to eight hours after the contact with the 

tree. Apparently, only a few ones are not affected by the allergy. M. heterophylla has no use, but due to this reaction, it is tolerated and 

avoided. Apparently, the allergic reaction is more intense if the leaves present galls. The allergens could be the result of a defence reaction 

of the tree against parasites or they could even be provoked by the parasites themselves 

Mauria sp. 

Copal blanco (Sp) 

Napints. Tree. Primary forest 

Use : CON, FUE, MED, FOD: The trunk is used for construction, the resin is used as fuel and to treat toothache, the fruits are eaten by 

birds and game 


Voucher/ Picture code: S1-211, S1-212, S1-213 


Tapirira obtusa (Benth.) D. J. Mitch 

Name unknown 

El Tibio. Tree. Protected or tolerated in pastures. Native 

No use reported. Probably used as shade for cattle and as wood for construction and fuel 

Voucher/ Picture code : T3-7154, T3-7155 


327

ANNONACEAE 

Annona cherimola Mill. 

Chirimoya (Sp) 

Loa Guabos. Tree. Cultivated in gardens. Native 

Use: FOO, MED: The fruits are eaten raw. An undisclosed part of the tree is used to treat pains. They heat them and apply them over the 

affected area 




Annona muricata L. 

Keách (Sh), Guanábana (Sp) 

Shaime. Tree. Cultivated in house gardens. Native 

Use: FOO: The fruits are eaten raw 



Other sources/ Notes: We did not find any A. muricata tree in Shaime. One tree grows in the Yankuam Lodge in Las Orquídeas 

Annona sp. 

Guanábana (Sp) 


Use: FOO: The fruits are eaten raw 


Voucher/ Picture code : AG369, AG416, T5-1408, T6-270, T6-271, T6-272, T6-296, T6-297 

Determined by : DV, OS 

Cremastosperma megalophyllum R.E.Fr. 

Chiwia chiwia (Sh) 

Chumpias, Shaime. Tree. Primary forest. Native 

Use: CON, FOD: The stem is used to make blanks for the construction of houses and furniture. The birds eat the fruits 


Voucher/ Picture code: AG32, S1-226, S1-227, S1-228, S2-978, S2-979 


Guatteria sp. 1 

Yunkua (Sh) 

Shaime. Tree. Primary forest 

Use : FIB: A strip of bark is used as a strap and put around the forehead to carry baskets 





Name unknown 

Los Guabos. Tree. Protected in pastures 

Use : FUE: The wood is used for fuel 





Name unknown 

El Tibio. Tree. Forest remnant along the trail from El Tibio to El Cristal 

Use: CON: It is used to construct fences and other things. It is considered a low quality wood 


Voucher/ Picture code: AG431, T6-501, T6-502, T6-505, T6-506 


Rollinia andicola Maas & Westra 

Name unknown 

El Retorno. Tree. Tolerated in pastures. Native. The trees were already protected by former owners 

Use : FOO: The fruit is edible 


Voucher/ Picture code : C3-7635, C3-7636 C3-7637 

Determined by: JH 

328

Rollinia dolichopetala R.E.Fr. 

Name unknown 

Shaime. Tree. Forest patches and tolerated in pastures. Endemic 

Use : FOO: The fruit is eaten raw 




Rollinia mucosa Baill. 

Chirimoya de monte (Sp) 

El Retorno. Tree. Protected in pastures. Native 



Voucher/ Picture code : AG119, C2-6197 


Rollinia sp. 

Chirimoya silvestre (Sp) 

La Fragancia. Old trees tolerated in pastures along a trail 





Genus indet. 

Canelo (Sp) 


Use : CON: The wood is used for construction 




APIACEAE 

Arracacia cf. xanthorriza Bancr. 

Máya, Nanku (Sh), Zanahoria (Sp) 

Chumpias, Napints, Shamatak, El Tibio, Los Guabos, El Cristal. Herb. Cultivated in chacras. Native. Two varieties (white and red) have 

been found 

Use: FOO, MED: The root is edible. The Shuar eat cooked roots and stems to cure liver ailments (10M) 

Informant : 6F, 10M, 39M, 31F, 46F, 53F 

Voucher/ Picture code: S5-8080, S5-8081, S5-8082, T6-365, G2-1567, G2-1592 

Determined by: WQ, BM 

Coriandrum sativum L. 

Culantro, Cilantro (Sp) 

El Tibio, El Retorno, Los Guabos, Sabanilla, La Fragancia. Herb. Introduced and cultivated in gardens and chacras 

Use: FOO: The leaves are used as condiment. It is sometimes sold in the market of Zamora (63M) 

Informant : 46F, 31F, 55F, 63M, 8M, 50M 


Determined by: WQ, DV 

Cyclospermum leptophyllum (Pers.) Sprague ex Britton & P. Wilson 

Culantrillo, Cominillo, Mulanin, Mulalin (Sp) 

Los Guabos. Herb growing in pastures. Introduced 

Use: MED, VET: The plant is used mixed with other herbs in an infusion to treat fever. An infusion from the plant is used to treat mules 

and horses with heatstroke by washing them 

Informant : 8M, 57F, 26F 


Determined by: DV, BM 

Hydrocotyle bonplandii A. Rich. 

Name unknown 

Sabanilla. Herb in pastures. Native 



Determined by: LG 

329

Hydrocotyle ranunculoides L.f. 

Agujilla (Sp) 

Los Guabos. Herb in disturbed areas. Native 

Use: MED: The plant is used in Los Guabos to treat an undisclosed illness 




Foeniculum vulgare Miller 

Hinojo (Sp) 

Sabanilla, El Cristal, Los Guabos. Herb. Introduced and cultivated in garden 

Use : FOO: The plant is used as condiment and to prepare horchatas 


Voucher/ Picture code: T6-347, G1-666 


Petroselinum crispum (Mill.) A.W.Hill 

Perejil (Sp) 

EL Tibio, El Retorno, El Cristal, Sabanilla. Herb. Introduced and cultivated in garden 

Use: FOO, MED: The plant is used as condiment. The Saraguros use Petroselinum crispum to treat nervousness. The plant (stem and 

leaves) are ground and then mixed with drugs and water (31F) 

Informant : 46F, 31F, 55F, 54M, 50M 

Voucher/ Picture code : C2-5400, T6-347 


APOCYNACEAE 

Allamanda cathartica L 

Name unknown 

Shaime. Shrub. Introduced and cultivated 

Use: ORN: The shrub is cultivated as ornamental 




Catharanthus roseus (L.) G. Don 

Name unknown 

El Tibio. Herb. Cultivated in home garden. Introduced 

Use: ORN: The plant is cultivated as ornamental 




Tabernaemontana sananho Ruiz & Pav. 

Kúnakip (Sh) Pepa de leche (Sp) 

Shaime, Shamatak. Tree. Primary and secondary forest. Native 

Use: FOO, MED, VET: The fruits are eaten raw. They taste spicy. The fruit and the latex from the stem are used diluted in water to cure 

diarrhoea (12M, 18F), mainly of babies (39M). A decoction of the bark is used to treat nose haemorrhage by inhalation (18F). A decoction 

of the bark is used to treat domestic animals against rabies; the bark is used abraded together with Capsicum sp. against scabies, and 

aphthous fever (18F). 

Informant : 12M, 18F, 39M 



Other sources/ Notes: VVDE703 

Vinca minor L. 

Name unknown 

El Tibio, El Retorno. Herb. Introduced and cultivated in gardens 

Use : ORN: The plant is cultivated for their beautiful flowers 


Voucher/ Picture code : T1-12b 


330

ARACEAE 

Anthurium cf. breviscapum Kunth 

Éep (Sh), Col de monte (Sp) 

Chumpias, Shaime. Hemi-epiphytic herb. Secondary and primary forest. Native 

Use : FOO: The leaves are used to prepare ayampakus or are eaten cooked as cabbage 




Anthurium dombeyanum Brongn. ex Schott 

Kuku (Sh), Alas de cóndor (Sp) 

Shaime, El Retorno, La Fragancia. Epiphytic herb. Primary forest and primary forest remnants. Native 





Other sources/Notes: The plant has a potential ornamental use because of its beautiful leaves 

Anthurium rubrinervium (Link) G. Don 

Shiniumas éep, éep (Sh), Col de monte (Sp) 

Napints, Shaime. Herb. Secondary forest. Native 

Use: MED, VET: The leaves are given to babies to help them to begin to speak (18F). The leaves are given with fish to the dogs to improve 

their hunting ability (53F). 




Other sources/ Notes: VVVDE925 

Anthurium triphyllum Brongn. ex Schott 

Éep (Sh), Col de monte (Sp) 

Chumpias, Napints, Shaime. Epiphytic herb found in secondary and primary forest. Native 

Use: FOO: The leaves are used to prepare ayampakus or as a condiment in soups. They are also eaten cooked as cabbage 


Voucher/ Picture code: S1-50, S1-51, S2-690, S5-8052 

Determined by: CC, HS 

Anthurium sp. 

Trapa (Qu?, El Tibio) Tapra (Qu?, El Retorno) 

El Tibio, El Retorno. Hemi-Epiphyte. Forest remnant along the trail from El Tibio to El Cristal and in 7M finca 

Use: FOO, CON: The Saraguros and the Mestizos use the leaves to prepare tamales. The leaves were used by the Mestizos to construct 

roofs. They hold two years (7M) 


Voucher/ Picture code : C4-758, C4-759, C4-761, C4-762, C4-763, C4-764 T6-493, T6-494 


Other sources/Notes: The Mestizos of El Cristal (15M) use also Anthurium spp. to wrap tamales. 7M comments that trees hosting 

Anthurium sp. usually become protected 

Caladium bicolor (Aiton) Vent. 

Ushu (Sh) 

Chumpias, Napints. Herb. Cultivated. Native 

Use: ORN, VET: Cultivated as ornamental plant around the school building of Chumpias because of its attractive leaves. The leaves are 

held in front of the snout to improve the hunting ability of dogs (11M) and to treat animals infested with worms (70M) 




Colocasia esculenta L. Schott 

Papachi, Tuka (Sh), Papa china (Sp) 

Chumpias, Napints, Shaime, Shamatak. El Tibio, Los Guabos, Sabanilla, El Retorno, La Fragancia, El Cristal. Very common herb. 

Introduced and cultivated in chacras and gardens 

Use: FOO: The tubers are eaten cooked. The Shuar sometimes sell Colocasia tubers to Mestizo-merchants 

Informant : 4M, 6F, 46F, 1M , 31F, 55F, 7M, 44M, 29M, 64F 

Voucher/ Picture code: AG392, S1-63, S1-64, S1-193, C2-5395, C2-5957, G2-1562 

Determined by: WQ, AG, DV 

331

Dieffenbachia sp. 1 

Bank grande (Sh) 


Use: R/M: The roots are chopped, boiled, and drunk. This drink has hallucinogenic properties that allow the shaman to diagnose the illness 

of the patient. 





Name Unknown 

Shaime. Herb. Cultivated in garden 






Name unknown 

La Fragancia. Herb. Cultivated in gardens 

Use : ORN: The plant is used as ornamental 


Voucher/ Picture code : dehiaC4-843, C4-846, C4-873, C4-874 

Determined by: FW 

Monstera sp. 

Name unknown 

Shaime. Epiphytic herb. Primary forest 

Use : FOO, T/C: The leaves are used to prepare ayampakus or as a top for pots 




Philodendron sp. 1 

Bank (Sh) 

Shaime. Epiphytic herb. Primary forest. 

Use : R/M: The aerial roots are prepared like the ayahuasca (Banisteriopsis caapi) and used for the same purposes 





Pamanaua (Sh) 

Napints, Shaime. Epiphytic herb. Primary forest. 

Use: MED: The sap of the aerial roots is used in Perú to treat snakebites (70M, 18F). The affected area is enwrapped with the roots (18F) 





Sobo (Sp?) 

El Retorno. Epiphytic herb. In garden 

Use : ORN: The plant has been collected in the forest to be used as ornamental in a garden 




Other sources/Notes: The species has beautiful leaves and has a potential as ornamental 


Name unknown 

Shaime. Hemi-epiphytic herb. Primary forest 





Other sources/Notes: The species has beautiful leaves and could be used as ornamental 

332

Rhodospatha cf. latifolia 

Katirpas (Sh) 

Shaime, Shamatak. Herb. Secondary forest. Native 

Use : FOO: The leaves are used to prepare ayampakus 





Rhodospatha sp. 1 

Shakap (Sh) 

Chumpias, Napints. Herb. Primary forest 

Use : CRA: The plant is used to make crafts, like the ones used “during the Shuar dances” 




Rhodospatha sp. 2 

Tinkishapnaek, Tinkip (Sh) 

Napints, Chumpias, Shaime. Hemi-epiphytic herb. Primary forest 

Use: FIB, MED: The aerial roots are used as cord for house construction and other applications like nets for fishing (11M, 12M) and 

baskets. According to 70M, the sap of the roots is used to treat snakebites. The roots have a soft pine-like fragrance 

Informant : 11M, 70M, 12M, 70M, 14M 

Voucher/ Picture code: S2-650, S2-651, S3-4200, S5-8049, S8-912, S8-914 


Xanthosoma cf. sagittifolium (L.) Schott 

Sanku (Sh), Pelma, Sango (Sp?) 

Chumpias, Napints, Shaime, El Tibio, Los Guabos, Sabanilla, El Retorno, El Cristal. Herb. Cultivated in gardens and chacras 

Use: FOO, FOD: The tubers are eaten cooked or in soup. The Saraguros and the Mestizos feed their pigs with Xanthosoma tubers. The 

Mestizos of Los Guabos consider it tastier than C. esculenta 

Informant : 6F, 68M, 16M, 24M, 33F, 48F, 54M 

Voucher/ Picture code : AG380, S2-635, C2-6551, S5-8172, T2-870, T2-876, T3-256, T6-369, G1-332, G1-462, G2-1592 



Xanthosoma sp. 

Wanchúp (Sh) 

Shamatak. Herb. Cultivated in garden 

Use : FOO: The tubers are eaten cooked 



Zantedeschia aethiopica (L.) Spreng 

Cartucho (Sp) 

El Tibio, Los Guabos. Herb. Introduced and cultivated in gardens 

Use : ORN: The plant is cultivated for its beautiful flower 



Genus indet. 1 

Sunkip, Tuka (Sh), Sacha pelma (Qu) 

Napints. Herb in disturbed site 

Use: MED: The sap of the stem is good to treat snakebites. The tubers are not edible (18F) 





Ushu (Sh) 

Napints. Herb in primary forest 

Use: MED: The tuber is used to treat intestinal parasites. It provokes vomit by eating it 




333

ARALIACEAE 

Oreopanax eriocephalus Harms 

Pumamaqui (Qu) 

Sevilla de Oro, Los Guabos. Tree. Tolerated in pastures. Native 

Use : T/C: In the past the wood was used to make spoons 


Voucher/ Picture code: O1-593, O1-594, O1-595 


Oreopanax rosei Harms 

Name unknown 

Los Guabos. Tree. Tolerated in pastures. Endemic 

Use : T/C: The wood is used to make spoons 


Voucher/ Picture code: G1-408 


Schefflera sp. 1 

Sentuch (Sh) 

Napints. Tree. Tolerated in pastures 

Use: CON, FOD: The trunk is used for construction. Birds eat the fruits 




Schefflera sp. 2 

Platanillo (Sp) 

El Tibio. Tree growing in forest remnant 

Use : T/C: In the past the wood was used to make spoons 




ARECACEAE 

Bactris gasipaes Kunth 

Uwí (Sh), Chonta (Sp) 

Chumpias, Napints, Shaime. Palm. Secondary forest and cultivated in forest gardens and protected in pastures 

Use: FOO, CON, BEA, H/F: The fruits are eaten cooked or roasted. An alcoholic drink is prepared from the fermented fruits (chicha de 

chonta). The palm heart is eaten raw or cooked. The wood is used for house construction – mainly walls and floors- for fencing and to 

construct blowguns and lances. Sometimes the trunk hosts edible beetle larvae 

Informant : 4M, 70M, 18F 



Ceroxylon sp. 

Palma de ramos (Sp) 

El Tibio, Los Guabos, La Fragancia, El Cristal. Palm tree in forest remnants 

Use: R/M: The leaves of this palm are used for weaving ornaments used in Catholic ceremonies during the Easter time. 




Chamaedorea linearis (Ruiz & Pav.) Mart. 

Palmito (Sp) 

Shaime: Small palm. Native. It grows in disturbed areas around chacras (protected?) and in secondary forest 

Use : CON: The leaves are used to construct the roofs of houses 




334

Chamaedorea pinnatifrons (Jacq) Oerst. 

Palma (Sp) 

Shaime. Palm. Primary forest. Native 

Use : T/C: The rachis is used as a spit to roast meat 




Dichtyocharyum lamarckianum (Mart) H. Wendl 

Palma (Sp) 

La Fragancia. Palm tree. Protected in pastures. Native 

Use : SHA: This palm tree is tolerated as a shade tree for cattle 


Voucher/ Picture code: C2-5947, C2-5948 


Geonoma stricta Kunth 

Yankip (Sh) 

Shaime, La Fragancia. Palm. Primary forest. Native 

Use : T/C: The rachis is used by the Shuar as a spit to roast meat 


Voucher/ Picture code: AG68, C2-5923, S4-6386 


Iriartea deltoidea Ruiz y Pav. 

Ampakai (Sh), Chonta pambil (Sp) 

Napints, Shaime, Shamatak. Palm. Protected in pastures by the Shuar and present in primary forest. Native. The Shuar replant sometimes this 

palm near their houses (70M) 

Use: FOO, CON, T/C, FUE, BEA, H/F: The Shuar eat the fruits and the palm heart. The Shuar split the stem to make posts, walls, and 

floors in house construction and to make fences (39M). The leaves are used for thatch (39M). The Shuar use this palm to construct barge 

poles and wais (18F). They use young leaves as a broom, while the rachis of dry leaves is used to make mats. The trunk is used to make 

blowguns and lances. Dry stems are sometimes used by the Shuar as fuel and the trunk can host edible beetle larvae (18F) 



Other sources/ Notes: VVDE711. The Saraguros of El Tibio and El Cristal eat the fruits and the apical meristem of an unidentified palm. 

According to their description, it could be Iriartea deltoidea 

Mauritia flexuosa L.f. 

Achu (Sh) 

Shaime, Chumpias, Shamatak. Palm tree. Native. Cultivated in wet places 

Use: FOO, T/C, BEA: The fruits are eaten cooked, mainly prepared as pulp or in ayampakus. The palm heart can be eaten raw or cooked. 

Dry rachis can be used as barge poles. The trunk can host edible beetle larvae 



Determined by: HS, AG 

Other sources/ Notes: Bennet et al. 2002 : The Achuar take their name from this species: Achu Shuar = Achuar 

Oenocarpus bataua Mart. 

Kunkuk (Sh), Palma real (Sp) 

Napints, Chumpias, Shaime. Palm growing in forests, replanted and cultivated in house gardens, and forest gardens and protected in 

pastures. Native 

Use: FOO, CON, F/H, T/C, BEA: The palm heart can be eaten raw or cooked (1M, 12M). The fruits are edible after boiling them in hot 

water. (18F, 12M). The leaves are used for thatch (1M). Young leaves are used to prepare ayampakus (18F, 39M, 12M). The rachis is a 

source of fiber, which is used to make nets for fishing and baskets and darts (1M, 39M). The trunk can host edible beetle larvae (1M) 

Informant : 1M, 12M, 37F, 18F, 39M, 14M 

Voucher/ Picture code: S1-180, S2-984, S3-4162, S3-4186, S4-6380 



Prestoea acuminata (Willd.) H. E. Moore 

Kuriship (Sh) 

Napints. Palm tree. Primary forest. Native 

Use : MED: The leaves are smashed and use as a poultice to treat liver pain 




Other sources/ Notes: WQ336 

335

Prestoea schultzeana (Burret) H. E. Moore 

Tinkimi (Sh) 

Chumpias, Napints, Shamatak. Palm tree growing in riparian forest areas and protected in pastures. Native 

Use: FOO, CON: The palm heart can be eaten raw or cooked in ayampakus. The leaves are used to thatch roofs 





Socratea exorrhiza (Mart.) H. Wendl. 

Kupat (Sh), Palma rallador (Sp) 

Napints. Palm tree. Secondary and mature forest and protected in pastures. Native 

Use: FOO, CON, FUE: The palm heart can be eaten raw or cooked in ayampakus. The trunk can be used for construction walls or as fuel 





Wettinia aequatorialis R. Bernal 

Chonta (Sp) 

El Tibio. Endemic. Tree growing in primary forest remnant 

Use : T/C: In the past the stem was used to spin lamb wool and to make hoes 


Voucher/ Picture code: AG373, T2-962 


Wettinia maynensis Spruce 

Terén (Sh) 

Chumpias, Napints, Shaime, Shamatak. Native. Tree growing in primary forest and protected in pastures. The Shuar replant this tree near 

their houses (70M) 

Use: FOO, CON, T/C, FUE: The palm heart can be eaten raw or cooked in ayampakus. The leaves are used to thatch roofs. The trunks are 

used in construction. The wood of this palm tree is used to make the wai and can be used for fuel. 


Voucher/ Picture code: S1-45, S1-46, S1-47, S1-250, S1-251, S1-335, S7-1004 



ASCLEPIADACEAE 

Hoya carnosa (L.f.) R. Br. 

Porcelana (Sp) 

El Tibio, La Fragancia. Herb. Introduced and cultivated in pots 

Use : ORN: Cultivated as ornamental plant 



Meresaldia sp. 

Name unknown 

Shamatak. Vine growing in disturbed site. 





Other sources/Notes: The plant could be used as ornamental for its flowers 

ASPHODELACEAE 

Aloe aristata Haw. 

Name unknown 

Sabanilla. Herb. Introduced and cultivated in pots 





Other sources/Notes: This species is maybe used in the same way as A.vera 

336

Aloe vera (L.) Burm. f. 

Sábila (Sp) 

El Tibio, Los Guabos, Sabanilla, El Retorno, La Fragancia, El Cristal. Very common herb. Introduced and cultivated in gardens 

Use: MED: The sap is rubbed on the skin to treat cuts and sunburn. The Saraguros use it in the same way to treat headache and brain tumors 

also (16M) 

Informant : 16M, 55F, 33F, 40F, 57F, 27F, 22F, 26F, 69M 

Voucher/ Picture code : C1-4441, C5-1009, G1-702, C4-847 


Aloe sp. 

Name unknown 

Los Guabos. Herb. Introduced and cultivated in pots 





Other sources/Notes: This species is maybe used in the same was as A.vera 

ASTELIACEAE 

Cordyline fruticosa (L.) A. Chev. 

Name unknown 

Shaime. Herb. Introduced and cultivated in a few gardens 

Use : ORN: Cultivated because of its attractive leaves 



ASTERACEAE 

Acmella repens (Walter) Rich. 

Botoncillo (Sp) 

El Tibio. Native. Ruderal herb growing in pastures 

Use: MED: This plant is used to treat the Mal de Holanda. A tea is made from the leaves and fruits to wash the infected mouth together 

with bicarbonate or chewed with Callisia gracilis and bicarbonate 


Voucher/ Picture code: T4-8358 


Adenostemma lavenia (L.) Kuntze 

Ararats (Sh) 

Shaime. Herb. Disturbed primary forest. Native 

Use : MED: Snakes bites are treated by applying a poultice of boiled leaves on the affected area 




Ageratum conyzoides L. 

Pedorrera (Sp) 

Sabanilla, El Retorno, El Tibio, El Cristal, Shaime, Los Guabos. Very common ruderal herb. Introduced. It grows in pastures and gardens 

Use: MED: The Saraguros prepare a tea from pedorrera with black mint to treat flatulence (19F). A tea made from this plant is used by the 

Saraguros to treat headache (16M). The Mestizos use Ageratum conyzoides tea to treat mal aire. The Shuar make a tea from the plant to 

treat diarrhea 

Informant : 27F, 19F, 68M, 55F, 16M, 37F, 8M 

Voucher/ Picture code: AG117, T2-871, S3-4174, T4-8375 


Ambrosia artemisioides Meyen & Walpers ex Meyen. 

Altamisa, Marco (Sp) 

El Tibio, Los Guabos. Shrub in disturbed areas and gardens. Native 

Use: MED, OTH: The Saraguros prepare an infusion with leaves and seeds to treat colds (aire de agua) and headaches. They drink a small 

cup of it or use the infusion to make herb baths. An herb bath with A. artemisioides is used by the Saraguros against house fleas and for 

female hygiene. A herb bath with A. artemisioides and Cymbopogon citratus and milk is used by the Mestizos to treat muscle pain (57F) 




337

Austroeupatorium inulaefolium (Kunth) King & H.Rob. 

Guangalo chico (Qu) 

El Tibio, Los Guabos, Sevilla de Oro. Herb in disturbed sites. Native 

Use: MEL: Meliferous plant (34M). Very attractive to bees. No use in El Tibio nor in Los Guabos 


Voucher/ Picture code: AG418, T6-238, T6-239, T6-240, T6-241, T6-242 


Other sources/Notes: It could be of importance for beekeeping and honey production in bee pastures 

Baccharis genistelloides (Lam.) Pers. 

Mano de Dios, Tres filos (Sp) 

El Tibio. Los Guabos, El Retorno, El Cristal. Herb in disturbed sites. Native 

Use: MED: The plant is used in infusions to treat stomachache. Herb baths with B. genistelloides are used to treat backache. The plant is 

boiled shortly. The Mestizos and the Saraguros use it in El Cristal to treat blood pressure problems. The Mestizos of El Retorno use a tea 

made from the plant to treat kidney problems (7M) 




Baccharis sp. 

Chilca (Qu) 

El Tibio, Los Guabos. Common shrub. Cultivated in gardens and protected in pastures 

Use : MED: A tea made from this plant (stem and leaves) is used to treat colds 




Bidens pilosa L. 

Shirán (Qu) 

Shamatak, El Tibio, El Retorno, Los Guabos. Ruderal herb in pastures and other disturbed areas. Native 

Use: MED: The sap is used by the Saraguros to treat burns (16M). An infusion made with its sprouts, sugar, escancel, and white pinks are 

used by the Saraguros to cure foetus ailments and it is used to treat headache, even if it is provoked by bashes (16M). The sap of the leaves 

is also used to treat colics and headache (16M). The ashes of the flowers are used in El Retorno to treat fungus infections and pimples 

(27F). The Mestizos of Los Guabos make a tea from B. pilosa flowers and Ageratum conyzoides to treat fever and influenza (57F). No use 

reported in Shamatak 

Informant : 16M, 27F, 39M, 57F, 33F 

Voucher/ Picture code: AG332, AG387, AG442, T4-8373, G1-475 


Centratherum punctatum Cass 

Name unknown 

Napints. Cultivated in garden. Herb. Native 

Use : MED: A tea is made from the flowers to treat infections 




Clibadium sp. 

Masu (Sh), Barbasquillo (Sp) 

Napints. Shrub cultivated in chacra 

Use: F/H: The leaves are chopped and placed in small streams. The fish float to the surface and can be fished. It should not be used together 

with Lonchocarpus nicou. According to the informants these species loose their properties if they are used simultaneously 


Voucher/ Picture code: AG102, S1-323, S5-8095, S5-8096, S5-8097 


Chrysanthemum indicum L. 

Santa María (Sp) 

El Retorno, La Fragancia, El Cristal. Herb. Introduced and cultivated in gardens 

Use: MED, ORN: The plant is used in El Retorno in an infusion to treat espanto de los niños (27F). In La Fragancia, flowers and leaves are 

chopped up and mixed with thymol and camphor. This mixture has to be inhaled against mal aire. The plant is used to decorate gardens 

Voucher/ Picture code : C1-4441, T6-328, T6-338 



338

Cosmos bipinnatus Cav. 

Name unknown 

Los Guabos. Herb. Cultivated in gardens 

Use : ORN: It is used as ornamental plant 



Critoniopsis sp. 

Name unknown 

Shaime. Tree. Secondary growth in pasture fallow 




Dhalia pinnata Cav. 

Dalia (Sp) 

El Tibio, El Retorno, El Cristal, Los Guabos. Herb. Introduced and cultivated in chacras and gardens 

Use: ORN, MED: The Saraguros and the Mestizos of El Cristal and Los Guabos use it to embellish the local chapel during religious 

festivities. The Mestizos of El Retorno (27F) make a poultice from crushed roots to treat swellings 

Informant : 59F, 31F, 60F, 46F, 27F, 68M, 15M 

Voucher/ Picture code : T1-0019 b, T4-8330, T4-8331, T4-8332, C1-4440, T6-248, G2-1553, G3-713 


Galinsoga quadriradiata Ruiz & Pav. 

Pakunka (Qu) 

Los Guabos. Herb. In pastures. Native 

Use: FOD, MED: The plant is used up as fodder for cuys and cattle. It is used in an undisclosed way to treat influenza (26F) 

Informant: 8M, 26F 

Voucher/ Picture code: AG263, AG399, G1-315 


Galinsoga sp. 

Pakunka (Qu) 

El Tibio. Herb. In pastures 

Use : FOD: The plant is used up as fodder for cuys and cattle 

Informant: 16M 



Gamochaeta americana (Mill.) Wedd. 

Lechuguilla (Sp) 

El Tibio, Los Guabos, El Cristal. Ruderal herb. In pastures. Native 

Use: MED: The Saraguros prepare a tea from the plant to treat colds and diarrhoea. They use it together with terramicyne tablets. The 

Mestizos use the plant to make a tea from to treat stomachache. 

Informant: 16M, 8M, 57F 

Voucher/ Picture code: AG115, AG295, T4-8366 


Gazania sp. 

Name unknown 

Los Guabos. Herb. Cultivated. Introduced 

Use : ORN: The plant is cultivated as ornamental 




Gynoxys verrucosa Wedd. 

Guangalo, guangalo grande (Qu) 

Los Guabos, Sevilla de Oro. Treelet. Cultivated. 

Use: FEN, MEL: The Mestizos plant G. verrucosa as a living fence. According to 34M, it is an interesting species for honey production in 

bee pastures. 


Voucher/ Picture code : AG271, AG434, G1-421, O1-573, 01-585, O1-586 


339

Heliopsis canescens D. Don 

Puyaco (Qu) 

Los Guabos. Herb in pastures 

Use : FOD: Pastures were H. canescens grows are considered very good for milk production 




Heliopsis oppositifolia (Lamarck) S. Díaz 

Katip’ujuk (Sh), Guisho (Qu) 

Shamatak, El Tibio. Herb. Disturbed site. Native 

Use: MED: This herb is used by the Shuar to treat relapses. The Saraguro women of El Tibio prepare an infusion with the whole plant and 

drink a small cup to treat menstrual irregularities 


Voucher/ Picture code: AG10, AG338, S7-1037 


Other sources/Notes: It has the same Shuar name as Stachytarpheta cayennensis (Rich.) M. Vahl. 

Heliopsis sp. 

Puyaco (Qu), Botoncillo (Sp) 

El Tibio, El Cristal. Herb in pastures 

Use : MED: The flowers are chewed as an anti-inflammatory for wounds and stings in the lips, teeth (15M) and mouth 


Voucher/ Picture code : T3-7031, T3-7032, ET-1 


Lactuca sativa L. 

Lechuga (Sp) 

El Tibio, El Retorno, La Fragancia, El Cristal. Herb. Introduced and cultivated in chacras 

Use : FOO : This plant is widely cultivated to prepare salads with its leaves. It is sometimes sold in the Zamora market (63M) 


Voucher/ Picture code : T1-16a, C2-6005, C5-1074 


Matricaria sp. 

Manzanilla (Sp) 

El Tibio, Los Guabos, El Cristal. Herb. Cultivated in chacras. Introduced 

Use: MED: The flowers and the leaves are boiled shortly to treat stomachache. This infusion is drunk or used to wash the stomach area 

Informant : 59F, 31F, 46F, 48F, 15M 

Voucher/Picture code : T1-11a, G1-351, G2-1559 


Mikania sp. 1 

Kusap (Sh) 

Napints. Shrub. Primary forest 

Use : VET: The juice of the stem is given to dogs in order to improve their hunting ability 




Munnozia cf. senecionidis Benth 

Lengua de vaca (Sp) 

Shaime. Vine in abandoned pasture. Native 

Use : FOD: The leaves are used to feed water snails 




Munnozia sp. 

Name unknown 

Shamatak. Shrub in disturbed site 

Use : VET: The leaves are used to extract the placenta of cattle if they do not throw it during birth 




340

Philoglossa mimuloides (Hieron) H.Rob. &Cuatrec. 

Puyaco (Qu) 

El Tibio. Herb growing in pastures. Native 

Use : VET: It is said that this plant cures cow ailments 




Piptocoma discolor (Kunth) Pruski 

Shinkip (Sh), Tunash (Qu) 

Napints, Shaime, Shamatak, El Tibio, Sabanilla, El Retorno, La Fragancia. Common pioneer tree in abandoned chacras, disturbed sites, 

secondary forest and protected in pastures. Native 

Use: CON, FUE, SHA: The wood is used by the Shuar for making beams and for formwork boards (39M). It is very good firewood used by 

all groups (18F, 39M, 16M, 70M). The Saraguros and the Mestizos use the trunk to make posts for fences. The tree is protected in pastures 

as shade for cattle 

Informant : 18F, 39M, 16M, 70M 

Voucher/ Picture code: AG166, AG239, S2-646, T3-7176, T3-7178, S7-1159, S7-1160 


Smallanthus sonchifolius (Poepp.) H. Rob. 

Jícama (Sp) 

El Retorno. Shrub. Cultivated in garden. Native 

Use: FOO: The root is eaten raw or cooked 



Sonchus oleraceus L. 

Cerraja (Sp), Canayuyo (Qu) 

El Retorno. Common herb in disturbed areas and pastures. Introduced 

Use: MED: An infusion made from the leaves and the flowers is used to treat liver inflammations. The sap is used to treat tooth pain (27F) 

Informant: 27F, 55F 



Tagetes erecta L. 

Ayarrosa (Sp) 

El Tibio, El Cristal, Los Guabos. Herb. Cultivated in garden. Introduced 

Use: ORN: The flowers are used by women to make flower crowns to embellish the local chapel 


Voucher/ Picture code : T6-334, T6-346, T4-8330, T4-8331, T4-8332, G1-320 


Tagetes terniflora Kunth 

Chinchiguandur (Qu), Cholo valiente (Sp) 

Los Guabos, El Cristal. Shrub. Cultivated in garden. Native 

Use : MED: The plant is used in herb baths by the Mestizos to treat mal aire 




Tanacetum parthenium (L.) Sch. Bip. 

Santa María (Sp) 

El Retorno, El Tibio, El Cristal. Herb. Cultivated in garden. Introduced 

Use : MED: A tea is made from chopped leaves and then used externally (sopla) to treat “espanto de los niños” 



Taraxacum officinale Weber 

Diente de león (Sp) 

El Retorno, Sabanilla. Herb. Ruderal. Introduced 

Use : MED: A tea made from the plant is used as an all-round remedy 

Informant: 27F, 50M 


341

Vernonanthura patens (Kunth) H. Rob. 

Naitiak (Sh), Laritaco (Sp) 

Napints, Shaime, El Tibio. Common pioneer tree in abandoned chacras and tolerated in chacras and pastures. Native 

Use: CON, FUE, MED, OTH: The wood is used for making formwork boards, barge poles (Shuar) and for construction (Saraguros). The 

stem is used for firewood and the ashes are employed by the Shuar to treat espanto. Among the Shuar its anthesis marks the arrival of the 

rainy season 


Voucher/ Picture code: AG6, S1-139, S1-296, T4-8372 


Genus indet. 

Name unknown 

Shaime. Introduced and cultivated herb in pots 

Use : ORN 



BALSAMINACEAE 

Impatiens balsamina L. 

Chabela (Sp) 

El Tibio, El Cristal, La Fragancia. Cultivated herb in garden. Introduced 

Use: FOO, ORN, MED: The colourful flowers are used as an ingredient of the horchata by the Saraguros and have an ornamental 

character. A poultice of Impatiens spp. flowers is situated on the patients forehead by some Mestizos to treat headache and fever (27F) 


Voucher/ Picture code : T6-319, T6-324, T6-326, C4-870, C5-999 


Impatiens x Neu Guinea 

Name unknown 

El Tibio. Introduced and cultivated herb in gardens 

Use : ORN: The species is cultivated for its colourful flowers 


Voucher/ Picture code : T3-7057, T5-1484, T5-1485, T5-1486 


Impatiens walleriana Hook. f. 

Chabela (Sp) 

El Tibio, Sabanilla, El Retorno, La Fragancia, Los Guabos, El Cristal, Shaime. Introduced and cultivated herb in gardens. Feral herb in 

some disturbed areas 

Use: ORN, MED: The species is cultivated for its colourful flowers. A poultice of Impatiens spp. flowers is situated on the patients 

forehead by some Mestizos to treat headache and fever (27F) 

Informant : 27F, 46F, 55F, 22F, 63M, 54M, 69M 

Voucher/ Picture code : AG84, C2-5410, C2-5411, C2-5817, C2-5818, C2-5833, T6-357 

Determined by: WQ, HS, DV, AG 

BEGONIACEAE 

Begonia cf. fischeri Schrank 

Churunch (Sh), Begonia (Sp) 

Shaime. Herb in ruderal wet areas. Native 

Use: MED: The Shuar use a solution made with alcohol and this plant topically to treat intumescences in children. The species grow in 

Sabanilla; no use reported among Mestizos 


Voucher/ Picture code: AG72, AG 228, S6-199, S6-200 


Begonia glabra Aubl. 

Name unknown 

La Fragancia. Herb. Humid site near the old road between Loja and Zamora. Native 





342

Begonia x tuberhybrida 

Begonia (Sp) 

El Retorno, Los Guabos, El Tibio, El Cristal. Herb. Cultivated in garden 

Use: ORN, MED: The Mestizos and Saraguros use this species in medicinal infusions for an undisclosed purpose. It is cultivated as an 

ornamental plant 

Informant : 55F, 48F, 59F, 68M 



BETULACEAE 

Alnus acuminata Kunth. 

Aliso (Sp) 

Sabanilla, El Retorno. Tree. Introduced in the area. Cultivated. Native 

Use: CON, FEN: The tree has been introduced for its good wood. It has also been planted as living fence in Sabanilla and along the road 

from Imbana to El Tibio and from Loja to Zamora 




Other sources/Notes: This species grows naturally on the western slopes of the Cordillera Oriental, but it is only found cultivated in the 

eastern slopes 

BIGNONIACEAE 

Crescentia cujete L. 

Tsapa (Sh) 

Napints. Tree. Cultivated in chacra. Introduced 

Use : T/C: The fruits are used to fabricate bowls and chicha strainers 




Jacaranda copaia (Aubl.) D. Don 

Arabisco (Sp) 

Shaime. Tree. Secondary forest. Native 

Use : CON: The stem is used to build houses 




Mansoa sp. 

Kaip (Sh), Ajo macho (Sp) 

Napints. Herb. Transplanted liana in house garden 

Use: VET, R/M: The sap is diluted in water to treat the pest of poultry. The Shuar replant this species in their gardens in order to protect 

their home against shamans’ maledictions. 




Other sources/ Notes: According to 58F, there exist two different species of Kaip. Bennet et al. (2002) described the medicinal use of 

Mansoa standleyi, a vine with the odor of garlic called Kaip as well. Mansoa sp. has this odor too (the Spanish name given to this vine in 

Napints, “ajo macho”, means “male garlic”) 

Tabebuia chrysantha (Jacq.) G. Nicholson 

Guayacán (Qu?) 

EL Tibio, Los Guabos, Sabanilla, El Retorno, La Fragancia, El Cristal. Tree. Protected in pastures. Native 

Use : CON: Its timber is very appreciated for construction and fences 


Voucher/ Picture code : AG379, C2-5418, C2-5419, C2-5420, C2-5422, C25455, C2-5456, C2-5457, C2-5459, C2-5460, C3-8272, C3- 

8542, C3-8571, T5-1230, T5-1489, T6-295 

Determined by: HS, DV, AG 

343

BIXACEAE 

Bixa orellana L. 

Ipiak (Sh), Achiote (Sp) 

Chumpias, Napints, Shaime, La Fragancia. Common tree cultivated in gardens. Native 

Use: FOO, MED, DPV, R/M: The seeds are used to flavour and to colour soups and to dye cotton clothes. They were used in the past by 

the Shuar to colour their faces during festivals and ceremonies. Among the Shuar, the seeds are rubbed on the skin to treat fungi and other 

skin problems like pickles (10M) 


Voucher/ Picture code: AG202, S1-35, S1-36, S1-37, S2-523, S2-524, S5-8130, S5-8131 

Determined by: CC, AG 

BOMBACACEAE 

Ceiba samauma K. Schum. 

Ceibo (Sp) 

Napints, Shamatak. Cultivated tree in gardens and pastures. Native 

Use: H/F: The seed hairs are used as wad to hunt with blowguns and carbines. After loading the weapon (with arrows or bullets), a piece of 

cotton is stuffed in the weapons’ pipe to plug it. It is used to make dart air seals as well. 




Ochroma pyramidale (Cav. ex. Lam.) Urb. 

Kuts (Sh), Balsa, Balsón (Sp) 

Shaime. El Retorno, Sabanilla. Pioneer tree in disturbed areas. Native 

Use: CON, CRA, FIB: The Shuar use the stem to construct canoes. They also make carvings from it. The Shuar and Mestizo settlers use the 

wood for construction. In the past the Mestizos used the seed fibers to stuff pillows (7M) 


Voucher/ Picture code : C1-4387, C1-4418, C2-5525, C3-8271, C4-802 


Spirotheca rimbachii Cuatrec. 

Ceibo (Sp) 

El Tibio, Los Guabos. Tree. Protected in pastures. Endemic 

Use : FIB: In the past the fibers of the seeds were used to stuff pillows 


Voucher/ Picture code: T2-974, T2-975, T2-976, T2-977 


BORAGINACEAE 

Borago officinalis L. 

Borraja (Sp) 

El Retorno, El Tibio, El Cristal. Herb. Cultivated in gardens. Introduced 

Use: MED: A tea from the plant is made by the Mestizos to treat influenza. The Saraguros boil this plant shortly and drink it in an infusion 

to treat cough 

Informant : 27F, 31F, 68M, 15M 


Cordia alliodora (Ruiz & Pav.) Oken 

Murushi (Sh), Laurel (Sp) 

Chumpias, Shaime. Common tree in forests and tolerated in pastures. Native. The Shuar plant and protect it 

Use: CON: The Shuar and Mestizos use the wood to construct houses, make planks, beams, and furniture. The Shuar sell the wood to 

Mestizo merchants 




Cordia nodosa Lam. 

Name unknown 

Shaime. Treelet. Secondary forest. Native 



Voucher/ Picture code : S8-915 


344

Cordia sp. 

Buscapina (Sp) 

Los Guabos. Herb. Cultivated in garden 

Use : MED: A tea from the leaves is prepared and used as analgesic for abdominal cramps 


Voucher/ Picture code : AG260, G1-309 


BRASSICACEAE 

Brassica napus L. 

Nabo (Sp) 

El Tibio. Herb cultivated in gardens. Introduced 

Use : FOO: The roots are edible 




Brassica oleracea L. 

Col (Sp) 

La Fragancia, Sabanilla, El Tibio, Los Guabos, El Cristal. Herb cultivated in gardens. Introduced 

Use : FOO: The leaves are eaten raw or cooked 

Informant: 27F, 7M, 46F, 63M, 31F, 59F, 48F, 54M, 50M, 69M 

Voucher/ Picture code : T1-18a, C1-4440, C2-5959, T6-352, C5-1074, G1-324 


Lepidium chichicara Desv. 

Chichira (Qu) 

Los Guabos, El Tibio. Wild plant growing in home gardens and disturbed sites. Native 

Use: MED: The Mestizos use an infusion made from the plant to treat menstrual irregularities. The Saraguros treat aire de agua by 

applying leaves topical 




Rorippa bonariensis (Pior.) Mackloskie 

Berro de campo (Sp) 

Los Guabos. Herb. Ruderal areas. Native 

Use : MED: The leaves are used to treat an undisclosed illness 




Raphanus sativus L. 

Rábano (Sp) 

El Tibio. Herb cultivated in gardens. Introduced 

Use : FOO: The bulbs are edible 



BROMELIACEAE 

Aechmea sp. 1 

Wasakee (Sh) 

Shaime. Secondary forest epiphyte. 

Use : H/F: The Shuar make traps with leave fibers to capture birds 




345

Aechmea sp. 2 

Name unknown 

Shaime. Epiphyte. Primary forest and transplanted in garden 

Use : ORN: The Shuar sometimes collect this plant as ornamental 




Other sources/Notes: The plant has potential as ornamental plant 

Aechmea sp. 3 

Kuish (Sh) 

Shamatak. Transplanted epiphyte in garden 

Use : ORN: The species is used as ornamental plant 





Ananas comosus (L.) Merr. 

Chuí, Kuish (Sh), Piña (Sp) 

Chumpias, Napints, Shaime, El Tibio, La Fragancia. Common herb cultivated in gardens and chacras 

Use: FOO, FEN: This species is cultivated for its edible infructescence by all ethnic groups. The Saraguros use pineapple as living fences 

around their chacras to protect them from poultry 

Informant : 58F, 12M, 59F, 22F, 63M 

Determined by: HS, WQ 

Voucher/ Picture code: S1-327, S2-508, S2-509, S2-510, S4-6307, T1-16a, T1-17b, T2-855 

Billbergia sp. 

Name unknown 

Shaime. Epiphytic herb. Primary forest 





Other sources/Notes: The plant has a great potential as ornamental plant 

Greigia sp. 

Piña (Sp) 

El Tibio. Herb growing in a primary forest remnant 

Use : FOO: The fruits are edible 




Tillandsia complanata Benth. 

Kuish (Sh), Huicundo (Qu) 

Shaime. Epiphyte. Secondary forest. Native and replanted in house gardens 

Use : ORN: The Shuar replant different Tillandsia spp. as ornamental plants 




Tillandsia sp. 1 

Name unknown 

Chumpias. Epiphyte in a tree 





Other sources/Notes : This species of Tillandsia has a great potential as ornamental plant 


Name unknown 

El Retorno. Epiphyte in protected tree 



Voucher/ Picture code : C3-7615, C3-7616, C3-7619 


346


Name unknown 

La Fragancia. Epiphyte. Replanted garden 

Use: ORN: The plant was collected in the forest and used as ornamental plant 





BRUNELLIACEAE 

Brunellia sp. 

Cadillo (Sp) 

El Tibio. Tree. Secondary forest 





BUDDLEJACEAE 

Buddleja cf. americana L. 

Salvia Real (Sp) 

La Fragancia, Los Guabos. Shrub in disturbed sites. Native 

Use: MED: The Mestizos of Los Guabos use a decoction of the plant to wash patients with bone ache. No use has been reported in La 

Fragancia 




BURSERACEAE 

Dacryodes peruviana (Loes.) Lam. 

Kunchai (Sh), Copal (Sp) 

Shaime, Napints, Chumpias. Primary forest tree. Native 

Use: FOO, CON, FUE: The fruits are soaked in hot water or warmed up in live coal to eat the fruit pulp. They taste sweet. The stem is used 

to make planks and the wood is used for firewood (11M, 70M, 12M). The resin is used for candles (11M) 




Other sources/ Notes: VVVDE679, FS96. According to 12M there exist two varieties, one with big fruits (mama kunchai) and another one 

(numi kunchai) with small ones 

Protium sp. 

Caucho (Sp) 

Napints. Primary forest tree. Tolerated in pastures 

Use: FOO, CON, FUE: The fruits are edible. The stem is used to make planks. The resin is used for candles. 




CACTACEAE 

Echinopsis pachanoi (Britton & Rose) Friedrich & G.D. Rowley 

San Pedro (Sp) 

Los Guabos. Herb. Cultivated in garden. Native 

Use : ORN: This cactus has been cultivated as ornamental plant, but the owner cut it, because it was said that it is some kind of drug 




347

Hylocereus polyrhizus (F.A.C. Weber) Briton & Rose 

Ikiamanchi (Sh) 

Napints. Epiphyte. Secondary forest herb replanted in garden and cultivated. Native 

Use : MED: The sap of the leaves is used to treat burns 




Opuntia sp. 

Name unknown 


Use: ORN: The plant is cultivated as ornamental. Apparently the fruits are not used as food 




Rhipsalidopsis sp. 

Name unknown 

La Fragancia. Herb. Cultivated 

Use : ORN: The plant is cultivated in pots for its beautiful structure and flowers 

Informant : 27F, 44M, 26F 

Voucher/ Picture code : C1-4486, C3-7689, C4-872, G1-664 


CAESALPINACEAE 

Caesalpinia pulcherrima (L.) Sw. 

Sékemur (Sh) 

Chumpias, Napints, Shaime. Treelet. Introduced and cultivated 

Use: OTH, DPV, MED: The root is used as soap to wash clothes. White clothes should not be washed using sékemur. Sékemur is also used 

as shampoo to treat dandruff and hair loss (18F) 

Informant : 11M, 18F, 39M, 70M, 14M 



Schizolobium parahyba (Vell.) S.F. Blake 

Pachaco (Qu?) 

Napints. Tree. Cultivated in garden. Native 

Use : T/C: The wood is used to make tools and boxes 




Senna macranthera (DC. ex Collad) H.S.Irwin&Barneby 

Name unknown 

Shaime. Shrub. Protected in pasture 





Senna macrophylla (Kunth) H.S. Irwin & Barneby 

Name unknown 

La Fragancia. Shrub. Protected in pasture. Native 





Other sources/Notes: It may have had a use in the past. It was protected by former land owners 

Senna Reticulata (Willd.) H.S. Irwin& Barneby 

Pachaco (Qu?) 

Napints. Tree. Cultivated in house garden. Native 

Use : ORN: The tree is planted as ornamental plant in gardens 




348

CAMPANULACEAE 

Laurentia longiflora (L.) Endl. 

Name unknown 

El Limón. Herb. Ruderal. New road between Loja and Zamora 





Other sources/Notes: It could be used as ornamental for its beautiful flowers 

CANNACEAE 

Canna indica L. 

Wuaimpiak (Sh), Achira (Sp) 

Chumpias, Napints, Shaime. Sabanilla, El Retorno, La Fragancia, El Tibio, Los Guabos, El Cristal. Herb. Cultivated in house gardens and 

chacras. Native 

Use: FOO, CRA, ORN, OTH, FEN: The rhizome is edible. The Shuar use the leaves to prepare ayampakus. The Mestizos and Saraguros 

use them to cook tamales. The Mestizos sell the leaves for the same purpose. Each leave costs about one cent. The Shuar use the dried 

seeds to make crafts like bracelets and necklaces. The plant is a common ornamental among mestizo and saraguro settlers. The Shuar 

women plant Canna indica in the chacras to avoid the rottening of Manihot esculenta plants. 55F uses C. indica as living fence 

Informant : 4M, 18F, 59F, 7M, 31F, 27F, 70M, 69M, 55F, 57F 

Voucher/ Picture code: AG198, S1-347, S2-713, S2-715, C1-4483, C1-4484, C2-5806, C3-8476, C4-841, T6-347, T6-360, G1-328 

Determined by: CC, HS, AG, DV 

CAPPARACEAE 

Cleome sp. 

Name unknown 

Chumpias, Shaime. Shrub. Introduced and cultivated in house garden 





CAPRIFOLIACEAE 

Sambucus nigra L. 

Suke (Sh), Tilo, sauco (Sp) 

Chumpias, Napints, Shaime, El Tibio, Los Guabos, Sabanilla, El Retorno, El Cristal, La Fragancia. Common shrub. Cultivated in house 

gardens 

Use: MED: An infusion is made from the leaves to treat influenza. In Sabanilla, a tea from S. nigra and Aloysia triphylla leaves is made to 

treat headache (27F). Sauco leaves are rubbed on the skin by the Shuar to treat skin swellings 

Informant : 4M, 58F, 27F, 68M, 16M, 5F, 55F, 24M 

Voucher/ Picture code: AG394, S1-129, S1-295, S1-317, S4-6302, C2-5395 

Determined by: CC, HS, WQ, AG, DV 

Viburnum pinchinchense Benth. 

Name unknown 

Sabanilla. Tree. Protected in pastures 




CARICACEAE 

Carica microcarpa Jacq. 

Tsampu numi (Sh), Uva verde (Sp) 

Shaime. Tree. Primary forest. Native 





Other sources/ Notes: FS18, VVVDE915 

349

Carica papaya L. 

Wapai (Sh), Papaya (Sp) 

Chumpias, Napints, Shaime, La Fragancia. Common tree. Cultivated in chacras and house gardens. Native 

Use : FOO: The tree is cultivated for its edible fruits 

Informant : 58F, 12M, 22F, 7M, 69M 

Voucher/ Picture code: S1-319, C2-5806, C2-5951 


Carica cf. pubescens Lenné & C. Koch 

Toronche (Qu?) 

El Tibio, Los Guabos, La Fragancia. Common tree. Cultivated in chacras and gardens. Native 

Use : FOO: The tree is cultivated for its edible fruits 


Voucher/ Picture code : T3-265, G1-331 


CARYOPHYLLACEAE 

Dianthus sp. 

Clavel (Sp) 

La Fragancia, El Tibio. Herb. Cultivated 

Use: ORN, MED: This plant is cultivated for its beautiful flowers. A decoction of the plant with Bidens pilosa and Aerva sanguinolenta is 

used by the Saraguros to treat ”foetus ailments” (16M) 




Drymaria cordata A. Gray 

Botoncillo (Sp) 

Shamatak. Herb in disturbed site. Native 

Use : MED: The plant is used to treat an undisclosed illness 




Gypsophila sp. 

Ilusión (Sp) 

Sevilla de Oro. Herb. Cultivated in chacra 

Use : ORN: The plant is a popular ornamental plant, used mainly in bouquets 




CECROPIACEAE 

Cecropia sp. 

Suú (Sh), Guarumo (Sp) 

Napints, Shaime. Common pioneer tree. Tolerated in chacras and pastures 

Use : CON, FUE: The wood is used to construct typical shuar chairs (12M) and for fuel (12M, 70M) 




Coussapoa villosa Poepp. & Endl. 

Name unknown 

La Fragancia. Tree. Tolerated in pastures. Native 




350

Pourouma cecropiifolia Mart. 

Washi shuinia, Mutush (Sh), Uva negra (Sp) 






Other sources/ notes: VVDE685 

Pourouma guianensis Aubl. 

Shuinia (Sh), Uva (Sp) 


Use : FOO, FUE: The fruits are eaten raw. The wood is used as fuel 


Voucher/Picture code: S8-908, S8-909 


Other sources/ notes: VVDE684 

CHENOPODIACEAE 

Beta vulgaris var. cicla 

Acelga (Sp) 

El Tibio, Sabanilla, La Fragancia. Cultivated herb in gardens. Introduced 

Use : FOO: The leaves are eaten cooked 




Chenopodium ambrosioides L. 

Paico (Qu) 

Napints, El Retorno, Los Guabos. Cultivated herb in chacras and in house gardens. Introduced 

Use: MED: The Shuar use an infusion from the plant to treat toothache. The Mestizos make a tea from the plant mixed with Verbena 

litoralis sprouts in order to treat parasites and children with diarrhea (55F, 27F). An infusion of the plant is used to treat mal aire (57F) 

Informant : 10M, 27F, 55F, 57F 

Voucher/ Picture code: AG449, S5-8102, C1-4453, C3-5406 


CHLORANTHACEAE 

Hedyosmum goudotianum Solms. 

Monte del oso (Sp), Guayusa (Qu) 

El Retorno. Treelet in pastures. Native 

Use : FOO: A tea is made from the leaves 


Voucher/ Picture code: AG139, AG315, C4-789 


CLETHRACEAE 

Clethra revoluta Ruiz & Pav. 

Canelo rosado (Sp) 

El Retorno, El Cristal. Tree. Protected in pastures. Native 

Use : CON: The wood is used for construction in El Retorno and El Cristal 


Voucher/ Picture code : AG130, T6-453 


Clethra sp. 

Name unknown 


No use reported: The tree is used as a part of a fence, but it has not been planted for this purpose 



351

CLUSIACEAE 

Calophyllum sp. 

Bella María (Sp) 


Use : CON: The stem is used to construct houses 




Chrysochlamys sp. 1 

Yankip, Yeene (Sh) 

Shaime. Tree. Secondary forest 

Use: MED, FOD, DPV: The fruit is eaten raw or drunk in an infusion to treat kidney ailments (39M). The birds eat the fruit. The resin is 

used to glaze pottery and wooden crafts 


Voucher/ Picture code: AG97, AG183, S6-9981, S6-9996 



Katsua (Sh) 


Use: FIB, CON: The bark is used to make fibers to fix the ax to the grip. The wood is used for construction 





Name unknown 






Clusia alata Triana & Planch. 

Duco (Qu) 

El Tibio. Tree. Protected in pastures. Native 

Use: R/M: The resin is used as incense in religious ceremonies, mainly during Easter and Christmas time 


Voucher/ Picture code : T4-8377, T4-8378, T4-8379 


Clusia aff. latipes Planch. 

Name unknown 






Garcinia sp. 1 

Ikawa (Sh) 

Napints. Tree. Protected in pastures 

Use : CON: The wood is used to construct houses 




Garcinia sp. 2 

Penká num (Sh) 


Use: CON, FUE, DPV: The wood is used to make planks to construct houses (1M). The resin is used for candles. The resin was used to 

varnish blow-guns (1M) 




352

Hypericum canadense L. 

Guisho chico (Qu, El Tibio), Chinchimaní (Qu, Los Guabos) 

El Tibio, Los Guabos. Herb in pastures. Introduced 

Use: MED: The Saraguros make a tea from this species mixed with Cuphea racemosa to treat menstrual irregularities. This tea is very 

bitter, so they add sugar. The Mestizos of Los Guabos use this species for its medicinal properties too, but for an undisclosed illness 




Tovomita weddeliana Triana & Planch. 

Name unknown 


Use : FOD: The birds eat the fruits 



Other sources/ Notes: WQ235 

Vismia confertiflora Spruce ex. Rchb. 

Name unknown 


Use : DPV The sap is used as dye and paint 




Vismia tomentosa Ruiz & Pav. 

Achiotillo (Sp) 

Sabanilla, El Retorno, La Fragancia, Los Guabos. Tree. Secondary forest and protected in pastures. Native 

Use: CON, FUE: The wood is used for construction and for fuel. It is also used to make fences 




Vismia sp.1 

Ipiak (Sh), Achiote de la selva (Sp) 

Chumpias, Shaime. Tree. Secondary forest 

Use: CON, FUE, DPV, OTH: The wood is used for construction and for fuel (4M, 12M). The sap was used to substitute Bixa orellana as 

dye, paint and to make tattoos (12M). A poison was made with its sap and konga ants (12M) 


Voucher/ Picture code: AG94, S1-56, S2-501, S2-503 


Vismia sp. 2 

Yampiak (Sh) 


Use : DPV: The sap is used as dye and paint 




COMBRETACEAE 

Terminalia sp. 

Yumpink (Sh) 

Shaime. Tree. Mature forest and replanted in chacra 

Use: CON: The wood is used for houses and to construct furniture. The Shuar sometimes sell the wood to mestizo merchants 




353

COMMELINACEAE 

Callisia gracilis (Kunth) D.R. Hunt. 

Calcio, calcha (Sp) 

Sabanilla, El Tibio, El Retorno, Los Guabos. Herb growing in pastures. Native 

Use: MED, FOO: The Saraguros chew the plant together with botoncillo and bicarbonate to treat “Mal de Holanda”. The Mestizos make an 

infusion to treat colds. During hot days the Mestizos of Los Guabos drink the sap of the stem to refresh theirselves 




Commelina sp. 

Name unknown 

Napints. Herb 




CONVOLVULACEAE 

Ipomoea batatas L. 

Inchí (Sh), Camote (Sp) 

Chumpias, Napints, Shaime, El Retorno, El Tibio, El Cristal. Common vine cultivated in chacras. Native 

Use: FOO: The root is eaten cooked or roasted and used by the Shuar to prepare chicha. There exist at least three varieties (white, orange 

and violet) among the Shuar 

Informant : 58F, 18F, 10M, 55F, 68M 

Voucher/ Picture code: AG240, S1-192, S1-196, C2-5409, S5-8090, S6-223 


Ipomoea tricolor L. 

Name unknown 

El Retorno. Vine. Introduced and cultivated 

Use : ORN: The species is cultivated as ornamental plant in gardens 




Ipomoea sp. 1 

Ingingi (Sh) 

Chumpias. Vine in disturbed area 





Ipomoea sp. 2 

Name unknown 

Shaime. Vine in disturbed area 

Use: MED, OTH: The leaves are rubbed on the skin to treat “aire fuerte” (18F). This species is used in Perú to commit suicide by eating it 

(18F, 39M, 12M) 




COSTACEAE 

Costus sp. 1 

Untuntu (Sh), Caña agria (Sp) 

Chumpias. Herb in disturbed area 

Use: MED: The stem is chewed to treat stomachaches. It has a refreshing sour taste. 




27F of El Retorno makes a tea from Costus spp. stems and Justicia pectoralis to treat influenza and backache. In La Fragancia the stem of 

Costus spp. is chewed to treat stomach-aches (69M) 

354

Costus sp. 2 

Name unknown 

Napints, Shaime. Herb with blue inflorescences along paths 





Other sources/Notes: This species has potential as ornamental plant 

Costus sp. 3 

Untuntu (Sh), Caña agria (Sp) 

Shaime. Herb in abandoned chacra 

Use: MED: The stem is boiled shortly to treat stomachaches. 

Informant :18F 



Other sources/Notes: 27F of El Retorno makes a tea from Costus spp. stems and Justicia pectoralis to treat influenza and backache. In La 

Fragancia and in El Tibio the stem of Costus spp. is chewed to treat stomach-aches (69M) 

CRASSULACEAE 

Aeonium sp. 

Name unknown 


Use : ORN: The species is cultivated as ornamental plant 




Crassula cf. ovata Druce 

Name unknown 

Sabanilla, Los Guabos. Treelet. Introduced and cultivated 

Use : ORN: The species is cultivated in pots as ornamental 




Echeveria sp. 1 

Name unknown 

El Retorno. Herb. Introduced and cultivated 





Echeveria sp. 2 

Name unknown 

El Tibio, Los Guabos. Herb. Introduced and cultivated 



Voucher/ Picture code : T1-29b, G1-347 


Echeveria sp. 3 ? 

Name unknown 

El Tibio. Herb. Introduced and cultivated 


Voucher/ Picture code : T1-29b 


Other sources/Notes: It could be Graptopetalum paraguayense (N.E.Br.) E.Walther. This species is very similar to Echeveria sp. It could 

even be an hybrid of these two species 

355

Kalanchoe fedtschenkoi Raym.-Hamet & H.Perrier 

Name unknown 


Use : ORN: The plant is cultivated for its beautiful leaves and flowers 




Kalanchoe pinnata (Lam.) Pers. 

Amor de hombre (Sp, El Retorno) 

El Retorno, Los Guabos, La Fragancia, El Tibio. Herb. Introduced and cultivated 

Use: ORN, MED: The plant is cultivated for its beautiful leaves and flowers. In El Retorno an infusion of the plant is made to treat 

headache 


Voucher/ Picture code: T1-28, C1-4475, G1-687 


Kalanchoe sp. 1 

Name unknown 






Kalanchoe sp. 2 

Dulcamara (Sp) 

La Fragancia. Herb. Introduced and cultivated in gardens 

Use : MED: The plant is used as a remedy for an undisclosed illness 




Sedum sp. 

Name unknown 

Los Guabos. Herb. Introduced and cultivated in pots 





CUCURBITACEAE 

Cucurbita ficifolia Bouché 

Zapallo (Sp) 

El Tibio, Sabanilla, El Cristal, Los Guabos. Vine. Introduced and cultivated in chacras 

Use : FOO: The Saraguros and the Mestizos of El Cristal and Los Guabos cultivate this fruit for food 


Voucher/ Picture code : C1-4498, S5-8093, T3-251, G1-531, T6-375, T6-396 


Other sources/Notes: The use of a Cucurbita spp. was reported in Sabanilla by 50M, but I did not find any 

Cucurbita sp. 

Yuwí (Sh), Zapallo (Sp) 

Napints. Vine cultivated in house gardens and forest gardens 

Use : FOO: The fruit is eaten and used in chicha 




Cyclanthera pedata (L.) Schrad. 

Achogcha (Sp) 

El Retorno, La Fragancia, El Tibio, Sevilla de Oro. Vine cultivated in chacras. Native 


Informant : 27F, 59F, 31F, 44M, 22F, 68M, 34M 

Voucher/ Picture code: O1-619, O1-620 


356

Fevillea cordifolia L. 

Tsátapar (Sh) 

Shaime. Forest vine. Native 

Use: MED, FUE: The oily seeds were burned as substitutes for candles. Nowadays the flashlights have substituted this use. The oil from 

the seeds is used topically to treat liver ailments and wounds 




Luffa cylindrica (L.) M. Roem. 

Taku (Sh), Lustre, taco (Sp) 

Napints. Vine cultivated in house garden. Introduced 

Use : T/C: The inner side of the dried fruit is used as dishcloth 




Sicana odorifera Naudin 

Namúk (Sh), Zapallito (Sp) 

Chumpias, Napints. Vine cultivated in house garden. Native 

Use : FOO: The fruit is edible, cooked or roasted 




Other sources/ Notes: VDDE691 

CUNONIACEAE 

Weinmannia sorbifolia Kunth 

Cashco (Qu) 

El Tibio, Los Guabos. Tree in forest patches and along the trail between El Tibio and El Cristal. Native 

Use: CON, FUE: The wood is a very good fuel (8M). It is often used for construction and to built fences 


Voucher/ Picture code: AG274, AG356, AG427, G1-411, G1-412, T6-485 


CYCLANTHACEAE 

Asplundia sp. 

Tiin nuka, Tink (Sh) 

Chumpias, Shaime. Herb. Primary forest. 

Use: FOO, MED: The leaves are used to prepare ayampakus (4M, 39M). The juice of the stem is used to treat snake bites, it must be drunk 

immediately to tone down the poison (70M) 





Carludovica palmata Ruiz & Pav. 

Punpuná (Sh), Paja toquilla (Sp) 

Shaime, Shamatak. Herb. Secondary and primary forest and replanted and cultivated in house gardens (37F). Native 

Use: FOO, CON, H/F, T/C: The Shuar eat the apical meristem and thatch roofs with the leaves. They make also fish traps and baskets from 

the petiole 





357

Cyclanthus bipartitus Polt. 

Cola de pato (Sp) Name unknown in Shaime 

Shaime, Los Guabos. Herb. Secondary forest. Native 

Use: FOO: The Mestizos of Los Guabos use the leaves to make tamales. No use reported in Shaime. 


Voucher/ Picture code: G1-619, G1-620, S3-4121 

Determined by: FW, AG 

Other sources/ Notes: In Shaime the plant grew on an abandoned chacra, while in Los Guabos it grew in a forest patch. 

CYPERACEAE 

Cyperus sp. 1 

Piripri (Sh) 

Shaime. Herb cultivated in garden 

Use: MED: The newborn children get chewed rhizomes or are washed with the liquid from the crushed rhizome. In this way, they will 

develop properly and will gain weight. The liquid is also used to calm delivery pain. 




Other sources/ Notes: FS91, FS92, FS93. The plant found in Shaime was brought from Perú by relatives of 37F who live there. Sometimes 

they cross the border and bring plants for sale. The identification and differentiation of these three Cyperus species is difficult. FS and 

Bennet et al. (2000) noted four different species of Cyperus spp. used by the Shuar, while Borgtoft et al (1999) noted one species and three 

varieties. At least one piripri species is used in Chumpias (14M), but it could not be collected 

Cyperus sp. 2 

Piripri, Iwichim piripri (Sh) 

Shaime, Napints. Herb cultivated in garden 

Use: MED, R/M: The liquid from crushed rhizomes is used externally to treat liver pain (37F). The Shamans use the rhizomes of iwichim 

piripri in their ceremonies (10M) 




Other sources/ Notes: FS1, FS92, FS93. The plant found in Shaime was brought from Perú by relatives of 37F who live there. Sometimes 

they cross the border and bring plants for sale. The identification and differentiation of these three Cyperus species is difficult. FS and 

Bennet et al. (2000) noted four different species of Cyperus spp. used by the Shuar, while Borgtoft et al (1999) noted one species and three 

varieties. At least one piripri species is used in Chumpias (14M), but it could not be collected 

Cyperus sp. 3 

Piripri (Sh) 

Napints. Herb cultivated in garden 

Use : MED: The liquid from crushed rhizomes is used externally to treat snake bites 




Other sources/ Notes: FS1, FS92, FS93. The identification and differentiation of these three Cyperus species is difficult. FS and Bennet et 

al. (2000) noted four different species of Cyperus spp. used by the Shuar, while Borgtoft et al (1999) noted one species and three varieties. 

At least one piripri species is used in Chumpias (14M), but it could not be collected 

Scleria sp. 

Kuichp (Sh) 

Napints. Shrub. Cultivated (transplanted?) 

Use: T/C: The plant is used to make tools and baskets 




DIOSCOREACEAE 

Dioscorea trifida L. F. 

Kénke (Sh) ñame (Sh?), Tuyo (Sp?) 

Napints. Vine cultived in house garden. Native 

Use : FOO : The tubers are edible 




358

ERICACEAE 

Bejaria aestuans L. 

Payama (Qu) 

Los Guabos, El Cristal. Shrub in disturbed areas. Native 

Use: MED, ORN: A tea made from the plant is used in Los Guabos as purgative. 8M considered B. aestuans and B. resinosa to be the same 

species. The people of El Cristal (Saraguros and Mestizos) use it to treat menstrual irregularities and as ornamental to decorate their chapel 


Voucher/ Picture code : AG301, AG426, T6-381, T6-382, T6-381, T6-382 

Determined by : DV, OS 

Bejaria resinosa Mutis ex L.f 

Payama (Qu) 

Los Guabos. Shrub in disturbed area. Native 

Use: MED: A tea made from the plant is used as purgative. 8M considered B. aestuans and B. resinosa to be the same species 




Cavendishia cf. bracteata (Ruiz & Pav. ex J. St.-Hill) 

Joyapa, Salapa (Qu) 

El Retorno. Shrub in disturbed area. Native 





Cavendishia sp. 

Joyapa (Qu) 

El Tibio, El Cristal. Herb in disturbed area near the trail from El Tibio to El Cristal 

Use: FOO: The fruits are edible. The flowers are edible too, they taste sweet 




Other sources/Notes: 15M describes the use of two different species of Cavendishia. According to the description the second species is 

probably C. bracteata 

Gaultheria erecta Vent. 

Salapa (Qu) 

Los Guabos. Shrub in disturbed area. Native 





Gaultheria sp. 

Salapa (Qu) 

Sabanilla. Shrub in disturbed area near the new road from Loja to Zamora 





Orthaea sp. 

Name unknown 

Napints. Epiphytic herb in ruderal area 





Vaccinium floribundum Kunth 

Tira (Qu?) 

Los Guabos. Shrub in disturbed site. Native 

Use: The fruits are edible 


Voucher/ Picture code: AG300, G1-574, G1-575, G1-576 


359

EUPHORBIACEAE 

Alchornea glandulosa Poepp. & Endl. 

Kants (Sh) 

Napints, Shaime. Tree. Secondary forest. Native 

Use: CON, FOD, FUE, MED: The wood is used for construction and for fuel. Small birds eat the fruit (1M, 12M). An infusion is made 

from the leaves to treat infections (37F) by washing them 

Informant : 1M, 18F, 37F, 12M 



Alchornea grandiflora Müll. Arg. 

Name unknown 


Use : CON, FUE: The wood is used for construction and as firewood 




Alchornea latifolia Sw. 

Kants (Sh) 

Napints, Shaime, La Fragancia. Tree. Secondary forest. Native 

Use: CON, FOD, FUE: The wood is used for construction by the Shuar and the Mestizos. The Shuar use it for fuel too. The birds eat the 

fruits (12M). 


Voucher/ Picture code: AG44, AG124, C3-8495, C3-8497 


Aparisthmium cordatum Baill. 

Guagua (Sh) 

Chumpias. Tree. Secondary forest. Native 

Use : CON: The wood is used for the construction of benches 




Caryodendron orinocense Karst. 

Naámpi (Sh), Maní de árbol (Sp) 

Shaime. Tree. Primary and secondary forest. Replanted in house garden. Native 

Use: FOO, FOD, FUE: The seeds are edible. They can be ingested raw, cooked, or grilled. The wood is used for fuel. The wild animals eat 

the fruits 





Cnidoscolus acontifolius (Mill.) I.M. Johnst. 

Chaya (Qu) 

La Fragancia, Zamora. Tree. Cultivated in gardens. Native 

Use: MED, ORN: It is a new and popular remedy among the Mestizos. The sap is used diluted to treat cancer. Ornamental in the gardens of 

the city of Zamora 


Voucher/ Picture code : AG412, C5-1088, C5-1089, C5-1090 


Croton cf. lechleri Muell. Arg. 

Urush numi (Sh), Sangre de drago, Sangre de grado (Sp) 

Napints, Shaime, El Retorno. Tree. Protected in pastures and chacras. Native 

Use: MED, FUE: The latex is used by the Shuar to kill internal parasites by taking a teaspoon of latex every morning before breakfast. 

They apply it to treat wounds, skin ulcers, pimples, blackhead, and spots (11M, 12M, 39M). According to the Shuar, five drops of latex 

diluted in water must be taken twice a day to complete the treatment (39M). Three drops diluted in hard liquor are used to treat menstrual 

ailments (39M). The latex is used against snakebites too (39M). It is good firewood (70M). Among the Mestizos it is used in the same way 

as Croton mutisianus (see next species). 

Informant : 11M, 12M, 39M, 70M, 33F 


Determined by: CC, HS, DV 

Other sources/Notes: Croton lechleri and Croton mutisianus are hard to distinguish. No Mestizos that were interviewed noticed any 

difference between theses species. The first species grows up to 2000 m (Jørgensen, & León Yáñez, 1999), while the latter is Amazonian. 

The Saraguros used probably this species as well. 

360

Croton cf. mutisianus Kunth 

Sangre de drago, Sangre de grado (Sp) 

El Tibio, Sabanilla, El Retorno, La Fragancia, Los Guabos, El Cristal. Tree. Protected in pastures and chacras. Native 

Use: MED: It is a very popular remedy among the Mestizos and Saraguros. Its sap is used as an all-purpose remedy. Some drops of the sap 

are diluted in water and taken to treat stomachache. The sap is applied topically to treat wounds and skin problems 




Other sources/Notes: Croton lechleri and Croton mutisianus are hard to distinguish. No Mestizos that were interviewed noticed any 

difference between theses species. The first species grows up to 2000 m (Jørgensen, & León Yáñez, 1999), while the latter is Amazonian. 

Croton sp. 1 

Moshquera (Qu) 


Use : FUE: The wood is used for fuel 


Voucher/ Picture code: AG273, G1-414, G1-415 


Croton sp. 2 

Name unknown 


Use : MED: The sap is used to treat skin diseases and problems 




Euphorbia cotinifolia L. 

Pigllo lechero (Qu?) 

La Fragancia. Tree. Introduced and cultivated 

Use: FEN: The tree is cultivated as living fence. According to the informants its sap is poisonous 




Euphorbia laurifolia Lam. 

Pigllo, Pigllo lechero (Qu?) 

El Tibio. Tree. Cultivated. Native 

Use : FEN: The tree is cultivated as living fence 


Voucher/ Picture code : AG404, T2-865, T2-1802, T2-1810 

Determined by: WQ, HS, DV 

Euphorbia millii Desmoul. 

Name unknown 

La Fragancia. Shrub. Introduced and cultivated in pots 





Hyeronima duquei Cuatrec. 

Tarume, Sanón (Qu) 

El Tibio, Los Guabos, El Retorno. Tree. Protected in pastures. Native 

Use: CON, FUE: The wood is considered excellent for construction. It is used for fuel in El Tibio and Los Guabos 


Voucher/ Picture code : AG460, T3-7001, T4-8371, C4-766, C4-770 

Determined by: HS, BM 

Hyeronima moritziana (Müll. Arg.) Pax & K. Hoffm. 

Name unknown 

El Retorno, La Fragancia. Tree. Protected in pastures. Native 

Use: CON, SHA: The wood is used for construction. The tree offers shade to cattle 


Voucher/ Picture code: AG123, AG133, C3-8499, C3-8500 


361

Mabea sp. 

Yawasaka (Sh) 

Chumpias. Tree. Primary forest 

Use : T/C: The stem is used for the elaboration of barge-poles 




Manihot esculenta Crantz 

Mama (Sh), Yuca (Sp) 

Chumpias, Napints, Shaime, Shamatak, La Fragancia, El Tibio. Shrub cultivated in chacras. Introduced 

Use: FOO: M. esculenta roots constitute the most important aliment in the shuar diet. The roots are eaten cooked or fried. They are the 

most important ingredient of chicha, which is drunk daily. There exist many different yuca varieties. Twenty-two different varieties were 

found in only one chacra of the Shuar. M. esculenta is also a very popular crop among the Saraguros and Mestizos 

Informant : 6F, 7M, 58F, 18F, 12M, 46F, 10M, 25M 

Voucher/ Picture code: S1-67, S2-504, S2-505, S2-657-S2-658, S2-659, S2-660, S2-661, S2-662, S2-663, S2-664, C2-5952, C2-5953, C2- 

5954, S5-8092, S6-222, S6-224 

Determined by: CC, HS, AG, DV 

Phyllanthus sp.1 

Masú (Sh) 

Shaime. Herb. Cultivated in forest garden 

Use: H/F: The juice of the leaves is used as a poison for fishing. It must be used together with Lonchocarpus sp. The Shuar make a little 

hole in the ground and put two pounds of leaves in it. Then they grind the leaves in the hole and take the leaves and the earth to the creek 

where they want to fish. To complete the procedure they use Lonchocarpus sp. They brought Phyllanthus sp. from an other Oriente 

province 




Phyllanthus sp.2 

Name unknown 

La Fragancia. Herb in disturbed area 




Other sources/Notes: The plant has potential as ornamental plant due to its beautiful flowers and leaves 

Ricinus communis L. 

Higuerilla (Sp) 

Sabanilla. Tree. Introduced and cultivated 

Use: MED: A poultice is made from R. communis leaves to treat influenza 




Sapium glandulosum Morong 

Caucho (Sp) 

Sabanilla. Tree. Protected in pastures. Native 


Informant: 5F 



Sapium marmieri Huber 

Caucho (Sp) 

Napints. Tree. Protected in pasture. Native 

Use : FUE: The latex was used in the past to elaborate candles 




Sapium sp. 

Caucho (Sp) 


Use: FOD, FUE: The latex was used in the past to elaborate candles. The birds eat the fruits 




362

Tetrorchidium sp. 

Moranmanya chinchak (Sh) 

Napints. Small tree. Primary forest 

Use : FOD: The birds eat the fruits 




FABACEAE 

Arachis hypogaea L. 

Nússe (Sh), Maní (Sp) 

Shamatak, Shaime, La Fragancia, El Retorno. Herb. Cultivated in chacras. Introduced 

Use : FOO: The seeds are edible, they are eaten roasted by the Shuar and Mestizos 



Arachis pintoi Krapov. & W.C. Gregory 

Maní forrajero (Sp) 

Napints, Sabanilla. Herb. Cultivated in pastures and in gardens. Introduced 

Use: FOD, ORN: The Shuar cultivate it in pastures to improve pastures (11M). The Mestizos plant it as ornamental in gardens. According 

to 27F it is poisonous for guinea pigs (Cavia porcellus) 


Voucher/ Picture code: AG194, S1-274, C1-4481 


Cedrelinga cateniformis (Ducke) Ducke 

Tsaik (Sh), Zeique (Sp?) 

Napints. Tree. Replanted in chacras (70M) and protected in pastures. 

Use: CON: The wood is used to make planks (11M). It is often sold to Mestizo merchants 




Other sources/Notes: The Shuar collect seeds in order to sow them in their house gardens and forest gardens (11M) 

Clitoria aff. arborea Benth. 

Name unknown 

Shaime. Secondary forest tree. Native 





Clitoria sp. 

Name unknown 

Shaime. Habit unknown, only the inflorescence has been seen 





Desmodium molliculum (Kunth) DC. 

Hierba de San Antonio (Sp) 

Los Guabos. Herb growing in pastures. Native 





Desmodium procumbens (Mill.) Hitchc. 

Name unknown 

El Tibio. Herb growing in pastures. Native 

No use reported. According to the informant cattle avoids this plant 




363

Dioclea sp. 

Kuimian (Sh), Ojo de venado (Sp) 

Chumpias, Napints. Vine in disturbed area 

Use : CRA: The seeds are used to make necklaces 




Erythrina cf. amazonica Krukoff 

Porotillo (Sp) 

La Fragancia, El Retorno. Treelet. Cultivated in pastures 

Use: FEN: This species has been cultivated in the past as living fence. The existing fences were not cultivated by the actual land owners 




Erythrina edulis Triana ex M. Micheli 

Guato, Porotillo, porotillo de fruta (Sp) 

Sabanilla, La Fragancia, Los Guabos, El Tibio, El Cristal, Sevilla de Oro. Tree. Cultivated. Native 

Use: FOD, FOO, FEN, MED: The fruit is edible. A kind of tortilla is prepared with the pulped fruit (7M). The fruit is sometimes used as 

fodder. The Mestizos use this species as living fence. The Saraguro women take half a cup of a decoction of chopped bark to treat 

menstrual irregularities (31F). The living fences in El Tibio were planted by former Mestizo land owners 

Informant : 7M, 22F, 24M, 8M, 31F, 34M 

Voucher/ Picture code: AG146, C1-4372, C2-6190, C2-6194, C2-6195, C2-6196, C2-6213, C2-6214, C2-6215, C3-8545, C3-8546, C3- 

8547, C3-8549, C3-8550, C3-8551, G1-380, T5-1357, T5-1359, T5-1464, O1-586 

Determined by: HS, DV, AG 

Other sources/Notes: According to 7M, there exist at least two types of porotillo trees with red inflorescences in the area; one of them (E. 

edulis) has edible fruits. Another one could be Erythrina smithiana Krukoff. It is an endemic species used as living fence in the Loja 

province 

Erythrina sp. 

Etse, Shuke (Sh) 

Chumpias, Napints. Tree. Cultivated in house gardens 

Use: CON, FOD, CRA: The wood is used for construction, The animals eat the fruits. The seeds are used to make necklaces 




Hymenolobium sp. 

Payash (Sh) 

Napints, Chumpias. Small tree. Cultivated in chacra 

Use : H/F: The roots are used as fish poison in the same way as barbasco 




Lonchocarpus nicou (Aubl) DC 

Timiu (Sh) Barbasco (Sp) 

Napints, Shaime, Chumpias. Shrub. Cultivated in forest gardens 

Use : H/F: The roots are used as fish poison 




Medicago sativa L. 

Alfalfa (Sp) 

Los Guabos. Herb. Cultivated. Introduced 

Use : MED: The plant is cultivated and used for its medicinal attributes 




364

Mucuna sp. 1 

Kuimian (Sh) Ojo de venado (Sp) 

Chumpias. Vine in disturbed sites 





Mucuna sp. 2 

Sesa (Sh) Ojo de venado (Sp) 

Shamatak. Vine in disturbed sites 

Use: MED, CRA, T/C: The heart of the seed is used to treat snakebites. The seeds are used to make necklaces and abaci to teach children to 

sum up and to subtract 




Other sources/Notes: A species called sesa and used as medicine has been reported in Chumpias, but we did not see the plant 

Ormosia sp. 

Porotillo (Sp) 

Shamatak. Tree. Protected in pastures 





Pachyrhizus tuberosus (Lam.) Spreng. 

Namá (Sh), Jícama (Sp) 

Shaime, Chumpias. Vine. Cultivated in chacras. Native 

Use : FOO: The root is eaten raw or cooked 




Other sources/Notes: VVDE714 

Parkia sp. 

Yurunts (Sh) 

Shaime. Tree protected in chacras 

Use: CON, FOD, FOO: The stem is used for planks and posts. The birds eat the fruit. The fruit is edible 




Phaseolus cf. coccineus L. 

Poroto (Sp) 

El Retorno, Sabanilla, El Tibio. Vine. Cultivated in chacras and house gardens. Native 

Use : FOO: The fruit (beans) is edible 

Informant: 27F, 16M, 50M 



Other sources/Notes: According to the informants, a species of Poroto is cultivated in El Cristal. It was not possible to determine which one 

Phaseolus cf. lunatus L. 

Poroto (Sp) 

El Tibio. Vine. Cultivated in chacras and house gardens. Native 

Use : FOO: The fruit (beans) is edible 





365

Phaseolus cf. vulgaris L. 

Mik (Sh), Poroto, Fréjol (Sp) 

La Fragancia, Shaime, El Tibio, Los Guabos. Vine. Cultivated in house gardens. Native 


Informant : 18F, 59F, 16M, 7M, 22F 

Voucher/ Picture code : C2-5956, S2-666 



Pisum sativum L. 

Arveja (Sp) 

Sabanilla, EL Tibio, El Cristal. Herb. Cultivated in house gardens 

Use: FOO: The fruit (beans) is edible. It is cooked by the Mestizos and the Saraguros 

Informant: 68M, 50M, 15M 


Platymiscium cf. pinnatum (Jacq.) Dugand. 

Almendro, caoba (Sp) 

Napints. Tree. Replanted in chacra. Native 

Use: CON: The wood is excellent to construct houses and furniture. It is sometimes sold 




Trifolium repens L. 

Trébol (Sp) 

El Tibio, Los Guabos, Sabanilla, La Fragancia. Herb growing in pastures. Introduced 

Use : FOD: This herb is considered a good fodder plant for cuys and cattle 




Vicia faba L. 

Haba (Sp) 

El Tibio, Los Guabos, El Cristal, El Retorno. Herb. Cultivated. Introduced 

Use: FOO: The fruits are edible. A soup made of them is very common 

Informant : 31F, 48F, 54M, 55F 

Voucher/ Picture code : G1-313, C2-5392, T6-352, T6-384 


Zornia diphylla (L.) Pers. 

Name unknown 

La Fragancia. Herb growing in pastures 




Genus unknown 

Name unknown 

El Tibio. Herb growing in pastures 





Other sources/Notes: According to the informant, this species is bad for cattle. It should not eat it 

FLACOURTIACEAE 

Banara nitida Spruce ex Benth. 

Shimut (Sh) 

Shaime. Tree. Primary and secondary forest. Native 

Use : CON: The stem is used for construction 




366

Casearia sp. 

Kainim (Sh) 

Napints. Tree. Protected in pastures 

Use : CON: The stem is used for the elaboration of planks 




Tetrathylacium macrophyllum Poepp. & Endl. 

Name unknown 

Sabanilla. Herb. Protected in pastures. Native 





GENTIANACEAE 

Centaurium erythraea Rafn. 

Canchalagua (Qu) 

Los Guabos, Sevilla de Oro. Herb. Ruderal areas. Introduced 

Use: OTH, R/M: The whole plant is used together with other herbs and alcohol to prepare a traditional Peruvian perfume called hishpingo. 

This perfume is also used in limpias 


Voucher/ Picture code: AG298, G1-557, G3-743, G3-745, G3-747, O1-583 


Other sources/Notes: Morocho and Romero (2003) describe the use of Centaurium quitense to treat scurvy in the Jimbilla forest 

Symbolanthus sp. 1 

Name unknown 

Sabanilla. Shrub in disturbed site 




Other sources/Notes: This species could be used as ornamental plant 

Symbolanthus sp. 2 

Name unknown 

El Retorno, EL Tibio. Shrub in disturbed site 

Use: ORN: The Saraguro women of El Tibio make flower crowns with Symbolanthus sp. and other flowers to decorate the local chapel. No 

use reported in El Retorno 


Voucher/ Picture code: AG136, C3-7633, C3-7634, T4-8330, T4-8331, T4-8332 


Other sources/Notes: The plant has a potential use as ornamental due to its beautiful flowers 

GERANIACEAE 

Pelargonium odoratissimum (L.) 

Malva olorosa (Sp) 

Sabanilla, El Tibio, El Retorno, La Fragancia. Herb. Cultivated in house gardens. Introduced 

Use: ORN, FOO: The plant is cultivated as ornamental. It is a typical ingredient of the horchata 




Pelargonium peltatum (L.) L´Herit 

Geranio (Sp) 

Los Guabos. Herb. Introduced and cultivated in house gardens 

Use: ORN, MED: The plant is cultivated as ornamental. It has an undisclosed medicinal use 




367

Pelargonium x zonale (L.) L´Herit 

Geranio (Sp) 

El Tibio, Sabanilla, El Retorno, Los Guabos. Herb. Introduced and cultivated in house gardens 

Use: ORN, MED: The plant is cultivated as ornamental. The Mestizos of Sabanilla make a salve with boiled matico leaves, soap, and 

Pelargonium sap to treat insect bites and wounds (27F). The sap is used by the Saraguros and the Mestizos to treat wounds 

Informant : 31F, 46F, 27F, 36M, 55F, 48F, 26F 

Voucher/ Picture code : C2-5415, C3-7689, G1-347, G1-697 


GESNERIACEAE 

Columnea ericae Mansf. 

Puntilanza blanca (Sp) 

Shaime. Herb. Primary forest. Native 

Use : MED: The leaves are used to regulate menstrual irregularities 


Voucher/ Picture code: AG58, AG245, S3-4198, S3-4199, S4-6391 


Columnea orientandina (Wiehler) L.P. Kvist & L.E. Skog 

Name unknown 

La Fragacia. Epiphytic Herb. Disturbed site. Native 



Voucher/ Picture code : AG329, C4-912, C4-913, C4-915, C4-918 


Columnea tessmannii Mansf. 

Puntilanza morada (Sp) 

Shaime. Epiphytic herb. Primary forest. Native 

Use : MED: The leaves are used to regulate menstrual irregularities 




Corytoplectus sp. 

Name unknown 


Use : MED: The plant is used to regulate menstrual irregularities 




Drymonia coccinea (Aubl.) Wiehl. 

Kuish-minamar (Sh) 

Shaime. Climbing vine. Primary forest. Native 

Use : R/M: According to a shuar legend, the ears of a child will fall off if it touches the flowers 




Drymonia hoppii (Mansf.) Wiehler 

Name unknown 

Shaime, Shamatak. Vine in secondary forest, along paths and protected in chacras. Native 

Use : ORN: The shuar protect this species because they like their colorful bracts 


Voucher/ Picture code: AG98, AG210, AG334, S3-4050, S3-4180, S6-90, S7-1116 


Pearcea sprucei (Britton) Kvist & L. Skog 

Name unknown 

Shaime. Herb. Native 





Other sources/Notes: The species could be used as ornamental 

368

GROSSULARIACEAE 

Escallonia micrantha Mattf. 

Name unknown 

El Tibio.Tree. Protected in pasture. Native 

No actual use reported. In the past its wood was probably used for fuel and for construction 


Voucher/ Picture code: AG81, T3-7209, T3-7210 


Escallonia paniculata (Ruiz & Pav.) Roem & Schult. 

Roble (Sp) 

El Retorno. Tree in forest and disturbed sites. Native 

Use: CON: The wood is used for construction 


Voucher/ Picture code: AG319, C4-801 


HELICONIACEAE 

Heliconia sp. 1 

Tumbá (Sh), Platanillo (Sp) 

Napints. Herb. Protected in garden. The plant is often transplanted to house gardens and forest gardens 

Use : CON, H/F: The fibers from the stem are used to construct roofs and nets for fishing and other items 





Púmpu, Bijao (Sh) 

Shaime, Shamatak Herb in disturbed area. The plant is often transplanted to house gardens and forest gardens 

Use: FOO: The leaves are used to prepare ayampakus. To do so, the Shuar use two leaves 



Determined by: HS, AG, DV 


Name unknown 

Shaime. Herb. Secondary forest 



Voucher/ Picture code: S2-723, S2-724, S3-4101, S3-4102, S3-4103, S3-4104, S3-4105, S3-4126, S3-4127, S3-4128 




Name unknown 

Shaime. Herb near a trail. Secondary forest 







Name unknown 

La Fragancia. Herb near a trail. Primary forest remnant 






369


Name unknown 

La Fragancia. Herb near a trail. Primary forest remnant 


Voucher/ Picture code : C3-8603, C3-8606, C3-8607, C3-8609 



HEMEROCALLIDACEAE 

Hemerocallis flava (L.) L. 

Lirio (Sp) 

El Retorno, La Fragancia, El Tibio, Los Guabos. Herb. Cultivated 

Use : ORN: The plant is cultivated for its beautiful flowers 


Voucher/ Picture code : C1-4443, C1-4457, C1-4463, C2-5806, C2-5996, G1-318 


HYDRANGEACEAE 

Hydrangea macrophylla (Thunb.) Ser. 

Hortensia (Sp) 

Sabanilla, El Retorno, La Fragancia, El Tibio, Los Guabos, El Cristal. Herb. Cultivated. Introduced 

Use: ORN, MED: The plant is cultivated for its beautiful flowers. The Mestizos make a poultice with chopped leaves mixed with alcohol. 

It is used by the Mestizos to treat swellings (27F) 


Voucher/ Picture code : C1-5814, C2-6537, C2-6538, C2-6539, G1-463 


IRIDACEAE 

Cypella sp. 

Kampanak (Sh) 

Napints, Chumpias. Herb cultivated (transplanted?) in garden 

Use: MED, CON: The juice of the bulbs is used topically to treat hemorrhages. The leaves are used for construction. According to the 

informants they are very resistant 

Informant : 58F, 11M, 14M, 18F, 12M 



Crocosmia hybrid. 

Palmillo (Sp) 

La Chonta, Los Guabos. Herb cultivated in garden 





Gladiolus sp. 

Gladiolo (Sp) 

El Tibio, El Retorno. Herb cultivated in garden 



Voucher/ Picture code : C1-4464, T3-8330, T3-8331 


Tigridia pavonia Juss. 

Name unkown 

El Retorno. Herb. Cultivated in garden. Introduced 





370

JUGLANDACEAE 

Juglans neotropica Diels 

Nogal (Sp) 

Los Guabos, Sabanilla, El Retorno, El Tibio, El Cristal, Sevilla de Oro. Tree. Protected in pastures and cultivated and/or replanted. Native 

Use: FOO, CON, OTH, FUE, PDV, R/M, MED: The fruits are edible. The wood is used for construction; it is very resistant against 

moisture. Four or five fruits boiled in water are used by the Mestizos of Los Guabos as black dye for clothes and wool (57F). The 

Saraguros use J. neotropica as black dye too. According to the Mestizos of Los Guabos, potatoes grow better if they are planted near a J. 

neotropica tree (57F), and the tree brings luck (57F). It is used for firewood in Los Guabos. The wood is a good fuel (8M). The Saraguros 

and the Mestizos prepare a tea from the leaves to treat stomachache 

Informant : 8M, 55F, 57F, 5F,15M, 34M 

Voucher/ Picture code : AG284, C2-5391, C2-5394, C2-6675, T6-246, C3-8491, O1-603 


LAMIACEAE 

Clinopodium sp. 1 

Poleo (Sp), Tipo (Qu) 

El Tibio. Herb in pastures 

Use : MED: An infusion from the plant is made to treat stomachache 




Other sources/Notes: The Mestizos of Sabanilla (5F) use an herb found in pastures and called poleo to treat stomachache. It could be 

Clinopodium sp. 1, but this could not be confirmed 

Clinopodium sp. 2 

Tipo (Qu) 

Los Guabos. Herb in pastures 

Use: MED: An infusion of the plant is made to treat colds. Another infusion of Clinopodium sp. mixed with Gamochaeta americana is 

used to treat diarrhoea 


Voucher/ Picture code : AG286, G1-483, G1-484 


Coleus blumei Benth. 

Corazón peruano (Sp) 

Los Guabos, La Fragancia. Herb. Cultivated 

Use: ORN, MED: The plant is cultivated for its colourful flowers. It is used as a remedy to treat an undisclosed disease 


Voucher/ Picture code: AG265, G1-350, C5-1000 


Hyptidendron arboreum (Benth.) R. Harley 

Tunash (Qu) 

El Tibio, El Retorno, Sabanilla, El Cristal. Tree. Protected in pastures 

Use: CON, SHA: The shade of this tree offers cattle a place to cool off while they are grazing in the pastures in El Tibio and in El Cristal. 

The wood is used for construction in El Tibio and El Cristal. It grows fast after fire clearing 

Informant : EM 

Voucher/ Picture code: AG121, AG362, C3-8465, C3-8466, C3-8467, C3-8468, T5-1257, T5-1309, T5-1310 

Determined by: JH, DV 

Other sources/Notes: In the past, some Mestizos probably used it as living fence in El Retorno sector. In the upper limit of 47M finca there 

exist a short row of H. arboreum indicating this former use 

Hyptis cf. obtusifolia C. Presl. ex Benth. 

Name unknown 

Shaime. Herb. Common weed in pastures. Native 

Use : MED: The plant is used to treat an undisclosed illness 




371

Hyptis pectinata (L.) Poit. 

Wishu (Sh), Corta sangre (Sp) 

Shaime. Common weed along paths. Native 

Use: MED: The sap of the stem is used to treat hemorrhages. Herb baths are used to treat pimples and other skin problems 




Hyptis sidifolia (L’Hér.) Briq. 

Wishu (Sh), Pampapoleo (Sp) 

Shamatak. Weed in disturbed sites. Native 

Use : MED: The plant is used by the Shuar to treat rheumatism 




Hyptis sp.1 

Mishik (Sh) 

Napints, Shaime, Shamatak. Common weed in disturbed areas 

Use : MED: An infusion of the plant is prepared to treat liver (12M) and heart problems (58F, 11M) 




Hyptis sp.2 

Monte hediondo (Sp) 

El Retorno. Shrub. Cultivated 

Use : MED: The plant is used to treat an undisclosed health problem 




Hyptis sp.3 

Poleo (Sp) 

El Cristal. Weed in disturbed sites. Native 

Use : MED: The Saraguros use it as medicinal plant to treat an undisclosed disease 




Other sources/Notes: Another poleo, “poleo negro”, has been described in El Tibio by the Saraguros. According to WQ it is Hyptis purdiei 

Benth, but no voucher nor a picture exists 

Melissa officinalis L. 

Toronjil, Toronjil de huerta (Sp), Menta negra (Sp, El Cristal) 

Shaime, El Cristal, La Fragancia, El Retorno. Herb. Introduced and cultivated in garden 

Use: MED: An infusion of the plant is prepared to treat espanto, colds, and cough by all groups (37F, 27F, 54M). The Mestizos use the 

same infusion to treat stomache ulcers. A poultice made from crushed leaves is applied by some Mestizos to wounds to heal them more 

rapidly (27F) 


Voucher/ Picture code: S4-6301, T6-368, C5-1001 


Mentha x piperita L. 

Menta (Sp) 

Napints, El Tibio, El Retorno, Los Guabos. Herb. Introduced and cultivated in garden 

Use: MED: An infusion of the plant is used by the Shuar and the Mestizos to treat colds. The same infusion is used externally by the Shuar 

to alleviate insect bites. The Saraguros prepare an infusion of leaves to treat stomachache. The Mestizos make an infusion of the plant to 

treat nervousness too (27F) 

Informant : 58F, 19F, 27F, 44M, 33F, 48F 

Voucher/ Picture code: S1-148, C1-4446 


Mentha spicata L. 

Hierba buena (Sp) 

El Cristal. Herb. Introduced and cultivated in garden 

Use : MED: The Saraguros prepare an infusion of leaves to treat stomachache 




372

Minthostachys mollis (Kunth) Griseb. 

Poleo (Sp) 

El Tibio, Los Guabos, Sevilla de Oro. Ruderal herb. Native 

Use: FOO, MED: A tea is made from the leaves as a refreshing beverage. A similar infusion is used as medicine for colds and coughs by 

the Mestizos. The Mestizos of Los Guabos prepare herb baths with M. mollis to treat tired feet 




Ocimum basilicum L. 

Aapar (Sh), Albahaca (Sp) 

Chumpias, Napints, Shaime, El Tibio. Common herb. Introduced and cultivated in garden 

Use: FOO, MED: The leaves are used as a condiment. An infusion of the leaves is used by the Shuar to treat headache and stomachache. 

The Saraguros prepare an infusion with 2-3 Pteridium arachnoideum roots, sugar and a few leaves of O. basilicum for labor induction 

(16M) 

Informant : 6F, 58F, 37F, 16M 



Origanum vulgare L. 

Orégano (Sp) 

La Fragancia, Los Guabos. Herb. Cultivated in garden 

Use : FOO: The leaves of oregano are used as condiment in many dishes 




Salvia scutellarioides Kunth 

Name unknown 

El Tibio, El Cristal. Shrub. Disturbed sites and pastures. Native 

No use reported. The plant has a medicinal use, but the Saraguro informants of El Cristal did not remember it. The plant grew in a fallow 

garden. 68M from El Tibio did not know any use 


Voucher/ Picture code: T3-7025, T3-7026, T6-404 


Salvia splendens Ker Gawl. 

Coral (Sp) 

Los Guabos, La Fragancia. Herb. Cultivated in house garden 



Voucher/ Picture code: AG262, G1-308 


Salvia sp. 1 

Name unknown 

Shaime. Herb in disturbed sites 

Use : MED: The plant is used to prepare herb baths to treat labour pain and pimples 




Salvia sp. 2 

Marco (Sp?) 

El Retorno, Los Guabos. Herb. Cultivated in garden 

Use: MED, ORN: An infusion from the flowers is made to treat cough. Ornamental 




Scutellaria sp. 

Name unknown 






373

LAURACEAE 

Aiouea dubia (Kunth) Mez 

Canelo blanco (Sp) 

El Tibio. Tree. Forest remnants and protected in pastures. Native 





Aiouea sp. 

Canelo (Sp) 

La Fragancia. Tree. Protected in pastures 

Use: CON, FUE: The wood is used for construction. It is also used as fuel 




Aniba muca Mez 

Canelón (Sp) 

La Fragancia. Tree. Protected in pastures. Native 





Aniba sp. 

Canelo (Sp) 






Cinnamomum sp. 

Canelito (Sp) 






Nectandra laurel Ness 

Canelo (Sp) 

Sevilla de Oro. Tree. Protected in pastures. Native 





Nectandra cf. lineatifolia (Ruiz & Pav.) Mez. 

Canelo (Sp) 

El Retorno. Tree. Protected in pastures. Native 





Nectandra reticulata (Ruiz & Pav.) Mez. 

Name unknown 

La Fragancia. Tree. Protected in pastures. Native 





374

Nectandra sp. 1 

Takak (Sh) 


Use: CON, FOD: The wood is used for construction. The birds and the peccaries eat the fruits 

Informant :11M 




Alcanfor (Sp) 

Napints, Chumpias. Tree. Primary forest and protected in pastures 


Informant :11M, 70M 




Laurel blanco (Sp) 






Persea americana Mill. 

Kái (Sh), Aguacate (Sp) 

Shaime, La Fragancia, El Retorno, El Tibio, Los Guabos, Sabanilla. Tree. Cultivated in gardens 

Use: FOO, CON, FUE, MED: The fruits are eaten raw. The wood is used to make planks and is considered as good firewood. The Shuar 

make a poultice with Persea americana leaves or use herb baths to treat snake bites 

Informant : 12M, 7M, 22F, 69M, 33F, 31F, 19F, 8M, 50M 

Voucher/ Picture code: AG381, T2-863, T2-864, T2-965, T2-966, T3-7252, T3-7253, T5-1231 


Persea sp. 

Paltón (Sp) 


Use : MED: A poultice is made with the peel of the fruit in order to treat swellings 


Voucher/ Picture code: AG269, G2-395, G2-420 


Rhodostemonodaphne sp. 

Name unknown 

La Fragancia. Tree. Forest patch 

No actual use reported 


Voucher/ Picture code: AG129, C3-8604 



Forastero (Sp) 


Use : CON: The wood is used to make planks and canoes 





Aguacatillo (Sp) 

Shaime. Tree. Disturbed primary forest and secondary forest 





375

LECYTHIDACEAE 

Grias peruviana Miers 

Apai (Sh), Papayón (Sp) 

Shaime, Shamatak. Tree. Primary forest tree. Protected in pastures and replanted in house gardens and forest gardens. Native 

Use: FOO, MED, FUE: The fruit is eaten raw. Apai is used to treat snakebites. The stem is used for firewood 


Voucher/ Picture code: AG184, S2-517, S3-6311, S3-4167, S6-9986, S6-79, S6-80 



Gustavia macarenensis Philipson 

Iniaku (Sp) 

Shaime. Tree. Primary forest. Replanted in gardens. Native 

Use: FOO: The fruits are edible, they can be eaten raw 




Other sources/ Notes: According to Van den Eyden (VVDE698) it is used as fuel as well 

LILIACEAE 

Lilium cf. longiflorum L. 

Azucena blanca (Sp) 

El Retorno, La Fragancia, Los Guabos, El Tibio, El Cristal. Herb. Introduced and cultivated in gardens 

Use: ORN, MED: The species is mainly cultivated for its beautiful flowers. 27F uses Lilium spp as a remedy during the pushing stage of 

childbirth in an undisclosed manner 


Voucher/ Picture code : C1-4452, G1-311, T5-1451 


LOASACEAE 

Caiophora sp. 

Ortiga de campo (Sp) 

El Cristal. Herb is disturbed sites 

Use: MED: The plant is used by the Saraguros to treat skin problems. It is very irritant 




LORANTHACEAE 

Gaiadendron punctatum (Ruiz & Pav.) G. Don 

Violeta de campo (Sp) 

Sevilla de Oro, El Cristal, Los Guabos. Treelet. Protected in pastures. Native 

Use: FOO, ORN: The Saraguros and Mestizos use the flowers to prepare horchatas. In El Cristal, the flowers are used to elaborate crowns 

to decorate the local chapel as well. The flowers are sold in Loja 


Voucher/ Picture code: AG438, O1-605, O1-606, O1-629, T6-341 


Other sources/Notes: Gaiadendron punctatum is a common ingredient of the horchata and can be bought in local markets 

Phthirusa pyrifolia (Kunth) Eichl. 

Iwiachmir (Sh) 

Napints, Shamatak. Parasitic shrub. It grows on protected trees in gardens and pastures. Native 

Use: MED, FOD: A poultice is made with boiled leaves and stems. It is used to treat liver pain. The birds eat the fruits 



Determined by: CC, DV 

Other sources/ Notes: According to 39M, there exist two different types of iwiachmir, one with small leaves and another one with big ones 

376

Psittacanthus truncatus Kuijt 

Name unknown 

Napints. Parasitic shrub in disturbed site. Endemic 





LYTHRACEAE 

Adenaria floribunda H.B. & K. 

Name unknown 

La Fragancia. Shrub. Disturbed sites and protected pastures. Native 

Use: FUE, CON: The wood is used for fuel and for posts 




Alzatea verticillata Ruiz & Pav. 

Saco (Qu) 

El Tibio, El Cristal. Tree. Protected in pastures. Native 

Use: CON: The wood is used to make planks 




Cuphea cf. racemosa (L.f.) Spreng. 

Hierba de toro (Sp), Pichana, pichana azul (Qu) 

El Tibio, Los Guabos, Sabanilla, El Retorno, La Fragancia, El Cristal. Herb in pastures. Native 

Use: MED: The Saraguros use this plant to treat menstrual irregularities. They prepare an infusion with the plant, huisho chico, and sugar. 

In order to treat delivery pains, the Saraguros make a tea with three sprouts and sugar. No use reported in Los Guabos 


Voucher/ Picture code : AG388, C2-5749, T4-8343 


MALPIGHIACEAE 

Banisteriopsis caapi (Spruce ex Griseb.) 

Naatem (Sh), Ayahuasca (Sp) 

Chumpias, Napints, Shaime. Liana. Cultivated in house gardens 

Use: R/M: The Shuar, especially the Shamans, drink a beverage made from the stem to communicate with the spirits and to cure illnesses 


Voucher/ Picture code: AG26, AG225, S1-171, S1-172, S2-707, S6-192 


Banisteriopsis sp. 

Yagi (Sh), Ayahuasca (Sp) 

Napints. Liana. Secondary forest 

Use: R/M: The Shuar use this plant as an additive to a beverage made with Banisteriopsis caapi. It enhances its hallucinogenic effects. 




MALVACEAE 

Abutilon striatum Dicks. ex Lindl. 

Malva goma, Malva de Lima (Sp) 

El Tibio, Los Guabos, El Retorno. Shrub cultivated in garden. Native 

Use: ORN, MED: This species in cultivated as ornamental. The Saraguros prepare an infusion with the bark and the flowers to treat 

stomach infections 

Informant : 19F, 8M, 55F, 57F, 54M 

Voucher/ Picture code : AG308, T2-866, T2-867, T6-358, T6-359, G1-658, G1-659, G1-660 


377

Alcea rosea L. 

Malva, Malvaltea (Sp) 

Los Guabos. Herb. Cultivated in garden. Introduced 

Use: ORN, MED, FOO: The species is cultivated as ornamental. An infusion of the leaves is used to treat infections. It is also used to 

prepare horchatas 




Gossypium barbadense L. 

Katip urutch (Sh), Algodón (Sp) 

Shaime, Napints. Shrub cultivated in gardens. Native 

Use: FIB, H/F: The wad is used to apply remedies like Croton mutisianus against different ailments. In the past, fibers made from the 

cotton were used to prepare blowgun dart airfoils 



Determined by: AG, HS 

Hibiscus rosa-sinensis L. 

Peregrino (Sp) 

Shaime, El Tibio, La Fragancia, Los Guabos, El Cristal. Shrub cultivated in gardens. Introduced 

Use: FEN, ORN, FOO: The species is cultivated as living fence and for ornamental purposes. In Los Guabos a tea is prepared from the 

flowers and the bark (57F) 

Informant : 27F, 62F, 15M, 57F 

Voucher/ Picture code : T1-10, C2-5996, G3-714 


Lavatera sp. 1 

Malva goma (Sp) 

El Retorno, La Fragancia. Shrub cultivated in garden 

Use: ORN, FOO: The species is cultivated as ornamental. Its flowers are used in horchata 




Malvaviscus sp. 

Peregrino (Sp) 

Shaime, La Fragancia. Shrub cultivated in gardens 

Use: FEN, ORN: The species is cultivated as living fence and for ornamental purposes 


Voucher/ Picture code: AG249, C1-4465, C1-4466, S3-4163, C4-839 


Pavonia sepium A. St.- Hill. 

Name unknown 

Los Guabos. Herb in disturbed sites. Native 

No use reported. It probably has a use as medicinal plant, but this could not be confirmed 


Voucher/ Picture code: AG396, G2-1574, G2-1576, G2-1577, G2-1578, G2-1579 


Sida rhombifolia L. 

Cosa Cosa (Sp?), Guisho (Qu) 

El Tibio, Los Guabos. Herb in disturbed sites. Native 

Use: MED: The Saraguros treat tired feet with herb baths of S. rhombifolia. An infusion is made by the Mestizos in order to treat all kind of 

infections. They crush the seeds and scald them shortly in water. This infusion can be drunk or used to make herb baths 




378

MARANTACEAE 

Calathea sp. 

Pumpu (Sh) 

Chumpias, Shaime. Herb in secondary forest 

Use: FOO: The leaves are used to prepare ayampakus 




Ctenanthe setosa (Roscoe) Eichl. 

Name unknown 






Ischnosiphon annulatus Loes 

Mamánk (Sh) 

Chumpias, Shaime, Napints. Treelet. Secondary forest. Native 

Use: FOO, T/C, H/F: The fruits are edible (4M). The bark is used to make baskets to transport fruits (18F, 70M). These fibers are also used 

to make fish traps and are used as wad to load guns for hunting (18F) 





Maranta ruiziana Körn. 

Chiki (Sh) 

Napints, Chumpias, Shaime, Shamatak. Herb. Cultivated in gardens. Native 

Use: FOO: The tubers are edible 

Informant : 58F, 11M, 18F, 39M 


Determined by: CC, DV, 14M 


MELASTOMATACEAE 

Arthrostema ciliatum Pav. Ex D.Don 

Tchúrunch (Sh) 

Shaime, Shamatak, La Fragancia. Herb in disturbed sites along paths. Native 

Use: MED, FOO: The Shuar eat the petals to treat stomach swelling. They also use them to satisfy their thirst. The petals taste acidic. The 

species grows in La Fragancia, but no use among the Mestizos was reported 


Voucher/ Picture code: AG177, S4-6362, S4-6363, C3-8616, C4-854, C4-855, C4-857, C4-858 


Axinaea sp. 

Name unknown 

El Retorno. Shrub. Protected in pastures 





Brachyotum confertum Triana 

Name unknown 

Sabanilla. Shrub. Tolerated in pastures. Endemic 




379

Graffenrieda emarginata (Ruiz & Pav.) Triana 

Name unknown 

El Cristal. Shrub in disturbed site. Native 

Use: OTH: Its presence indicates bad soils to establish new pastures 




Miconia cf. calvescens DC. 

Chinchak (Sh) 


Use: FOD, FUE: The birds eat the fruits. The wood is used for fuel 




Miconia cf. rivetii Danguy & Cherm. 

Name unknown 

El Tibio. Treelet. Protected in pastures. Endemic 

Use: SHA: The tree is protected as shade for cattle 




Miconia triplinervis Ruiz & Pav. 

Chinchak (Sh) 


Use: FOD: The birds eat the fruits 




Miconia quadripora Wurdack 

Sierra (Sp) 

La Fragancia, El Retorno, Sabanilla, El Tibio. Tree. Protected in pastures. Native 

Use: CON, T/C, FUE: The wood is used by the Mestizos to construct fences and pickets (7M, 22F, 33F) and used by the Mestizos and 

Saraguros as fuel and for construction (16M, 69M) 

Informant: 7M, 22F, 33F, 16M, 24M, 69M 

Voucher/ Picture code: AG134, AG138, C1-4331, C2-6562, C2-6563 


Miconia sp. 1 

Chinchak (Sh) 






Miconia sp. 2 

Chinchak (Sh) 






Miconia sp. 3 

Chinchak (Sh) 






380

Miconia sp. 4 

Chinchak (Sh) 






Miconia sp. 5 

Andumu Chinchak (Sh) 

Shamatak. Tree. Protected in pasture 





Monolena primulaeflora Hook. f. 

Tchurunch (Sh) 

Shaime. Herb. Primary forest. Native 

Use: MED: The liquid from the stem and leaves is used externally to treat mumps 




Other sources/ Notes: FS14. Santín notes the same use 

Mouriri grandiflora (Mart.) DC. 

Sharimiat (Sh) 


Use: CON, T/C: The wood is used for construction and to make barge poles, ax holds, and wáis. It is considered as a very resistant wood 



Other sources/ Notes: According to van den Eyden (VVDE914), it is used for fuel as well. According to 12M, there exist different varieties. 

In Bennet et al. (2002) sharimiat is the name for Marila cf. pluricostata (CLUSIACEAE) 

Salpinga maranonensis Wurdack 

Name unknown 

Shaime. Shrub. Primary forest. Native 





Tibouchina laxa Cogn. 

Dumaril, Dumarin (Sp?) 

El Tibio, El Cristal, Los Guabos. Shrub growing in pastures and disturbed sites. Native 

Use: MED, VET: The sap of the flowers is used to treat eye ailments (16M, 15M, 34M). It has to be mixed with breast milk and applied to 

the eye with a piece of cloth (68M). Other Saraguros and the Mestizos of Los Guabos use it pure. In Los Guabos it is also used to treat eye 

ailments of domestic animals (57F) 

Informant : 68M, 16M, 15M, 34M, 57F 



Tibouchina lepidota Baill. 

Name unknown 

El Tibio, Sabanilla, El Retorno, La Fragancia. Tree protected in pastures. Native 

Use: SHA, ORN: It is protected by the Saraguros as shade for cattle. Some Mestizos protect it in their pastures for its beautiful flowers 


Voucher/ Picture code: AG80, AG415, C2-5445, C2-5507, C2-5511, C2-5790, C2-5791, C4-740, C4-741, C4-743, C4-744, C4-746, C4- 

747, T3-7192, T3-7192, T3-7194, C5-981, C5-982 

Determined by: HS, OS 

Other sources/Notes: It is used as ornamental in the gardens (Parque Calderón) of the main square of the city of Cuenca, Ecuador. The 

wood is probably used by the Mestizos and Saraguros to construct fences 

381

Tibouchina ochypetala (Ruiz & Pav.) Baill. 

Name unknown 

Shaime, El Retorno. Treelet near a trail in secondary forest (Shaime). Protected in pastures (El Retorno). Native 





Tibouchina oroensis Gleason 

Name unknown 

El Cristal, El Tibio. Riparian shrub or vine. Endemic 



Voucher/ Picture code : AG364, T5-1282, T5-1284, T5-1285, T5-1288, T5-1289, T6-447, T6-448 

Determined by : DV 

Other sources / Notes: The plant has beautiful flowers and could be used as ornamental 

MELIACEAE 

Cedrela fissilis Vell. 

Cedro (Sp) 


Use: CON: The wood is used to make planks 




Cedrela cf. montana Moritz ex Turcz 

Cedro (Sp) 

El Tibio, El Retorno. Tree in primary forest remnants and protected in pastures. Native 

Use: CON, T/C: The wood is used to make planks. It is also used by the Saraguros to elaborate bow jokes, swivels and plough handles 


Voucher/ Picture code : T2-872, C2-5575, C2-5577 


Cedrela cf. odorata L. 

Séetur (Sh), Cedro (Sp) 

Napints, Shaime, El Tibio, Sabanilla, La Fragancia, Los Guabos. Secondary forest tree. Protected and transplanted in house gardens and 

forest gardens (18F). Native 

Use: CON: The wood is used to construct houses and furniture 

Informant : 11M, 18F, 10M, 16M, 50M 

Voucher/ Picture code : S1-235, T2-868, T3-7247, T3-7248, T3-7249, T3-7250, T3-7251, C3-8577, G2-472 

Determined by: CC, HS, WQ 

Guarea guidonia (L.) Sleumer 

Yantsáu (Sh) 

Shamatak. Tree. Mature forest and protected in pasture. Native 

Use: CON, FOO, MED, FOD, SHA: The wood is used for construction. The fruits are edible (12M). The “blackbirds” and the “pigeons” 

eat the fruits (39M). A poultice made with the bark and the flowers (without using boiled water) is used to calm liver pains. It should be 

applied early in the morning (39M). It offers shade to cattle 




Guarea kunthiana A. Juss. 

Yantsáu (Sh), Sacha cacao (Sp) 

Napints, Shaime, Shamatak, El Retorno, El Tibio, Los Guabos. Tree. Mature forest and protected in disturbed sites and pastures. Native 

Use: CON, MED, FOO, FOD: The wood is used for construction. The leaves are used by the Shuar to treat diarrhoea, cough, and swellings 

(39M). The liquid from the stem is used topically by them to treat liver pain (39M). It has to be used before breakfast. The birds eat the 

fruits (1M, 12M, 39M). The Saraguros sometimes eat the fruit (68M). No actual use reported in Los Guabos, but it has been sometimes 

used for construction 

Informant : 1M, 12M, 33F, 39M, 68M, 16M, 8M 

Voucher/ Picture code: AG70, AG113, AG294, S1-160, S1-161, S2-521, S2-522, C2-6544, C2-6545, C2-6546 C2-4657, T2-961, T2-962, 

T4-8294, G1-497, G1-498, G1-499 


382

Guarea pterorhachis Harms 

Name unknown 

Sabanilla. Tree. Tolerated in pastures. Native 


Voucher/Picture code : AG155, T3-7168 


Guarea sp. 

Waship (Sh), Cedrillo (Sp) 

Chumpias. Small tree. Primary forest 




Trichilia guianensis Klotzch ex DC. 

Name unknown 

El Tibio. Tree. Tolerated in pastures 


Voucher/Picture code : AG366, T5-1399, T5-1400 


Trichilia sp. 

Mushua (Sh), Cedrillo (Sp) 

Napints. Small tree. Secondary forest 





Genus indet. 

Sanchuniakash (Sh) 

Shaime. Tree. Secondary and primary forest 

Use: CON, FOD, R/M, OTH: The stem is used for construction. The animals eat the fruits. An undisclosed part of the tree is used against 

maledictions. The leaves are leached in alcohol to prepare a perfume. 



MENISPERMACEAE 

Cissampelas pareira L. 

Name unknown 

Shaime. Vine in disturbed areas. Native 

Use: MED: The leaves are rubbed and inhaled to treat “Mal Aire” (39M). The plant is poisonous (12M) 




MIMOSACEAE 

Calliandra taxifolia (Kunth) Benth. 

Seda seda (Sp?) 

Los Guabos. Tree. Protected in pastures. Native 

Use : MED: It is used to treat female health problems 




Calliandra cf. trinervia Benth. 

Name unknown 

Shaime. Tree. Riparian. Native 




Other sources/ Notes: PL880, VVVDE644 

383

Inga edulis Mart. 

Wampa (Sh), Guaba de bejuco (Sp) 

Napints, Chumpias. Tree. Cultivated in house gardens. Native 

Use: FOO, MED, FUE, OTH: The fruits are edible and are used to treat diarrhea and cough. The wood is used for fuel. The leaves are 

mixed with grass, chopped nettles, left for 15 days, then this mixture can be used as fertilizer 




Other sources/ Notes: VVDE695, VVDE834 

Inga extra-nodis T.D. Penn. 

Guaba de mono (Sp) 

Sabanilla, El Retorno. Tree. Protected in pastures. Endemic 





Other sources/Notes: According to 7M the monkeys leave the forest to eat its fruits 

Inga marginata Willd. 

Guabillo (Sp) 

Los Guabos, Sabanilla. Tree. Protected in pastures. Native 

Use: FOO, MED: The fruit is edible. The leaves of Inga marginata and other species are boiled in water to prepare herb baths to treat Tired 

Feet 




Other sources/Notes: According to the informant, there exist at least three different species of Inga sp. in Los Guabos and surroundings. 

The town was named after the high density of Inga spp. According to Van den Eyden, it grows in Shamatak (VVDE692) 

Inga nobilis Willd. 

Wampuish (Sh) 

Shaime. Tree. Protected in disturbed areas, replanted, and protected in forest gardens. Native 





Other sources/ Notes: According to van den Eyden (VVDE694, VVDE835) it is used for fuel as well 

Inga oerstediana Benth. 

Guaba (Sp) 

Shaime, El Tibio. Tree. Protected in pastures. Native 

Use: CON, FUE, FOD, SHA: The Saraguros use the wood to construct fences. The Saraguros and the Shuar use the wood as fuel. Cattle eat 

fallen fruits. The tree is protected as shade for livestock in El Tibio. In El Tibio the tree was already protected by the former landowner, a 

Mestizo 




Inga punctata Willd. 

Imik sámpi (Sh) Guabillo (Sp) 

Shaime, Shamatak. Tree. Protected. Native 

Use: FOO, CON, FUE, SHA: The fruits are edible. The wood is used for formwork boards and for fuel. It is sometimes protected to offer 

shade to cattle 


Voucher/ Picture code: AG62, AG179, AG347, S2-518, S2-519, S7-1146 



Inga spectabilis (Vahl) Willd. 

Guaba (Sp) 

Shaime, Shamatak, La Fragancia. Tree. Cultivated in gardens. Native 

Use: FOO, FUE: The fruits are edible. The wood is used for fuel 


Voucher/ Picture code: AG248, C2-5728, S3-4237, S4-6297, S7-1173, S8-921 

384

Inga striata Benth. 

Guaba (Sp) 

La Fragancia, Los Guabos. Tree. Protected in pastures. Native 



Voucher/ Picture code: AG127, AG283, AG326 


Inga sp. 1 

Suinsampi (Sh) 

Napints. Tree. Cultivated in gardens 





Inga sp. 2 

Guaba (Sp) 

El Retorno. Tree. Protected in pastures 

Use: FOO, FOD: The fruit is edible. Cattle eats the fruits 




Inga sp. 3 

Guaba (Sp) 






Inga sp. 4 

Guaba de bejuco (Sp) 






Inga sp. 5 

Guaba (Sp) 






Inga sp. 6 

Guaba (Sp) 






MONIMIACEAE 

Mollinedia sp. 

Name unknown 

Napints. Treelet. Cultivated in chacra 

Use: VET: The leaves are used to treat an undisclosed dog illness 




385

Siparuna aspera A. DC. 

Monte de oso (Sp) 

Sabanilla, Los Guabos, El Tibio, Los Guabos. Tree. Protected in pastures. Native 

Use: MED: The leaves are used in Los Guabos and in El Tibio to treat the “espanto” by rubbing them on the body of the patient. No use 

reported in Sabanilla 


Voucher/ Picture code: AG153, AG285, C3-7797, C3-7798, C3-7820, C3-7822, C3-7823, G1-473, G1-474, T5-1356 


Siparuna cf. harlingii S.S. Renner & Hausner 

Mejenksh (Sh) 

Shaime. Treelet near a path. Native 

Use: MED: A poultice made from heated leaves is used to treat swellings. An infusion is made to wash the body against heat stroke (18F). 

Mejenksh is used mixed with natsamar (Piper umbellatum) and ruda (Ruta graveolens?) to treat “Mal Aire” (37F) 




Other sources/ Notes: FS104. Santín notes the external use of S. harlingii to treat rheumatism in Chumpias 

Siparuna schimpfii Diels 

Mejenksh (Sh) 

Shaime. Treelet. Secondary forest. Native 

Use: MED: A poultice made from several heated leaves is used to treat swellings and “Mal aire”. If the ailment is “Mal aire” the leaves 

will turn black 




Siparuna sp. 

Limoncillo (Sp) 

El Tibio. Treelet in disturbed site near a path 

Use: MED: The leaves are used externally (by rubbing them against the skin) to treat “Mal aire” 


Voucher/ Picture code : AG432, T6-487, T6-488, T6-490, T6-491, T6-492 


MORACEAE 

Batocarpus orinocensis H. Karst 

Pitiuk (Sh) 

Shaime, Chumpias. Tree. Mature forest and protected in chacras. Native 

Use: FOO: The seeds are edible after cooking them 



Other sources/ Notes: FS19, VVVDE686 

Clarisia racemosa Ruiz & Pav. 

Pitiuk (Sh) 

Napints. Tree. Protected in chacra. Native 





Ficus carica L. 

Higuera (Sp) 

El Tibio, Los Guabos. Tree. Cultivated in house gardens. Introduced 



Voucher/ Picture code : T2-858, G1-329 


386

Ficus krucovii Standl. 

Yamila (Qu?), Higuerón (Sp) 

El Tibio, Sabanilla. Tree. Protected in pastures. Native 

Use: SHA. In the past it has been protected to offer shade to livestock 




Other sources/Notes: Layers of a Ficus sp. are planted to create living fences in El Tibio (16M). The species has not been identified 

Ficus cf. subandina Dugand 

Higuerón (Sp) 

Sabanilla, Shaime. Tree. In Sabanilla protected in pastures. Secondary forest in Shaime. Native 

Use: SHA: In Sabanilla it offers shade to cattle. The former landowner already protected the tree. No use reported in Shaime 



Determined by: GM 

Other sources/Notes: Layers of a Ficus sp. are planted to create living fences in El Tibio (16M). The species has not been identified 

Ficus sp. 1 

Kasuá (Sh), Matapalo (Sp) 

Shaime. Hemiepiphyte. Secondary forest and protected in forest garden 

Use: CON, FUE, MED: The wood is sometimes used for construction and for firewood (12M). The latex can be used as an abortive and to 

treat eye problems (18F) 




Ficus sp. 2 

Tsai (Sh) 

Napints. Tree. Protected in chacra 

Use: CON, FOD, OTH: The wood is used for construction. The birds eat the fruits. According to the Shuar Tsai trees mark boggy areas 




Ficus sp. 3 

Yamila (Qu?), Higuerón (Sp) 

Sabanilla. Tree. Protected in pastures 

Use: SHA: The tree has been protected as shade for cattle 


Determined by: GM 

Helicostylis cf. tomentosa (Poepp. & Endl.) Rusby 

Mirikú (Sh) 

Shaime, Chumpias. Tree. Primary forest. Native 

Use: CON, FOO, FOD: The wood is used for construction. The fruit is edible (12M). Game eats the fruits (11M) 



Other sources/ Notes: According to van den Eyden (VVDE710) it is used for fuel as well 

Pseudolmedia laevigata Trécul 

Chimi, kawa chimi (Sh), Capulí (Sp) 

Napints, Shaime. Tree. Protected in chacra. Native 

Use: FOO, CON, FUE, FOD: The fruits are edible. The stem is used to make posts and as firewood. The birds eat the fruits 


Voucher/ Picture code: AG18, AG141, S1-270, S1-271 


Other sources/ Notes: FS15, VVDE688, VVDE833 

Trophis racemosa (L.) Urban 

Pítiu (Sh) 


Use: FOO: The seeds are edible. The fruit must be cooked first 




387


Wampu (Sh) 


Use: CON: The wood is used to construct houses and canoes 





Kasuá (Sh) 

Shaime. Hemi-epiphtyte. Primary forest 

Use: MED: The latex is applied topical to the eyes to treat ocular problems 





Wampu (Sh) 

Shamatak. Tree. Primary forest. Protected in pastures 

Use: MED, SHA: The sap is mixed with chicha and drunk to treat stomach parasites (18F). It is protected in pastures as shade for cattle 

(39M) 




MUSACEAE 

Musa x paradisiaca L. 

Mejech, paantam, pae (Sh), Plátano, banano, orito, maduro, maqueño, la Santa, rompeculo (Sp) 

Chumpias, Napints, Shaime, Shamatak, El Tibio, Sabanilla, El Retorno, La Fragancia, Los Guabos, El Cristal. Very common herb 

cultivated in chacras. Introduced 

Use: FOO, FOD: The fruits are edible raw and cooked. The Shuar sometimes use bananas to prepare chicha. The Shuar feed cows with 

them. It is also used to feed pork by all ethnic groups 

Informant : 58F, 12M, 18F, 55F, 68M, 33F, 25M, 64F, 15M 

Voucher/ Picture code: T1-21b, S2-637, S2-638, S2-639, S2-645, S2-660 


Other sources/ Notes: There exist numerous varieties of Musa x paradisiaca with different Spanish and shuar names 

MYRICACEAE 

Myrica pubescens Humb. & Bompl. ex. Willd. 

Laurel de cera (Sp) 

Sabanilla, El Tibio, Los Guabos. Tree. Protected in pastures. Native 

Use: MED, FEN: The Saraguros use an infusion of the leaves in herb baths to treat all kind of illnesses. In Los Guabos, the Mestizos have 

transplanted this species to use it as living fence. No use reported in Sabanilla 




MYRISTICACEAE 

Otoba glycicarpa (Ducke) W.A. Rodr. 

Tsémpu (Sh), Sangre de gallo, llora sangre (Sp) 

Napints, Shaime. Tree. Primary forest. Native 

Use: CON, FUE, MED: The stem is used to make planks for construction and for firewood. An infusion from the leaves is used to treat 

cough (11M). The seeds are used to treat abscesses (39M). The sap is used to treat Mal de Holanda (39M) 




388

Otoba sp. 1 

Mukunt (Sh) 






Otoba sp. 2 

Name unknown 

Shamatak. Tree. Disturbed site 





MYRSINACEAE 

Myrsine coriacea (Sw.) R. Br. 

Name unknown 

El Retorno, El Tibio. Tree. Protected in pastures. Native 

Use: CON, FUE: The wood is used to construct fences. In El Tibio it is used as fuel 




MYRTACEAE 

Eucalyptus globulus Labill. 

Eucalipto (Sp) 

Sabanilla, El Tibio, El Retorno, Sevilla de Oro. Tree. Introduced and cultivated 



Voucher/ Picture code : C2-5518, C2-5519, O1-586 


Eugenia florida DC. 

Arrayán ? (Sp) 

La Fragancia. Tree. Disturbed sites. Native 

Use: CON: The wood is used to construct fences. E. florida grows spontaneously along fences and forms indirectly living fences 




Eugenia sp. 1 

Guagüel (Qu) 


Use: FOO, FUE, T/C: The fruits are edible. Its wood is considered as good fuel. The wood is used for shafts for hand tools, for bow jokes, 

swivels and for plough handles 




Eugenia sp. 2 

Arrayán (Sp), Payanchillo (Sp?) 

El Tibio. Small tree. Secondary forest along the trail between El Tibio and El Cristal 

Use: T/C, FUE: The wood is very resistant, used for shafts for hand tools, for bow jokes, swivels, and for plough handles. It is considered 

an excellent fuel 




389

Myrcia aliena McVaugh 

Saka (Sh) 

Shaime. Tree in disturbed areas. Native 





Myrcia fallax (Rich.) DC. 

Payanchillo (Sp?), Saca (Qu) 

El Tibio, El Cristal. Tree. Protected in pastures. Native 

Use: T/C, CON: The wood is used for shafts for hand tools, for bow jokes, swivels and for plough handles (68M) and sometimes in El 

Tibio to make fences (16M) 



Myrcia sp. 

Saka (Sh?) 

Shaime, Napints. Tree. Protected in chacra 

Use: T/C, FOD: The wood is used to construct barge poles (11M) and other tools, like wais (18F). It is very resistant. The birds eat the 

fruits 




Myrcianthes discolor (Kunth) McVaugh 

Arrayán (Sp), Saco, Saca (Qu) 

Sevilla de Oro. Shrub. Protected in pastures. Native 

Use: FOO: The fruits are edible. They are used to prepare colada morada 


Voucher/ Picture code: AG436, O1-577, O1-578, O1-579 


Myrcianthes rhopaloides (Kunth) McVaugh 

Guagüel (Qu) 

Los Guabos, El Tibio. Tree. Protected in pastures. Native 

Use: T/C, FOO, FUE: The fruits are edible. The wood is used for shafts for hand tools, for fencing poles and as fuel 




Psidium guajava L. 

Wayáp, wámpa (Sh), Guayaba (Sp) 

Chumpias, Shaime, Sabanilla, El Retorno, La Fragancia, El Tibio, Los Guabos, El Cristal. Tree. Cultivated and protected in pastures. 

Native 

Use: FOO, FOD, FEN: The fruits are edible. Livestock eats the fallen fruits. It is sometimes used as living fence by the Mestizos 

Informant: 4M, 55F, 7M, 24M, 47M, 22F, 69M, 54M 

Voucher/ Picture code: AG327, S1-94, S1-95, C2-5524, C2-5539, C2-5540, C2-5960, C2-5961, C2-5962, S5-7954, C4-865, C4-866, T6- 

359 

Determined by: CC, AG, DV 

Syzygium jambos L. Alston 

Poma rosa (Sp) 

Shaime, El Tibio, Sabanilla, El Retorno. Tree. Introduced and cultivated 

Use: FOO, MED, ORN: The fruits are edible. In El Retorno, a salve to treat mal aire is made by using S. jambos leaves and flowers, 

thymol and camphor (27F). In El Tibio the flowers are used to make ornaments 

Informant: 12M, 68M, 27F, 7M, 37F 

Voucher/ Picture code : S2-704, T6-234 


390

NYCTAGINACEAE 

Bougainvillea sp. 

Buganvilla (Sp) 

El Retorno, La Fragancia. Shrub. Cultivated in gardens 

Use: ORN: It is cultivated for its beautiful bracts. 




Neea sp. 

Name unknown 

La Fragancia. Tree in secondary forest patches along the old road from Loja to Zamora 





ONAGRACEAE 

Fuchsia cf. canescens Benth 

Pena Pena de campo (Sp) 

El Cristal. Shrub. Disturbed sites and protected in pastures 

Use: MED, FOO: A tea from the leaves and the flowers is made by the Saraguros of El Cristal to treat nervousness. The fruits are edible, 

they taste like grapes 


Voucher/ Picture code : AG423, T6-417, T6-418, T6-442 


Fuchsia lehmannii Munz 

Casquillo de campo, Pena Pena de campo (Sp) 

El Tibio, Los Guabos, El Cristal. Shrub. Disturbed sites. Endemic 

Use: MED: A tea is made from the leaves and the flowers in El Tibio and in Los Guabos to treat nervousness. The Mestizos of El Cristal 

chew the flowers to treat colds (15M) 

Informant : 59F, 60F, 31F, 8M, 57F, 68M, 15M 

Voucher/ Picture code: AG278, AG445, G1-346, G2-1581, G2-1582 


Fuchsia cf. magellanica Lam. 

Zarcillo, Pena Pena de huerta (Sp) 

El Tibio, Los Guabos, El Cristal. Shrub. Disturbed sites and cultivated in gardens. Introduced 

Use: MED, FOO: The Mestizos and the Saraguros make an infusion using the flowers to treat nervousness. In Los Guabos they are also 

used as an ingredient of the local horchata (32M) 

Informant : 31F, 59F, 60F, 46F, 32M, 15M, 57F 

Voucher/ Picture code : AG455, G1-556, G3-716 


Fuchsia sp. 1 

Pena pena (Sp) 

El Tibio, El Retorno. Shrub. Cultivated in garden 

Use: ORN, MED: The plant is cultivated for its beautiful flowers. The leaves and the flowers are used to prepare an infusion to treat 

nervousness 


Voucher/ Picture code : T1-16, C2-5412 


Fuchsia sp. 2 


Sabanilla, El Retorno. Shrub. Cultivated in garden 

Use: MED: The Mestizos make an infusion from the flowers to treat nervousness 




391

Fuchsia sp. 3 


Los Guabos. Shrub. Disturbed sites 

Use: MED: The Mestizos make an infusion from the flowers to treat nervousness 




Ludwigia peruviana (L.) H.Hara 

Name unknown 

El Tibio. Herb. Disturbed sites. Native 



Voucher/ Picture code: AG82, AG386, T3-7195, T3-7196, T3-7197 


Other sources/Notes: This plant could be used as ornamental, it has beautiful flowers 

ORCHIDACEAE 

Cochlioda sp. 

Orquídea (Sp) 

El Retorno. Herb. Epiphyte 

Use: ORN: The plant has been collected in the forest and deposited on a cultivated tree as ornamental 




Other sources/Notes: This species, as almost all ORCHIDACEAE, has a great potential as ornamental 

Elleanthus aurantiacus Rchb.f. 

Name unknown 

El Tibio. Herb. Native. Disturbed sites along the trail from Imbana to El Tibio 




Epidendrum sp. 1 

Name unknown 

El Tibio. Epiphyte on a protected tree on the way from Imbana to El Tibio 





Epidendrum sp. 2 

Flor de Cristo (Sp) 

Los Guabos. Herb growing in disturbed site 


Informant: 8M 


Determined by: DV. 

Other sources/Notes: Morocho and Romero (2003) reported the use of an Epidendrum sp. called “Cristo” as a nervine agent used by the 

inhabitants of the Jimbilla forest 

Masdevallia sp. 

Name unknown 

El Retorno. Epiphyte in protected trees in pastures 





392

Oncidium sp. 


La Fragancia. Epiphyte in garden 

Use: ORN: The plan has been collected in the forest and is now used in a garden as an ornamental plant 





Pleurothallis crocodiliceps Rchb. f. 

Name unknown 

El Retorno. Epiphyte in protected trees in pastures. Native 




Prosthechea sp. 


La Fragancia. Epiphyte 






Rodriguezia sp. 

Name unknown 






Stelis sp. 

Name unknown 








La Fragancia. Epiphyte Epiphyte in protected trees in pastures 







El Retorno. Epiphyte 


Informant: 7M 






Los Guabos. Epiphyte 






393



La Fragancia. Epiphyte 







Sekut (Sh), Vanilla (Sp) 

Shaime, Napints. Epiphyte 

Use: FOO, OTH: The fruits are used as condiment in sweets. It is also used to flavour hard liquor made from sugar cane. The women use it 

as perfume. 

Informant: 58F, 70M, 18F 


Other sources/Notes: According to the informants, it is very difficult to find this plant. In the past it was easier, which probably represents a 

symptom of over-exploitation. We were not able to find the plant, but the description of the informants, together with the comparison with 

other plants made the identification of the family possible. Bennet et al. (2002: 227) describes a Vanilla sp. with the same uses and the 

same Shuar name. On their part, van den Eyden, Cueva and Cabrera (VVDE546) collected a voucher of Vanilla odorata near Palanda, 

Zamora Chinchipe Province 

OXALIDACEAE 

Oxalis peduncularis Kunth 

Chulco (Qu, Los Guabos, Sabanilla), Chulco chiquito (Qu, El Tibio) 

El Retorno, Los Guabos, El Tibio. Herb. In pastures. Native 

Use: OTH, MED: In the past the plant was used in Los Guabos to curdle milk. The Saraguros prepared a tea from the plant to treat 

headache and fever. 27F prepares a remedy to treat Mal de Holanda by mixing O. peduncularis, Mentha spp. bicarbonate and lemon juice. 

The mouth must be washed using this remedy 




Oxalis sp. 1 

Name unknown 






Oxalis sp. 2 

Chulco grande (Qu) 

El Tibio. Herb in pastures 

Use: MED: A tea made from the plant is used to treat colds and fever 




PASSIFLORACEAE 

Passiflora edulis Sims 

Granadilla, maracuyá (Sp) 

Los Guabos, Shaime. Vine. Cultivated. Introduced 





394

Passiflora ligularis Juss. 

Granadilla (Sp) 

El Tibio, Sabanilla, Los Guabos. Vine. Cultivated. Native 

Use: FOO, MED: The fruits are edible. The Saraguros make a poultice with the flowers and water and apply it on the forehead to treat 

headache (31F) 




Passiflora pergrandis Holm-Niels. & Lawesson 

Wuashimunshi (Sh), Granadilla (Sp) 

Napints, Shaime. Vine in secondary forest and cultivated (replanted?) in gardens. Native 





Passiflora tripartita (Juss.) Poir. 

Taxo (Qu) 

Los Guabos. Vine. Cultivated in garden. Native 





PHYTOLACCACEAE 

Phytolacca dioica L. 

Name unknown 

El Retorno, La Fragancia. Tree. Protected in pastures. Native 

Use: FOD, SHA: According to 47M cattle eats the fallen leaves. This species has been protected as shade for cattle 


Voucher/ Picture code : C2-5533, C2-5904, C2-5905, C3-7563, C3-7559, C3-7560, C3-7561, C4-819 


Other sources/Notes: JH2157. The species has been used in other regions to produce varnish from the fruits, maybe former land owners 

knew this use as well 

Phytolacca rivinoides Kunth & C.D. Bouché 

Wampakar (Sh) 

Chumpias, Napints, Shaime, El Tibio, Sabanilla, La Fragancia. Subshrub. Ruderal areas. Native 

Use: OTH, FOD, MED: The fruits are crushed and used like soap to wash colours by the Shuar. White clothes should not be washed with 

Wampakar. Only elder Saraguros know this use as soap but they do not apply P. rivinoides anymore and do not have or do not remember 

the local name. Poultry eats the fruits (11M, 12M, 18F). The fruits are used among the Shuar to wash the hair against hair fall in order to 

treat dandruff and (18F). Apparently the Mestizos do not use this plant 

Informant : 11M, 12M, 18F, 16M, 24M, 70M, 14M 

Voucher/ Picture code: AG20, AG33, AG256, S1-278, S2-516 


Trichostigma sp. 

Name unkonwn 

El Retorno. Treelet near path 




Other sources/Notes: JH2150 

PIPERACEAE 

Manekia sydowii (Trel.)T. Arias, Callejas & Bornst. 

Tintikip (Sh) 

Shaime. Herb. Secondary forest 

Use: MED: Herb baths with boiled tintikip leaves are used to treat rheumatism. Body pain (39M) and headache (39M, 18F) are treated 

topically with Tintikip juice 




395

Manekia sp. 

Akapkmas (Sh) 

Shaime. Herb in wet areas. Secondary forest 

Use: MED: An infusion of the plant is used with sugar to treat liver ailments 




Peperomia cf. blanda (Jacq.) Kunth 

Congona (Sp) 

El Cristal. Herb. Cultivated. Native 

Use: FOO: The plant is used in horchatas by the Mestizos of El Cristal 




Peperomia inaequalifolia Ruiz & Pav. 

Congona (Sp) 

Los Guabos. Herb. Cultivated. Native 

Use: FOO: The plant is used in horchatas 




Peperomia cf. scutelariifolia Sodiro 

Name unknown 

El Retorno. Herb. Secondary forest. Endemic 





Other sources/Notes: It could be used as ornamental for its beautiful leaves 

Peperomia sp. 1 

Tsentsem (Sh) 

Napints. Herb. Cultivated 

Use: MED, R/M: The Shuar give the sap of chewed tsemtsem leaves to babies when they are a few days old to prevent ailments and to 

strengthen their immune system (12M, 58F, 58F). A tea made from the leaves is used to treat kidney pain (12M, 18F) and liver pain (58F). 

The shamans prepare hallucinogenic syrup with tsemtsem leaves. It allows them to see the ailments of their patients. First they must 

complete a fast of fifteen days (58F, 18F) 




Other sources/Notes: According to 58F the observed Tsemtsem plants have been brought from Gualaquiza 

Peperomia sp. 2 

Name unknown 

La Fragancia. Herb. Disturbed humid site near the old road between Loja and Zamora 




Other sources/Notes: It could be used as ornamental for its beautiful leaves 

Piper aduncum L. 

Tinkip (Sh), Matico (Sp) 

Napints, Shaime, Shamatak, Sabanilla, El Retorno, El Tibio. Shrub. Secondary forest protected in pastures and cultivated/replanted in 

gardens. Native 

Use: MED: An herb bath made from the leaves is used by the Shuar and the Mestizos to treat wounds and to disinfect them (58F). A 

similar bath is used by the Shuar to treat fever and headache by washing the forehead (41M). The Shuar use Tinkip to treat cough (10M). 

The Mestizos and the Saraguros make an infusion of piper aduncum leaves to treat colics and stomachache. The Mestizos of Sabanilla 

make a salve with boiled matico leaves, soap, and Pelargonium spp. sap to treat insect bites and wounds (24M, 7M). The Mestizos of Los 

Guabos prepare a drink with Urtica spp., orange peels and Piper aduncum to treat hangovers (57F) 

Informant: 58F, 39M, 41M, 24M, 55F, 7M, 19F, 47M, 37F, 10M, 44M, 50M, 57F 

Voucher/ Picture code: AG96, AG340, C1-4381, C2-T2-967, S5-8127 


396

Piper cf. carpunya Ruiz & Pav. 

Guaviduca, Guaviduca de dulce (Qu?) 

El Tibio, Los Guabos, Sabanilla, El Retorno. Hemi-epiphyte. Cultivated along fences. Native 

Use: FOO: A refreshing tea is made from the leaves 

Informant : 31F, 16M, 8M, 27F, 7M, 47M 

Voucher/ Picture code : AG305, C1-4370, C2-5530, G1-643, G1-644 


Piper cf. crassinervium H.B.K 

Guaviduca de sal (Qu?) 

El Retorno. Shrub. Cultivated. Native 

Use: FOO, MED: The leaves are used as condiment. According to the Mestizos this tea has cholesterol-lowering properties and is a remedy 

against stomache ulcers (27F, 7M) 


Voucher/Picture code : C1-4370, C1-4371 

Other sources/Notes: According to 7M the Piper crassinervium shown in picture C1-4370 and C1-4371 was brought from Zaruma 


Piper heterophyllum Ruiz & Pav. 

Natsaep (Sh), Cordoncillo (Sp) 

Shamatak. Shrub. Disturbed primary forest. Native 

Use: FOO: The leaves are eaten raw 





Piper immutatum Trel. 

Natsan unkuch (Sh), Sacha matico (Sp) 

Shaime. Shrub. Primary forest. Native 

Use: FOO: The leaves are edible. They are used as condiment or in salads 




Other sources/Notes: A Piper species called unkuch has been reported in Chumpias (14M). It is used as condiment. We did not see the 

plant, but it could be Piper immutatum 

Piper peltatum L. 

Natsamar (Sh), Santa María (Sp) 

Shaime. Shrub. Abandoned pasture. Native 

Use: FOO, MED: Young leaves are used to prepare ayampakus. To treat swellings a poultice is made with leaves and then applied to the 

afflicted area 




Piper umbellatum L. 

Natsamar (Sh), Santa María (Sp) 

Napints. Shrub. Secondary forest. Native 

Use: FOO, MED: Young leaves are used to prepare ayampakus (11M, 58F). To treat swellings the leaves are applied to the afflicted area as 

a poultice (11M, 58F). Fresh leaves are used to treat mal aire by rubbing them on the body (39M). The leaves turn black after they have 

absorbed the ailment. Sometimes they are used mixed with guando (Brugmansia sp.) leaves. A herb bath with P. umbellatum leaves is used 

to treat infantile diarrhoea (39M) 




Piper cf. xanthostachyum C. DC. ex Pittier 

Tinkip (Sh) 

Shaime. Epiphytic shrub. Primary forest. Native 

Use: FOO, MED: The leaves are used to prepare ayampakus (39M). The plant is used to treat an undisclosed illness (12M) 




397

Piper sp. 1 

Nampich (Sh) 

Chumpias. Shrub near river margin 

Use: MED, H/F: A tea made from the leaves is used to treat stomachache and parasites. It can be used externally as disinfectant. The stem 

is used to make fishing poles 




Piper sp. 2 

Tinkip (Sh) 

Shaime. Shrub. Secondary forest 

Use: MED: A herb bath is used to treat fever and headache 




Piper sp. 3 

Tun chinchi (Sh) 


Use: FOO: The leaves are cooked and used as food 




Piper sp. 4 

Name unknown 






Piper sp. 5 

Name unknown 

Shaime. Shrub. Primary forest 





Piper sp. 6 

Unkuch (Sh) 


Use: FOO: The leaves are edible 




Other sources/ Notes: VVVDE666? According to 12M in the past unkuch was not eaten by young men but by women and old people 

because of its fragrance. The God Arutam did not like perfumed food 

Piper sp. 7 

Tuish chimi (Sh) 


Use: MED: The leaves are warmed up and applied externally to the liver area in order to treat liver pain 




Other sources/ Notes: FS17 noted the same use. During our interviews 39M admitted that the medicinal use of this plant had been revealed 

to him in a state of trance during an ayahuasca ceremony 

398

Piper sp. 8 

Ampar grande (Sh) 

Shaime. Shrub . Primary forest 

Use: MED: The root is a very good remedy to treat diarrhoea and colics. It is chopped together with the stem and simmered with sugar in 

order to prepare a syrup 




Other sources/ Notes: FS5 noted the same use. 39M pointed out the existence of a smaller ampar (ampar pequeño) with the same use but 

more spicy and effective. According to 70M, ampar is used in Napints too, but we did not see it. Here the root is boiled and eaten as 

medicine to treat stomach parasites 

Piper sp. 9 

Guaviduca (Qu?), Guayusa (Sp) 

El Tibio. Treelet. Disturbed site near a trail 

No use reported: The treelet has probably been protected by former landowners for an undisclosed use. 15M says that it has maybe been 

used to prepare teas 




Piper sp. 10 

Guaviduca (Qu?) 

El Tibio. Shrub. Disturbed site near a trail 

Use: MED: A tea from the leaves is made to treat mal aire. This tea is also used in herb baths. A second informant 15M said that this 

species has no use 




PLANTAGINACEAE 

Plantago major L. 

Llantén (Sp) 

Sabanilla, El Retorno, El Tibio, El Cristal, La Fragancia. Herb. Disturbed sites. Introduced 

Use: MED, FOO: The Mestizos and the Saraguros prepare a tea from the whole plant to treat stomachache and ulcers. It is a common 

ingredient of the horchata tea 

Informant: 5F 46F, 7M, 16M, 44M, 24M, 22F, 54M, 50M, 69M 

Voucher/ Picture code : C3-8270, T6-364, C5-1005 


POACEAE 

Arundo donax L. 

Caris (Sh), Carrizo (Sp) 

Napints, Los Guabos. Herb. Introduced and cultivated in house garden 

Use: CRA: The plant is used to make crafts and music instruments 


Voucher/ Picture code: S5-8143, S5-8145, G3-746 


Aulonemia sp. 

Sada (Qu?) 

Los Guabos, El Cristal, El Tibio. Herb in secondary forest 

Use: T/C: The stem is used to make baskets by the Mestizos and the Saraguros 

Informant : 8M, 26F, 28M, 68M, 37F 

Voucher/ Picture code: AG303, G1-621, G1-622, G1-626, G1-670, G1-672 


399

Axonopus compressus (Sw.) P. Beauv 

Hierba morocho (Sp) 

El Tibio, Sabanilla, Los Guabos. Native. Common herb in pastures 

Use: FOD: The plant is a good forage grass for cattle 




Other sources/ Notes: According to local information A. compressus has not been introduced in the area, it is considered “pasto natural” or 

“natural pasture” 

Axonopus scoparius (Flüggé) Kuhlm. 

Soak, Yerap (Sh), Gramalote (Sp) 

Chumpias, Napints, Shaime, Shamatak, El Tibio, Los Guabos. Cultivated herb in pastures. Native 

Use: FOD: The plant is cultivated as forage grass for cattle in the Nangaritza Valley. There exist some areas with A, scoparius in the El 

Tibio and in Los Guabos, mainly in humid areas of difficult access along the Zamora river and the Río Blanco river. According to the 

informants (68M, 16M, 8M, 45M) this fodder grass was widely used in the past until a pest arrived and killed the crops. From this moment 

on they introduced other fodder plants like yaragua and later mequerón 

Informant : 1M, 11M, 39M, 18F, 68M, 16M, 8M, 45M 

Voucher/ Picture code: S1-188, S3-4040, S3-4041, S3-4070, S5-8021, S5-8025, S5-8125, G3-750 


Other sources/ Notes: According to 39M, gramalote grows slowly and it is a delicate forage grass. One cow needs approximately around 

two hectares of gramalote pastures 

Axonopus sp. 

Name unknown 

El Tibio. Herb growing in pastures 

Use: FOD: This herb grows in “pasto natural” areas. It is said to be good fodder 




Chusquea scandens Kunth 

Chincha (Qu?) 

El Tibio, Los Guabos. Shrub. Disturbed areas and secondary forest. Native 

Use: FOD: The leaves are used to fodder cuys (guinea pigs, Cavia porcellus) 




Coix lacryma-jobi L. 

Lágrima de San Pedro (Sp) 

Chumpias, Napints, Shaime, Shamatak. Herb. Introduced and cultivated in house gardens. Naturalized in disturbed sites 

Use: CRA: The seeds are used to make necklaces and bracelets 




Cymbopogon citratus (DC.) Stapf 

Chirishiri (Sh), Hierba Luisa (Sp) 

Chumpias, Napints, Shaime, Shamatak, El Tibio, Los Guabos, Sabanilla, El Retorno, La Fragancia. Herb. Introduced and cultivated in 

gardens 

Use: FOO, MED: All ethnic groups prepare a refreshing tea from the leaves and use it in horchatas. The Shuar make a drink with the 

leaves to treat diarrhoea. The Mestizos and the Saraguros make a tea from the leaves to treat nervousness. A herb bath with Ambrosia 

artemisioides and milk is used in El Tibio to treat muscle pain (68M) 

Informant: 4M, 58F, 46F, 60F, 27F, 7M, 50M, 69M, 68M 

Voucher/ Picture code: S1-130, C1-4380, C2-5958 

Determined by: CC, HS, AG 

Digitaria sp. 

Name unknown 

Sabanilla, El Retorno, La Fragancia. Herb. Very common in natural pastures 




400

Eleusine indica (L.) Gaertn. 

Grama de caballo (Sp) 

El Tibio. Herb. In pastures. Introduced 

Use: FOD: According to the Saraguros this wild growing plant is a good fodder for horses and donkeys 




Eriochloa sp. 

Pasto alemán (Sp) 

Sabanilla, Shaime, Shamatak. Cultivated in pastures 

Use: FOD: Herb cultivated in pastures by Mestizos and Shuar 


Voucher/ Picture code: AG122, AG346, C4-291, S5-7926, S5-7927 


Other sources/Notes: The name “Pasto alemán” is usually given to Echinochloa polystachya (Kunth) Hitchc. However, we did not find this 

species in the area. Both Shuar and Mestizos used this name when they referred to Eriochloa sp. 

Guadua angustifolia Kunth 

Guadua (Sp) 

Shaime, Shamatak. Herb in river margins. Native 

Use: CON, CRA: The trunk is used for construction. The Shuar make flutes from the hollow stems 




Gynerium sagittatum (Aubl.) P. Beauv. 

Pindo (Sp?) 

Shaime, Shamatak. Herb in river margins and in secondary forest. Native 

Use: CON: The trunk is used to make walls and fences 




Holcus lanatus L. 

Pasto blanco, Pasto azul (Sp), Orco (Qu?) 

El Retorno, Sabanilla, La Fragancia, El Tibio, El Cristal. Herb. In pastures. Introduced. Cultivated and naturalized. 

Use: FOD: It is considered a good light fodder for cattle, mules and horses 




Other sources/Notes: The Shuar of the Nangaritza Valley use a fodder grass called pasto azul, (11M, 39M). However, we did not identify it 

Lasiacis sorghoidea (Desv.) Hitchc. & Chase 

Nankuchip (Sh) 

Shamatak. Herb. Secondary forest. Native 

Use: CRA: The stem is used to make little toy air guns for children. It is used together with Chiriap, an unknown herb 




Melinis minutiflora P. Beauv. 

Pasto yaragua (Sp) 

Sabanilla, El Retorno, La Fragancia, El Tibio, Los Guabos, Sevilla de Oro. Common fodder herb introduced and cultivated in pastures 

Use: FOD: The species has been introduced as fodder 

Informant : 29M, HP, 69M, 55F, 22F,25M, 24M, 68M, 16M, 8M 

Voucher/ Picture code : AG383, C2-5482, C2-5487, C2-5488, C2-5489, C2-5542, C2-6519, C2-6529, C2-6556, C2-6557 


Panicum sp. 

Name unknown 

El Retorno. Herb. In pastures 

Use: FOD: It is considered good fodder for cattle 




401

Paspalum conjugatum Bergius 

Name unknown 

La Fragancia. Herb. In pastures. Native 

Use: FOD: It is considered good fodder 




Paspalum decumbens Sw. 

Hierba cachona (Sp) 

Sabanilla, La Fragancia. Herb. In pastures. Native 





Pennisetum clandestinum Hocst. Ex. Chiovenda 

Pasto kikuyo (Sp) 

Sabanilla, El Retorno, La Fragancia, El Tibio, Los Guabos. Herb. Mainly in plains with rich soils. Introduced. Naturalized and cultivated. 





Other sources/Notes: According to 8M this grass reached the area following the course of the river Zamora 

Pennisetum purpureum Schumach. 

Pasto elefante (Sp), king grass (En) 

Napints, Shaime, El Tibio, La Fragancia. Herb. Cultivated. Introduced 

Use: FOD: It has been introduced as fodder for cattle and cuys 


Voucher/ Picture code: S5-7936, C2-6046, C2-6048, C2-6049 


Poa sp. 

Clín (Sp?) 

El Tibio. Herb. In pastures with wet areas 





Polypogon elongatus Kunth 

Name unknown 

La Fragancia. Herb. In pastures. Native 





Saccharum officinarum L. 

Páat (Sh), Caña de azúcar (Sp) 

Shaime, Chumpias, Napints, Shamatak, El Tibio, Sabanilla, El Retorno, La Fragancia, Los Guabos, El Cristal. Cultivated herb in gardens 

and fields. Introduced 

Use: FOO, FOD: The stem is cultivated for its sugar content. The Saraguros and the Mestizos distillate a hard liquor called Punta. The 

refuse is used to feed cattle and pigs. It is also a cash crop (63M, 25M). The Mestizos sometimes sell it in the Zamora market 

Informant : 37F, 58F, 18F, 39M, 7M, 55F, 33F, 27F, 25M, 63M, 54M, 15M 



402

Setaria sphacelata (Schumach.) Stampf & C.E.H 

Mequerón (Sp) 

Napints, Shamatak, El Tibio, Los Guabos, Sabanilla, El Retorno, La Fragancia, EL Cristal, La Chonta, Sevilla de Oro. Introduced and 

cultivated in pastures 

Use: FOD: Herb cultivated for forage 

Informant : 39M, 7M, 70M, 68M, 16M, 8M, 47M 

Voucher/ Picture code : AG384, C1-4367, C1-4368, C3-8578, C3-8595 


Other sources/ Notes: It is the most common forage herb among the Saraguros and Mestizos. It is very resistant against pioneer species like 

P. arachnoideum 

Sporobolus indicus (L.) R. Br. 

Name unknown 

El Tibio. Native herb growing in pastures 

Use: FOD: This herb is commonly found in “pasto natural”. It is considered a good fodder 




Tripsacum sp. 

Cariamanga (Qu?) 

La Fragancia, El Tibio, Los Guabos. Herb cultivated in house gardens and chacras 

Use: FOD: Forage herb cultivated to feed “cuys”, the guinea pigs (Cavia porcellus) 




Urochloa cf. brizantha (A. Rich.) R.D. Webster. 

Bracharia, Bracharia grande (La Fragancia) (Sp) 

Napints, Shamatak, La Fragancia. Introduced and cultivated in pastures 

Use: FOD: Herb cultivated in pastures 




Urochloa cf. decumbens (A. Rich.) R.D. Webster 

Bracharia, bracharia mediana (La Fragancia) (Sp) 

Napints, Shaime, Shamatak, La Fragancia. Introduced and cultivated in pastures 

Use: FOD: Herb cultivated in pastures 


Voucher/ Picture code: AG345, S1-275, , S5-7953, S5-7955, S5-7956, S5-8028, C7-3 


Zea mays L. 

Sháa (Sh), Maíz (Sp) 

Napints, Shaime, Chumpias, Shamatak, El Tibio, Los Guabos, El Retorno, La Fragancia, Sabanilla, El Cristal. Cultivated in chacras. 

Introduced 

Use: FOO, FOD: The plant is cultivated for food. All groups use the corn as animal fodder. After the maize harvest the cows of the 

Saraguros are allowed to enter the fields to eat the harvest remnants 

Informant :4M, 59F, 46F, 22F, 55F, 7M, 50M, 15M 

Voucher/ Picture code: S1-131, C2-5955, G2-1588, G2-1590, G2-1594 


POLYGALACEAE 

Polygala paniculata L. 

Wishu (Sh), Pampa (Qu), Mentol chino (Sp) 

Shaime. Herb in disturbed areas. Native 

Use: MED: To treat diarrhoea a tea is made from P. paniculata leaves mixed with other herbs 




403

POLYGONACEAE 

Polygonum hydropiperoides Michx. 

Sulimancillo (Sp) 

Los Guabos. Herb. Disturbed sites. Native 

Use: MED, F/H: An infusion of this weed is used in herb baths to treat skin problems (26F). In the past it was used as a fish poison - 

similar to barbasco - to fish 




Rumex obtusifolius L. 

Gula (Qu?) 

Los Guabos, La Fragancia, El Retorno, El Cristal. Herb. Disturbed sites. Introduced 

Use: OTH, MED, FOO: The leaves are edible, but this is an uncommon use. Herb baths with R. obtusifolius are used in Los Guabos to 

make hair grow (26F). A poultice is prepared by the Mestizos of Los Guabos with chopped spears and mixed with warm water – not boiled 

water – to treat infections (48F 15M, 55F). The Mestizos of La Fragancia use it to treat an undisclosed health problem (55F) 


Voucher/ Picture code : AG395, C5-1009, G1-323 


Triplaris sp. 

Tankana (Sh), Fernán Sánchez (Sp) 

Shaime, Shamatak. Tree protected in chacras and pastures 

Use: CON, FUE: The wood is sometimes used for construction (12M). It is a very good firewood (12M, 18F, 39M) 




PONTEDERIACEAE 

Eichhornia crassipes Mart Solms 

Bombilla (Sp) 

Los Guabos. Aquatic herb. Cultivated in garden. Introduced 

Use: VET: The plant purifies the drinking water of poultry avoiding “poultry pest” 




PROTEACEAE 

Oreocallis grandiflora (Lam.) R. Br. 

Cucharillo (Sp) 

Los Guabos. Treelet. Secondary forest on a crest. Native 

Use: FOO: The flowers are used in horchatas 




Other sources/Notes: According to the comments of 8M the species seems to be over-exploited 

Roupala sp. 1 

Ubre de vaca (Sp) 

El Retorno. Tree. Disturbed sites along the road between Loja and Zamora and in forests. Protected in pastures 

Use: CON: The wood is used for construction and to built fences 




Roupala sp. 2 

Roble (Sp) 

EL Tibio. Tree protected in pastures 

Use: CON, FUE: The wood is used for construction and as fuel 




404

RHAMNACEAE 

Gouania sp. 1 

Cei naek (Sh) 

Shaime. Vine. Primary forest 

Use: MED, FOO: The juice (of the fruits?) is used to treat stomachache. The fruits are eaten cooked 




Gouania sp. 2 

Tampirush naek (Sh) 

Chumpias, Shaime. Vine in disturbed sites 

Use: BEA, MED: The stem hosts edible beetle larvae (4M, 39M, 18F). The juice is a good remedy for hangover (39M) 




ROSACEAE 

Duchesnea indica (Andrews) Focke 

Frutilla (Sp) 

La Fragancia. Herb in disturbed sites along the old road between Loja and Zamora. Introduced 



Voucher/ Picture code : AG408, C5-1018, C5-1019, C5-1020, C5-1021, C5-1022, C5-1023, C5-1024 


Other sources/Notes: The plant could be used as ornamental 

Eriobotrya japonica (Thunb.) Lindl. 

Níspero (Sp) 

El Tibio, Sabanilla, El Retorno, Los Guabos. Tree. Cultivated in garden. Introduced 

Use: FOO, FEN: The fruits are edible. The Mestizos from Los Guabos use it as living fence 

Informant : 19F,27F, 24M, 8M 



Fragaria vesca L. 

Frutilla (Sp) 

Los Guabos, El Tibio, El Cristal. Herb. Disturbed forest areas around Los Guabos and cultivated. Introduced 


Informant : 8M, 31F, 59F, 54M 

Voucher/ Picture code : G1-302, G1-514, G1-570, T6-349 


Lachemilla cf. aphanoides (L.F.) Rothm. 

Pimpinela de campo (Sp) 

Los Guabos. Herb. In pastures. Native 





Prunus opaca (Benth) Walp. 

Capulí de monte (Sp) 

El Tibio, Los Guabos, El Retorno. Tree. Upper forest remnants. Native 

Use: CON: The wood is considered an excellent material to work with, specially to make planks and boards 




405

Prunus persica Batsch. 

Durazno (Sp) 

El Tibio, El Retorno, Los Guabos. Tree. Cultivated. Introduced 

Use: FOO, FEN: The fruits are edible. The Mestizos of Los Guabos plant this tree along trails as living fences 

Informant : 19F, 27F, 7M, 8M 

Voucher/ Picture code : AG290, T2-846, C1-4382, G1-333, G1-648, G2-1569 


Prunus serotina Ehrh. 

Capulí (Sp) 

Los Guabos, El Tibio. Tree. Cultivated. Native 





Rosa sp. 

Rosa (Sp) 

Sabanilla, El Retorno, La Fragancia, Los Guabos, El Tibio, El Cristal. Shrub. Cultivated 

Use: ORN, MED: The plant is cultivated for its beautiful flowers. The Mestizos of El Retorno and Sabanilla and the Saraguros use an 

infusion of rose petals to treat eye infections. The infusion is used to wash and clean the affected eye (27F, 31F, 23F). There exist many 

rose varieties 

Informant : 27F, 31F, 46F, 24M, 54M 



Rubus bogotensis Kunth 

Mora (Sp) 

El Cristal. Shrub in disturbed sites. Native 





Other sources/Notes: The Saraguros of El Tibio use a poultice of young leaves of Rubus spp. to treat wound infections (60F) 

Rubus boliviensis Focke 

Mora (Sp) 

Sabanilla. Shrub in disturbed sites. Native 





Rubus niveus Thumb. 

Mora, mora de Castilla (Sp) 

Sabanilla, El Tibio, Los Guabos. Shrub in disturbed sites. Introduced 



Voucher/ Picture code: AG255, C2-5425, C2-5426, C2-5427, C3-7810, C4-254, G1-385 


Other sources/Notes: The Saraguros of El Tibio use a poultice of young leaves of Rubus spp. to treat wound infections (60F) 

Rubus robustus C. Presl 

Mora (Sp) 

El Cristal. Shrub in disturbed sites. Native 





406

Rubus cf. rosifolius Smith var. rosifolius 

Mora (Sp) 

El Retorno, El Tibio, Los Guabos, El Cristal. Introduced. Shrubs in disturbed sites along the road from Imbana to El Tibio and cultivated in 

El Tibio (68M), El Retorno (7M) and El Cristal (54M) 



Voucher/ Picture code: AG433, T3-257, T3-259, C4-794, C4-796, T6-235, T6-236, T6-237, T6-344, G3-757 


Other sources/Notes: Seems to be a rapid expanding invasive species. The Saraguros of El Tibio use a poultice of young leaves of Rubus 

spp. to treat wound infections (60F) 

Rubus urticifolius Poir. 

Mora (Sp) 

Sabanilla. Shrub in disturbed sites. Native 





Other sources/Notes: Van den Eyden described Rubus urticifolius in the Yayu (VVDE903) 

Rubus sp. 

Mora (Sp) 

Napints, Shaime, Shamatak. Shrub in disturbed areas 

Use: FOO, MED: The fruits are edible (1M, 18F, 39M). The fruits are used to treat diarrhoea (18F) 

Informant :1M, 39M, 18F 

Voucher/ Picture code: S1-310, S1-311, S4-6393, S7-1121, S7-1122, S7-1123 


RUBIACEAE 

Arcytophyllum sp. 

Perlilla, Preñadilla (Sp) 

Los Guabos. Herb in humid areas 

Use: MED: An undisclosed part of the plant is used to treat pimples 



Coccocypselum sp. 1 

Name unknown 

Shaime. Herb in disturbed areas 

No use recorded 




Other sources/Notes: This species is a potential ornamental plant 

Coccocypselum sp. 2 

Name unknown 

Los Guabos. Herb in disturbed areas 

No use recorded 




Other sources/Notes: This species is a potential ornamental plant 

Coffea arabica L. 

Café (Sp) 

Chumpias, Napints, Shaime, Shamatak, El Tibio, Sabanilla, El Retorno, Los Guabos, La Fragancia. Shrub cultivated in chacras. Introduced 

Use: FOO, FEN, T/C: The fruit is edible. All ethnic groups prepare coffee from coffee beans. In the past the Shuar from Chumpias and 

Shaime cultivated coffee as cash crop. It is used as living fence. In the past the Saraguros used its wood to make hoes 

Informant : 4M, 18F, 31F, 16M, 24M, 22F, 64F 

Voucher/ Picture code : S1-103, S1-104, C2-5798, C3-8638, G1-471, T3-7256, T3-7257, T3-7258 


407

Coussarea brevicaulis K. Krause 

Supínim (Sh) 

Shaime. Treelet. Primary forest. Native 

Use: FOO: The fruit is edible. It is eaten raw 




Other sources/ Notes: According to Van den Eyden (VVDE680) it is used for fuel as well 

Elaeagia karstenii Standl. 

Yukaip (Sh), Lacre, Charol (Sp) 

Napints, Shaime. Treelet. Primary forest 

Use: PDV: The resin near the stipules is heated up and used to glaze pots and to varnish handicrafts 





Elaeagia sp. 

Iniak (Sh) 

Shaime, Napints. Tree. Primary and secondary forest 





Galium cf. canescens H.B.K. 

Ají (Sp) 

El Tibio. Vine. Disturbed sites and chacras. Native 

Use: MED: The plant is rubbed on the abdomen to treat stomachache 



Genipa americana L. 

Sua (Sh) 

Napints. Small tree. Cultivated in chacra. Native. 

Use: MED, DPV, R/M: The Shuar extract a dye from the fruits and treat dandruff or use it to tint hair. The Shuar use Genipa Americana to 

dye cotton clothes. In the past, they used the dye to paint their bodies during the fiesta de la culebra. The figure of the snake was painted on 

the victim of a snake bite 




Other sources/Notes: The tree has probably been brought from Gualaquiza 

Hillia macromeris Standl. 

Name unknown 

Chumpias. Shrub. Primary forest. Native 




Determined by: DN 

Other sources/Notes: The species could have potential as ornamental 

Hippotis sp. 

Name unknown 






Isertia laevis (Triana) B.M.Boom 

Name unknown 






408

Ladenbergia sp. 1 

Name unknown 

Shaime. Treelet. Primary forest 






Cascarilla de hoja de zambo (Sp) 

Los Guabos. Tree. Disturbed site 

Use: MED: The bark is good to treat influenza 




Other sources/Notes: According to 57F, another cascarilla, called cascarilla de la hoja de luma (Cinchona sp.?), is much better, but 

nowadays it is very difficult to find. During the thirties and forties the bark of these cascarilla species was sold for its medicinal properties 


Name unknown 

La Fragancia. Tree. Disturbed site near the old road from Loja to Zamora 




Palicourea guianensis Aubl. 

Name unknown 

El Retorno, La Fragancia. Treelet. Primary forest remnant near a creek in El Retorno (55F) and secondary forest near the old road from 

Loja to Zamora. Native 




Other sources/Notes: This species could be used as ornamental 

Psychotria poeppigiana Müll. Arg. 

Labios de novia (Sp) 

Shaime. Herb. Secondary forest. Native 

Use: ORN: The flowers are ornamental 




Psychotria sp. 1 

Shauk numi (Sh) 







Name unknown 







Name unknown 






409


Name unknown 

Shaime. Tree in disturbed area 






Name unknown 

Sabanilla. Tree in disturbed area near pastures 




Sommera sabiceoides Schum. 

Mukut (Sh) 

Shaime. Tree. Protected in chacra 





Other sources/Notes: FS 

Uncaria tomentosa (Willd. ex Roem.&Schult.) Dc. 

Kenkuk (Sh), Uña de gato (Sp) 

Napints, Shaime. Liana in primary and secondary forest. Native 

Use: MED, H/F: The bark has medicinal properties (12M, 70M). A decoction of the bark is used in Perú to treat gastritis and cancer (39M). 

The bark is used to make fish traps (39M) 




Other sources/ Notes: During the interviews, the Shuar admitted that they had heard news from Peruvian relatives and naturists about the 

medicinal properties of U. tomentosa, but they do not use it for such purposes. 

Warszewiczia coccinea (Vahl) Klotzsch 

Name unknown 

La Fragancia. Shrub. Old road from Loja to Zamora. Native 


Voucher/ Picture code : C4-943, C4-944, C5-1012, C5-1013, C5-1014 


Other sources/Notes: W. coccinea is a known ornamental species. It is remarkable for its inflorescence with bright red bracts 


Chiap (Sh) 

Chumpias, Shaime. Shrub. Secondary forest 

Use: MED: The latex from the stem is applied to the tooth using cotton to treat toothache. The latex is bitter and viscous 

Informant: 11M. 


Other sources/Notes: 18F described the same use for a plant with the same name, but we did not see that plant 


Name unknown 

Shaime. Shrub. Secondary forest 



Voucher/Picture code: S5-7941, S5-7942, S5-7947 


Other sources/Notes: This species has potential as ornamental 


Nyé nyé (Sh) 

Shaime. Treelet. Primary forest 

Use: MED: The fruit is eaten to treat kidney infections 




410

RUSCACEAE 

Sansevieria trifasicata Prain. 

Name unknown 

Sabanilla, Los Guabos. Herb. Introduced and cultivated 

Use: ORN: The species is used as ornamental plant 


Voucher/Picture code : C3-8266, G1-678 


RUTACEAE 

Citrus maxima (Rumph. ex Burm.) Merr. 

Naranja, toronja, lima (Sp) 

Shaime, Chumpias, La Fragancia, El Tibio, Sabanilla, El Retorno, Los Guabos. Tree. Introduced and cultivated in house gardens 

Use: FOO, MED, T/C: The fruits are edible. The Saraguros make a tea from the leaves and elaborate tolas with its wood. The Mestizos of 

Los Guabos prepare a drink with Urtica spp., orange peels and Piper aduncum to treat hangovers (57F) 

Informant : 22F, 24M, 64F, 57F 

Voucher/Picture code : C2-5938 


Other sources/Notes: According to Møller Jørgensen & León-Yánez (1999) Citrus x paradisi Macfad. (toronja) is a variety of Citrus 

maxima (Rumph. ex Burm.) Merr. 

Citrus medica L. 

Yumúnk (Sh), Limón (Sp) 

Chumpias, Napints, Shaime, Sabanilla, El Retorno, La Fragancia, El Tibio, El Cristal. Tree. Introduced and cultivated in chacras and house 

gardens 

Use: FOO, FEN, MED: The fruits are edible. Its juice is a common refreshing beverage. In the past, the Shuar cultivated it as cash crop 

(18F). There exist some living fences of C. medica in El Tibio and La Fragancia. Former landowners have planted them. The Saraguros of 

El Cristal mix the juice with hard liquor and Verbena litoralis in order to treat colds 

Informant : 4M, 1M, 18F, 33F, 7M, 19F, 25M, 54M, 24M, 22F, 64F 

Voucher/ Picture code: S1-83, S1-84, S1-177, C1-4374, C1-4375, C2-6535, C2-6536, T6-360 


Citrus reticulata Blanco 

Mandarina (Sp) 

Shaime, Los Guabos, La Fragancia, El Tibio. Tree. Introduced and cultivated 





Ruta graveolens L. 

Ruda (Sp) 

Sabanilla, El Tibio, El Retorno, Los Guabos. Shrub. Cultivated. Introduced 

Use: MED: An infusion to treat headache and stomachache is made with R. graveolens. In El Retorno, this tea is used in herb baths to treat 

muscle ache, too. To treat mal aire the whole plant is boiled shortly by the Saraguros. The boiled wet plant parts are then used to wash the 

body of the patient (limpia) 

Informant : 27F, 31F, 55F, 33F, 26F 

Voucher/ Picture code : C1-4449, G1-671, G1-702 


Zanthoxylum sp. 

Urimbo (Qu) 

Los Guabos. Tree. Protected in pastures. Native 

Use: CON, FUE, SHA: The wood is used to construct fences and as fuel. It is protected as shade for cattle 




411

SABIACEAE 

Meliosma herbertii Rolfe 

Pañanchillo (Sp?) 

Napints. Tree. Primary forest. Native 

Use: CON: The wood is used to make planks for house construction, mainly for floors 




SAPINDACEAE 

Serjania sp. 

Name unknown 

Shaime. Vine in disturbed area 

Use: FIB: The Shuar extract cord from the stem 




SAPOTACEAE 

Micropholis guayanensis (A. DC.) Pierre 

Capulí (Sp) 


Use: T/C: The wood is used to make handholds 




Pouteria caimito (Ruiz & Pav.) Radlk. 

Yaás (Sh), Caimito (Sp) 

Chumpias, Shaime. Tree. Cultivated in forest gardens and house gardens. Native 

Use: FOO, CON, FUE: The fruits are edible. The trunk is used for construction. The wood is a good firewood 




Other sources/ Notes: FS80, VVDE673 

Pouteria lucuma (Ruiz & Pav.) Kuntze 

Luma (Sp?) 

El Tibio, Los Guabos, Sevilla de Oro. Tree. Cultivated in house gardens. Native 

Use: FOO, CON: The fruits are edible. The stem is used for construction by the Saraguros, specially to make planks and posts 


Voucher/ Picture code : AG292, T3-7096, T3-7097, G2-1593, O1-587, O1-588 


Pouteria sp. 1 

Sapuinim (Sh) 



Informant 11M 



Pouteria sp. 2 

Luma de monte (Sp?) 


Use: CON, FOO: The wood is used for construction. The fruits are edible 




412

SCROPHULARIACEAE 

Alonsoa meridionalis (L.f.) Kuntze 

Monte de raposo (Sp) 

Los Guabos. Herb in disturbed areas. Native 

Use: MED: An infusion from the leaves in used to treat espanto 

Informant: 8M 



Castilleja arvensis Cham. & Schltdl. 

Rabo de perico (Sp) 

El Retorno, El Cristal. Herb in disturbed areas. Native 

Use: MED: 27F uses this species with caramelized sugar and alcohol to treat menstrual problems. No use reported in El Cristal (54M), but 

the plant has been found in an abandoned garden together with other medicinal plants like Salvia scutellarioides and Hyptis sidifolia 

Informant: 27F, 54M 



Penstemon sp. 

Name unknown 

El Cristal. Herb. Cultivated in home garden. Introduced 

Use: MED, ORN: The plant is used by the Saraguros of El Cristal to treat swellings in an undisclosed manner. It is also used as ornamental 




Scoparia dulcis L. 

Pampa (Qu?), Pichana azul (Sp, Qu) 

Napints, La Fragancia. Herb in disturbed areas. Native 

Use: MED, T/C: An infusion from the leaves in used to treat fever and diarrhea. The whole plant is used to make brooms. No use reported 

in La Fragancia 




Stemodia suffruticosa Kunth 

Name unknown 

Sevilla de Oro. Herb in disturbed areas. Native 

Use: OTH: The plant can be used as insecticide 


Voucher/ Picture code: AG437, O1-597, O1-599, O1-600 


SIMAROUBACEAE 

Picramnia sellowii Planch 

Yamakay (Sh) 

Napints, Shaime. Tree. Protected in chacras. Native 

Use: VET, PDV, MED: The sap is used to treat dog scabies (11M). The Shuar obtain a black dye from the sap of the leaves of this tree. It is 

used to colour textiles (18F). The ancients made poultices with crushed leaves to treat skin diseases (18F) 




Picramnia sp. 

Kaip (Sh) 

Napints. Tree. Secondary forest 

Use: VET: The sap is used to treat dog scabies 




413

SOLANACEAE 

Acnistus arborescens Schltdl. 

Pico Pico, Monte del Espanto? (Sp) 

El Retorno. Tree. Disturbed sites and cultivated. Native 

Use: FOD, FEN: Poultry eat the fruits. It is used as living fence. However, it was not possible to determine the origin of the specimens 




Browallia americana L. 

Mortiño (Sp) 

El Tibio, Los Guabos, Sabanilla, El Retorno. Herb. In pastures. Native 

Use: MED: The plant is used to treat relapses 

Informant: 57F, 54M, 50M, 33F 


Determined by: WQ, DV, BM 

Brugmansia x candida Pers. 

Guando blanco (Qu) 

El Tibio, El Retorno, La Fragancia, Los Guabos. Treelet. Cultivated in gardens 

Use: FEN, ORN, R/M, MED: The plant is used in El Tibio and in Los Guabos to make living fences. It is commonly cultivated as 

ornamental and cultivated by the Mestizos to protect their houses against thieves. The plant will affright them (57F). According to 48F, it is 

also used to treat aire de agua: The leaves are boiled and the infusion is used to wash the swollen area. All guandos (whites and reds) can 

be used as remedy 

Informant : 57F, 48F, 33F, 68M, 22F, 8M 

Voucher/ Picture code : T1-10, T3-7199, C2-6550, T3-7200, T3-7201, T3-7202, T3-7203, T5-1231, T6-245, G1-461 


Brugmansia cf. x insignis (Barb.Rodr.) Lockwood ex E.W. Davis 

Guando (Qu) 

El Retorno. Treelet. Cultivated in gardens 

Use: ORN: The plant is cultivated for its beautiful flowers 




Brugmansia sp. 1 

Miukut, maikiua (Sh), Floripondio (Sp), guando (Qu) 

Napints, Shaime, Shamatak. Shrub. Cultivated in chacras and gardens 

Use: R/M, MED, ORN: Shuar men use the bark after fasting to prepare a very powerful hallucinogenic beverage. The Shuar say that they 

can heal their bone fractures by seeing in trance the affected area. The liquid is also applied to bone fractures. The plant is considered 

ornamental 




Brugmansia sp. 2 

Maikiua, mama maikiua, quichua maikiua, unkuch maikiua, waima maikiua, iwichim maikiua (Sh), Floripondio (Sp), guando (Qu) 

Napints. Shrub. Cultivated in chacra 

Use: VET, MED: The bark is used by the Shuar to treat dogs if they vomit blood. Quichua maikiua (S5-8100) bark is used by them to treat 

insect stings. The leaves of another variety (S5-8104) are rubbed by the Shuar on the waist in order to calm pregnancy pains 




Brunfelsia grandiflora D. Don 

Chirikiaship (Sh), Calavera (Sp) 

Napints, La Fragancia. Shrub. Cultivated in gardens 

Use: R/M, ORN: The Shuar prepare an hallucinogenic beverage from the leaves and the stems. It is also added to ayahuasca mixtures. The 

plant is considered ornamental. 


Voucher/ Picture code: AG3, S1-134, S1-136, S1-174, C4-843 


414

Capsicum cf. annuum L. 

Ampí (Sh), Ají (Sp) 

Chumpias, Napints, Shaime, Sabanilla, El Tibio, El Retorno, La Fragancia. Shrub. Cultivated in gardens 

Use: FOO, H/F: The fruit is used raw as a condiment or cooked to make a sauce by all ethnic groups (58F, 41M, 18F, 27F, 55F, 7M, 69M). 

The Shuar sometimes mix it with Lonchocarpus nicou for fishing (58F) 

Informant : 58F, 27F, 55F, 31F, 7M, 10M, 41M, 18F, 69M 

Voucher/ Picture code: S1-85, C1-4454, C2-5390, C2-5401, C2-5958, S5-8088, S5-8089, T6-301 


Capsicum pubescens L. 

Ají (Sp) 

Los Guabos. Shrub. Cultivated in gardens 

Use: FOO: The fruit is edible, it is used as a condiment or eaten in salads 




Cestrum sendtnerianum C. Mart. 

Sauco negro (Sp), Chimbor (Qu?) 

El Tibio, El Retorno. Treelet. Disturbed sites 

Use: MED: A poultice is made from chopped C. sendtnerianum leaves to treat infected wounds. The Saraguros sometimes add Iresine sp. 

leaves 



Cestrum tomentosum L. f. 

Sauco blanco (Sp) 

El Tibio. Treelet. Disturbed sites. Native 

Use: MED: C. tomentosum leaves are applied to the front to treat influenza 



Cestrum sp. 

Name unknown 

Shaime. Treelet. Cultivated in garden 

Use: MED: The leaves are boiled in water. The infusion is used to make herb baths to treat mal aire 




Larnax peruviana ( Zahlbr.) Hunz. 

Name unknown 

Shaime. Shrub in disturbed site. Native 

Use: MED: The leaves are crushed and rubbed to treat skin diseases. A tea is made from the leaves to treat diarrhea 




Larnax sp. 

Maikiua (Sh) 

Napints. Shrub. Cultivated 

Use: VET: The Shuar use the juice of the stem of maikiua to improve the hunting ability of dogs 




Lycianthes sp. 

Jimia (Sh) 

Shaime. Cultivated herb in gardens 

Use: MED, FOO: The Shuar grind dried Jimia fruits and take them with water to treat measles and varicella. The fruits are used like ají as a 

hot condiment 



Other sources/Notes: FA100 

415

Lycopersicon hirsutum Dunal 

Monte de ushco (Qu) 

El Tibio. Herb. Disturbed areas. Native 

Use: MED: The plant is used to treat mal aire. The body of the patient is rubbed with L. hirsutum 



Nicotiana tabacum L. 

Tsaank, Tsaaankua (Sh), Tabaco (Sp) 

Chumpias, Napints, Shaime, El Tibio. Cultivated herb in gardens. Introduced 

Use: R/M, MED: The shamans use the plant in rituals (6F, 10M, 39M). The sap is used to treat influenza (39M). The Saraguros use N. 

tabacum as a remedy for an undisclosed illness 

Informant : 6F, 10M, 39M, 18F, 31F 



Physalis peruviana L. 

Yuranmis (Sh), Uvilla, Ovilla (Sp) 

Shaime, Napints, Shamatak, El Tibio, El Retorno, Los Guabos. Shrub in disturbed areas and cultivated by the Mestizos. Native 

Use: FOO, FOD, MED: The fruits are edible. The animals eat the fruits (39M). The Shuar add juice from the stem and roots to water to 

treat fiver and diarrhoea (39M). The Mestizos of Los Guabos boil ten fruits in water to treat infections. This decoction is used to wash the 

affected area (57F) 

Informant : 11M, 58F, 12M, 39M, 46F, 55F, 32M, 57F 

Voucher/ Picture code: AG8, AG39, AG353, S2-706, C2-5404, C2-5405 


Solanum americanum Mill. 

Shímpiship (Sh), Mortiño (Sp) 

Napints, Shamatak, El Retorno, El Tibio, EL Cristal. Herb in disturbed areas. Native 

Use: MED: An infusion is made by the Shuar using the whole plant to treat influenza, colds, headaches, infections, measles and pox. The 

Shuar and the Saraguros make a tea from the leaves and the flowers to treat nervousness (58F, 39M, 19F, 54M). The Shuar use the juice to 

treat eye diseases (58F). The Saraguros of El Tibio make a remedy to treat headache by mixing chopped S. americanum and Petroselinum 

crispum leaves and quail eggs. This remedy must be taken during nine days. A similar remedy is prepared to treat hangovers. The Mestizos 

of El Retorno use the juice to treat scurvy. The Mestizos of El Cristal put a fruit in the nose as a remedy for nasal obstruction (15M) 

Informant : 58F, 39M, 27F, 46F, 33F, 19F, 54M, 15M 

Voucher/ Picture code: AG352, AG390, AG425, T2-972, T2-973, C3-8639, C4-266, T6-444, T6-364 

Determined by: HS, WQ, DV, OS 

Solanum betaceum Cav. 

Tomate de árbol (Sp) 

Shaime, El Tibio, Los Guabos, La Fragancia, Sabanilla, El Retorno, El Cristal, Sevilla de Oro. Shrub. Cultivated in gardens 

Use: FOO: The fruit is edible 

Informant : 18F, 46F, 54M 63M, 50M 

Voucher/ Picture code : T1-18b, T5-1514, T6-350, O1-956 


Other sources/Notes: According to 63M this plant was an important cash crop in Sabanilla and surroundings in the past 

Solanum caripense Humb. & Bonpl. ex Dun. 

Cimbaylo (Sp?) 

El Tibio, Los Guabos, Sabanilla. Herb. In disturbed sites. Native 



Voucher/ Picture code: AG311, AG375, T4-8347, T4-8348, G1-399, G1-400 


Solanum grandiflorum Ruiz & Pav. 

Name unknown 

La Fragancia. Shrub. Disturbed sites. Native 



Voucher/ Picture code: C4-902, C4-903, C4-904 


416

Solanum lepidotum Humb. & Bonpl. ex Dun. 

Name unknown 

El Tibio. Shrub. Disturbed sites. Native 

Use: FUE, FEN: The wood is used for fuel. There are very old living fences of S. lepidotum under use planted by former land owners 

(probably Mestizos) 


Voucher/ Picture code : AG86, T3-7212, T3-7213, T3-7214, T3-7220, T3-7259 


Solanum lycopersicum L. 

Tomate (Sp) 

Chumpias, Napints, Shaime, El Tibio. Herb. Cultivated in gardens. Native 





Solanum pendulum Ruiz & Pav. 

Name unknown 

El Retorno. Shrub in disturbed sites. Native 



Voucher/ Picture code : AG320, C1-4333, C2-6175, C2-6176, C2-6177, C2-6178, C2-6979, C2-6216, C2-6216, C2-6217, C2-6218, C2- 

6219, C2-6220, C2-6221, C2-6222 


Solanum quitoense Lam. 

Kukush (Sh), Naranjilla (Sp) 

Chumpias, Napints, Shaime, El Tibio, Los Guabos, El Retorno, La Fragancia, El Cristal. Shrub cultivated in chacras and gardens. Native 


Informant : 1M, 18F, 46F, 10M, 48F, 8M, 69M 

Voucher/ Picture code: AG148, S1-150, S1-152, S1-187, S4-6308, S4-6484, S5-7950, S5-7951, S5-8116, C2-5399, C2-5407, 5408, G1- 

542, G2-1564, T6-340, T6-362 


Other sources/Notes: According to 63M S., quitoense was a common cash crop in Sabanilla until the arrival of a disease that killed most of 

the plants. It still is an important cash crop among the Shuar 

Solanum cf. stramoniifolium Jacq. 

Kukush (Sh), Huevo de perro (Sp) 

Chumpias, Napints, Shaime. Shrub cultivated in chacras. Native 



Voucher/ Picture code : AG93, S2-700 


Other sources/Notes: FS99, VVVDE824 

Solanum tuberosum L. 

Papa (Qu, Sp) 

Sabanilla, El Retorno, El Tibio, El Cristal, Shaime. Herb. Cultivated in chacras 

Use: FOO: The tuber is edible 

Informant: 55F, 54M, 68M, 50M, 18F, 12M 



Other sources/Notes: The use of this species in Shaime has been confirmed by two informants and by Martina Park 

Solanum sp. 1 

Name unknown 

Chumpias. Treelet. Disturbed area 





417

Solanum sp. 2 

Inchinchi (Sh) 

Chumpias. Vine. Disturbed area 





Solanum sp. 3 

Name unknown 

El Retorno. Shrub. Ruderal. Native 




Solanum sp. 4 

Name unknown 

Sabanilla. Shrub. Apparently protected in pastures 




Solanum sp. 5 

Name unknown 

El Tibio. Shrub. Protected in pastures 

Use: MED: The leaves are used in an undisclosed manner to treat espanto 

Informant : EM 



Solanum sp. 6 

Name unknown 

El Cristal. Tree. Protected in pastures 


Informant: EM, 68M 



Trianea sp. 

Perilla (Sp) 

Sabanilla, El Retorno, La Fragancia, El Tibio. Epiphyte. Protected in pastures 

Use: FOO: The fruit is edible and tastes like pear. Not all the Mestizos who have this species in their finca know this use (only 7M 

described it as edible) 


Voucher/ Picture code: AG162, AG385, C1-4347, C143, C1-4348, C1-4349, C2-5448, C2-5449, C2-5450, C2-5452, C2-5454, C2-5458, 

C3-7546, C3-7548, C3-7549, C3-7550, C3-8507, C3-8504, C3-8564, C3-8565, T5-1476 


Other sources/Notes: The plant is a potential new crop 

Witheringia solanacea L’Her. 

Chuan hupa (Sh), Ampibex, Novalgine (Sp) 

Shamatak, Shaime. Shrub in disturbed sites. Native 

Use: MED: The leaves are used externally to treat skin swellings and pimples, raw (39M, 18F) or by using its ashes (12M). An herb bath is 

used to relax tired feet (39M). The fruits are poisonous (39M, 12M, 18F), they are sometimes used for the same purpose as the leaves (18F) 




STERCULIACEAE 

Herrania sp. 

Kushíkiam (Sh), Cacao de monte (Sp) 

Shaime, Shamatak. Treelet in secondary forest and protected in pastures 



Voucher/ Picture code: AG46, S2-673, S2-674, S4-6365-S4-6371, S6-219, S7-1014, S7-1016, S7-1017, S7-1018, S7-1020 


418

Theobroma cacao L. 

Cacao (Sp) 

Napints, Shaime. Tree. Cultivated in gardens and chacras. Native 

Use: FOO: The pulp surrounding the seed is edible 




Theobroma sp. 

Wakam (Sh), Aguacate de monte (Sp) 






TILIACEAE 

Apeiba membranacea Spruce. ex Benth. 

Shimiut, Temash numi (Sh), Peine de mono (Sp) 


Use: CON, CRA, T/C: The stem is used for construction. In the past it was used to make a signal drum and the fruit was used as a comb 




Heliocarpus americanus L. 

Kutsa (Sh), Balsa (Sp) 

Napints, Shaime, Sabanilla, El Retorno, El Tibio, Los Guabos, El Cristal. Tree. Secondary forest and protected in pastures. Native 

Use: CON, CRA, FIB, FUE, VET: The Shuar use the wood for construction, carving and for fuel (1M). In the past, the Shuar used the bark 

for dog leads (39M) and the Mestizos and the Saraguros used it to make cords for several purposes. The Shuar and the Mestizos use the sap 

of the bark to treat cattle heatstroke. They soak the bark in water and wash the animals with the resulting solution (39M, 7M) 


Voucher/ Picture code : S1-173, C3-8275, T3-7243, T3-7274, T3-7255, T6-411 


Triumfetta althaeoides Lam. 

Cadillo (Sp) 

Los Guabos. Herb. Ruderal. Native 

Use: MED: The plant is used in an undisclosed manner to treat astringency 




Other sources/Notes: Triumfetta sp. is used in Sabanilla to treat astringency (24M). Morocho and Romero (2003) describe the use of 

Triumfetta semitriloba in the Jimbilla forest to treat kidney infections 

TOVARIACEAE 

Tovaria pendula Ruiz & Pav. 

Name unknown 

EL Tibio. Shrub in pastures. Native 





419

TROPAEOLACEAE 

Tropaeolum majus L. 

Capuchina (Sp) 

El Retorno. Herb. Cultivated in garden. Introduced 

Use: ORN: The plant is cultivated for its beautiful flowers and leaves 




ULMACEAE 

Celtis iguanaea (Jacq.) Sarg. 

Tsachík (Sh) 


Use: VET: An undisclosed plant part is given to dogs to improve their hunting ability 




Other sources/ Notes: According to van den Eyden (VVDE712) the species is a medicinal plant used to treat cough and is used for fuel as 

well 

Trema integerrima (Beurl.) Standl. 

Kaaka (Sh), Sapán (Sp) 

Shaime, Shamatak. Secondary forest and transplanted in house gardens. Native 

Use: FIB, T/C, FUE, FOD: The bark is used to make cords and baskets. The wood is used for fuel. The wild animals eat the fruits 




URTICACEAE 

Myriocarpa stipitata Benth. 

Cordoncillo (Sp) 

El Tibio, Los Guabos, La Fragancia. Shrub. Protected in pastures. Native 

Use: FUE, FEN: The wood is used as fuel in El Tibio and Los Guabos. In the past, it was cultivated as living fence. There exist several 

living fences of M. stipitata that are under use, but none of the informants cultivate it anymore 


Voucher/ Picture code: AG77, AG282, T3-7224, T3-7225, C4-835 


Phenax sp. 

Name unknown 

Chumpias, Shaime. Shrub in disturbed sites 





Urera caracasana (Jacq.) Griseb. 

Nara, Parguinara (Sh), Chine (Qu) 

Chumpias, Shaime. Shrub in disturbed sites. Native 

Use: T/C, MED, OTH: The plant is used to punish children (11M, 18F) and adults (12M) by rubbing them with Urera caracasana 

branches. Hair baths with an infusion made of the roots are used to treat hair loss (18F). The Shuar prepare an insecticide with Urera 

caracasana plants. To prepare it a bowl of water with Urera caracasana is left to sit for fifteen days (18F) 


Voucher/ Picture code: S1-116, S-117, S1-359 


420

Urtica sp. 1 

Uchinara (Sh), Chine (Qu) 

Chumpias, Napints. Herb in chacra 

Use: MED: The plant is used to treat rheumatism and to alleviate muscle pain by rubbing leaves on the skin 


Voucher/ Picture code: S1-116, S-117, S1-359 


Urtica sp. 2 

Nara (Sh), Chine (Qu) 

Shaime. Herb in chacra 

Use: MED: The plant is used to treat swellings by rubbing leaves on the affected area 




Genus indet. 

Chine (Qu) 

Los Guabos, Sabanilla, El Retorno, El Tibio. Herb in disturbed site 

Use: MED: The Mestizos use Urtica spp. topically to alleviate muscle pain and “mal aire”. They also prepare a drink with Urtica spp., 

orange peels, and Piper aduncum to treat hangovers (57F). The Saraguros use Urtica spp. as secondary ingredient in different medicinal 

infusions and to alleviate muscle pains 


VERBENACEAE 

Aegiphila sp. 

Name unknown 

El Tibio. Herb. Protected in pastures 


Voucher/ Picture code : AG125, C3-8478, C3-8479, C3-8480 


Aloysia triphylla (L’Herit) Britt. 

Cedrón (Sp) 

El Retorno, Los Guabos. Shrub. Cultivated 

Use: FOO, MED: A tea is made from the leaves. It is a common beverage. Another tea is made from A. triphylla and Sambucus nigra 

leaves to treat headache (27F) 




Clerodendrum thomsonae Balf. 

Name unknown 

Shaime. Shrub. Cultivated in garden. Introduced 

Use: ORN: Ornamental shrub 




Other sources/ Notes: The plant was bought by 37F as ornamental in Guayzimi 

Lantana moritziana Otto & Dietr. 

Name unknown 

Shaime. Shrub. Cultivated in garden 

Use: ORN: Ornamental shrub 




Lantana cf. trifolia L. 

Juanito (Sp) 

El Retorno. Shrub. Cultivated in garden. Native 

Use: FOO, MED: A tea from the leaves is made and drunk with sugar from sugar cane. An infusion is prepared with an orange tree leave 

for pregnant women who are too cold close before childbirth 




421

Lantana sp. 

Name unknown 

Shaime. Shrub in abandoned pasture 





Stachytarpheta cayennensis (Rich.) M. Vahl. 

Katip ujuk (Sh), Rabo de ratón (Sp) 

Shaime. Shrub along trails. Native 

Use: T/H: A handful of plants is used as a broom 




Verbena litoralis Kunth 

Yapaa (Sh), Verbena (Sp) 

Napints, Shamatak, El Tibio, Los Guabos, El Cristal, El Retorno. Herb in disturbed areas. Native 

Use: MED, T/C: The Shuar make an infusion from the plant (leaves and stem) to treat liver pain, vomits, and nausea. The Saraguros of El 

Tibio make a tea from the leaves - pure or mixed with cress, cocoa butter, and pills - to treat influenza and headache. To treat “peste” 

(“plague”) they make an infusion from the leaves with cress and Sambucus nigra leaves. The Saraguros of El Cristal make a tea from the 

leaves mixed with hard liquor and lemon juice to treat colds. The Mestizos of Los Guabos punish the children using a bunch of Verbena 

litoralis. It tastes bitter, so the leaves are good to treat the children’s espanto and to make limpias (57F). The Mestizos of El Retorno use a 

tea made from Verbena litoralis sprouts and Chenopodium ambrosioides in order to treat parasites and diarrhoea in children (55F, 27F) 

Informant : 1M, 39M, 46F, 68M, EM, 16M, 43M, 57F, 55F, 27F 

Voucher/ Picture code: AG393, S1-185, S1-186, T4-8374, G1-538, G1-539, G1-540 


Verbena cf. peruviana (L.) Britt. 

Amor fino (Sp) 

El Tibio, Los Guabos. Herb. Cultivated in chacras 



Voucher/ Picture code : T1-11b, T1-12a, G2-1597, C4-728, G1-294 


Other sources/Notes: This plant may have a medicinal use, this use could not be confirmed 


Name unknown 

Shaime. Shrub in abandoned pasture 





VIOLACEAE 

Viola arguta Humb. & Bonpl. ex Roem & Schult. 

Pena (Sp) 

El Tibio, Sabanilla. Herb in pastures. Native 

Use: MED, FOO: The Saraguros make an infusion from the leaves to treat heatstroke and infections. The leaves are used in horchata. No 

use reported among the Mestizos 




Viola odorata L. 

Violeta (Sp) 

El Tibio, Sabanilla, El Retorno. Herb. Cultivated. Introduced 

Use: ORN, MED: The plant is cultivated for its beautiful flowers and to treat headache (Saraguros, Mestizos) and influenza (27F). An 

infusion is made for this purpose 




422

Viola x wittrockiana 

Pensamiento (Sp) 

El Retorno. Herb. Cultivated 

Use: ORN, MED: The plant is cultivated as ornamental. A tea is made from the plant to treat nervousness 




VISCACEAE 

Dendrophthora ambigua Kuijt. 

Solda (Sp?) 

El Cristal. Parasitic shrub. Native 

Use: MED: An infusion is made by the Saraguros with the leaves and used in herb baths to treat bone fractures 




Phoradendron sp. 

Solda con solda, Solda Solda (Sp?) 

Los Guabos. Parasitic epiphyte in tree 

Use: MED: An infusion is made with the leaves. The infusion is used in herb baths as disinfectant to treat wounds of women in childbed 




VOCHYSIACEAE 

Vochysia grandis Mart. 

Paunim (Sh), Bella María (Sp) 


Use: CON: The wood is used for planks 




Vochysia sp. 

Juan Colorado (Sp) 


Use: CON: The wood is used for planks 




ZINGIBERACEAE 

Hedychium sp. 

Name unknown 

La Fragancia. Herb. Introduced. Disturbed sites 




Other sources/Notes: This species has probably been introduced in the area as ornamental plant 

Renealmia alpinia (Rottb.) Maas 

Kumpía (Sh) 

Chumpias, Napints, Shaime, Shamatak. Forest herb and transplanted and cultivated in house gardens. Native 

Use: FOO, CRA: The seeds are eaten roasted. The pulp is edible. The leaves are used to prepare ayampakus. The seeds are used to 

elaborate crafts 


Voucher/ Picture code: AG244, S1-58, S1-242, S2-499, S2-500, S2-501, S2-502, S5-7992 


423

Renealmia sp. 1 

Chian, muka chian, Chin nuka (Sh) 

Chumpias, Napints, Shaime, Shamatak. Herb in disturbed areas and secondary forest 

Use: MED, FOO: The sap of the stem is used to treat headache in an undisclosed way (11M, 18F). The leaves are used to prepare 

ayampakus (4M, 18F). The sap of the stem is inhaled to treat colds (39M) 




Renealmia sp. 2 

Chian grande (Sh) 

Shamatak. Herb in disturbed areas and secondary forest 

Use: FOO, MED: The leaves are used to prepare ayampakus; they are spicy and make them more tasty (39M, 12M). To treat headache a 

poultice is made from smashed tubers and hard liquor (12M) 




Zingiber officinale Roscoe 

Ajej, tapirajej, akap ajej, tikektin ajej, shiip ajej (Sh) 

Napints, Chumpias, Shaime. Herb Introduced and cultivated in gardens 

Use: MED, R/M: The plant is used to treat diarrhoea (6F). The leaves are chopped and eaten to treat influenza (10M). The rhizome is eaten 

before hunting in order to ensure a good hunt (58F). An infusion of the leaves of a variety (Tapir ajej, S5-8101) is used to treat bronchitis 

in children. Akap ajej (S5-8109, S5-8110) is used by the Shuar to treat liver ailments (10M) 

Informant : 58F, 6F, 10M, 14M, 18F 

Voucher/ Picture code: AG11, AG171, S1-201, S3- 4161, S5-8083, S5-8101, S5-8084, S5-8109, S5-8110 

Determined by: CC, AG, DN 

424

12.2 LIST OF INTERVIEWED PEOPLE 

Code Age Location of the interview/conversation Total of interviews 

1M ~74 Napints 2 

2M ~65 El Tibio 1 

3F ~22 El Cristal 1 

4M ~15 Chumpias/Napints 1 

5F ~50 Sabanilla 2 

6F ~75 Chumpias 1 

7M ~35 El Retorno 2 

8M ~72 Los Guabos 2 




12M ~30 Shaime 5 

13M ~33 Loja 1 

14M ~38 Chumpias 1 

15M ~30 El Cristal 1 


17M ~40 El Limón 1 

18F ~45 Shaime 3 

19F ~50 El Tibio 2 

20M ~55 Las Orquídeas 1 

21M ~55 Loja 1 

22F ~55 La Fragancia 2 


24M ~45 Sabanilla 1 

25M ~58 La Fragancia 1 

26F ~35 Los Guabos 1 

27F ~65 El Retorno 2 







34M ~45 Sevilla del Oro 2 

35M ~42 Loja 1 



38F ~28 Shaime 1 

39M ~48 Shamatak/Shaime 3 





44M La Fragancia 1 


425

Code Age* Location of the interview/conversation Total of Interviews 







53F ~60 Napints 2 



56M ~42 Loja 1 


58F ~48 Napints 2 



61F ~60 Loja 1 










71M ~33 Loja 1 

72M ~40 Palanda 1 

73M ~36 Loja 1 

74M ~50 Las Orquídeas 1 

75M ~40 Vilcabamba 1 

76M ~35 Zamora 1 

77M ~42 Loja 1 



80M ~30 Zamora 2 

81M ~30 Loja 1 

82M ~55 Loja 1 

83M ~38 Loja 1 

*The age has been estimated 

426

12.3 USEFUL PLANTS NOT LISTED IN DE LA TORRE ET AL. (2008) 

Family Scientific name Uses* Used by 

Acanthaceae Thunbergia alata ORN Mestizos 

Actinidiaceae Saurauia laxiflora CON, ORN Saraguros 

Agavaceae Chlorophytum comosum ORN Mestizos 

Aizoaceae Aptenia cordifolia ORN, OTH Mestizos 

Amaranthaceae Pachystachys lutea ORN Mestizos 

Annonaceae Rollinia andicola FOO Mestizos 

Apiaceae Hydrocotyle ranunculoides MED Mestizos 

Araliaceae Oreopanax eriocephalus T/C Mestizos 

Arecaceae Wettinia aequatorialis T/C Saraguros 

Asclepiadaceae Hoya carnosa ORN Saraguros, Mestizos 

Asphodelaceae Aloe aristata Haw. ORN Mestizos 

Asteraceae Chrysanthemum indicum MED, ORN Saraguros, Mestizos 

Asteraceae Cosmos bipinnatus ORN Mestizos 

Asteraceae Gazania sp. ORN Mestizos 

Asteraceae Philoglossa mimuloides VET Saraguros 

Balsaminaceae Impatiens x Neu Guinea ORN Saraguros 

Begoniaceae Begonia cf. fischeri MED Shuar 

Begoniaceae Begonia x tuberhybrida ORN, MED Saraguros, Mestizos 

Bombacaceae Spirotheca rimbachii FIB Saraguros, Mestizos 

Brassicaceae Rorippa bonariensis MED Mestizos 

Cactaceae Rhipsalidopsis sp. ORN Mestizos 

Caricaceae Carica microcarpa FOO Shuar 

Caricaceae Carica cf. pubescens FOO Saraguros, Mestizos 

Crassulaceae Aeonium sp. ORN Mestizos 

Crassulaceae Crassula cf. ovata ORN Mestizos 

Crassulaceae Kalanchoe fedtschenkoi ORN Mestizos 

Crassulaceae Kalanchoe pinnata ORN, MED Saraguros, Mestizos 

Crassulaceae Kalanchoe sp. 1 ORN Mestizos 

Crassulaceae Kalanchoe sp. 2 MED Mestizos 

Euphorbiaceae Alchornea grandiflora CON, FUE Saraguros 

Euphorbiaceae Hyeronima duquei CON, FUE Saraguros, Mestizos 

Euphorbiaceae Hyeronima moritziana CON, SHA Mestizos 

Fabaceae Arachis pintoi FOD, ORN Shuar, Mestizos 

Gentianaceae Symbolanthus sp. ORN Saraguros 

Hemerocallidaceae Hemerocallis flava ORN Saraguros, Mestizos 

Iridaceae Tigridia pavonia ORN Mestizos 

Lamiaceae Coleus blumei ORN, MED Mestizos 

Lamiaceae Hyptidendron arboreum CON, SHA Saraguros, Mestizos 

Lamiaceae Hyptis sidifolia MED Shuar 

Lamiaceae Salvia splendens ORN Mestizos 

Lauraceae Aiouea dubia CON Saraguros 

Lauraceae Aiouea sp. CON, FUE Mestizos 

Lauraceae Nectandra cf. lineatifolia CON Mestizos 

Malvaceae Abutilon striatum ORN, MED Saraguros, Mestizos 

Marantaceae Ctenanthe setosa ORN Mestizos 

Melastomataceae Graffenrieda emarginata OTH Saraguros 

Melastomataceae Miconia quadripora CON, T/C, FUE Saraguros, Mestizos 

Moraceae Ficus krucovii SHA Saraguros, Mestizos 

Onagraceae Fuchsia cf. canescens MED, FOO Saraguros 

Orchidaceae Cochlioda sp. ORN Mestizos 

Piperaceae Manekia sydowii MED Shuar 

Piperaceae Manekia sp. MED Shuar 

Piperaceae Peperomia cf. blanda FOO Saraguros 

Piperaceae Piper heterophyllum FOO Shuar 

Piperaceae Piper cf. xanthostachyum FOO, MED Shuar 

Poaceae Axonopus sp. FOD Saraguros 

Rosaceae Rubus cf. rosifolius FOO Saraguros, Mestizos 

Scrophulariaceae Penstemon sp. MED, ORN Saraguros 

Verbenaceae Clerodendrum thomsonae ORN Shuar 

Verbenaceae Lantana moritziana ORN Shuar 

Verbenaceae Verbena cf. peruviana ORN Saraguros, Mestizos 

Violaceae Viola x wittrockiana ORN, MED Mestizos 

Viscaceae Dendrophthora ambigua MED Saraguros 

This list bases on comparisons with lists in the Encyclopaedia of Useful Plants of Ecuador (de la Torre et al., 2008). In case of 

doubt the plants were not included (e.g. if a species was identified only to genus it has been included only if the genus was new 

to the list by de la Torre et al. (2008)). Therefore, the inventory might include more new useful species. 

427

12.4 TOURIST QUESTIONNAIRE 

Dear traveller, many thanks for collaborating with us by completing this questionnaire. Its aim is to record 

information which will allow us to develop sustainable tourism in southern Ecuador. Please fill out only one 

questionnaire per room. Thank you! 

1. Where do you come from? __________________________________________ 

2. Are you travelling alone, as a couple or in a group? 

428 

Alone In a group 

As a couple How many people are in your group? _________________ 

3. Which one of the following options was your main source of information for planning this trip? (Please 

check only one option) 

Travel Guide Internet Friends Other : ______________________ 

4. Why did you visit Vilcabamba? (you can check as many options as you want) 

I am on the way to Perú/ I came from Perú and I am travelling north 

I want to rest and relax 

I want to visit southern Ecuador 

Other: ______________________________________________________________________ 

5. Where did you make your last stop (city, town, national park) before arriving in Vilcabamba?________ 

___________________________________________________________________________________ 

6. Please indicate which places you visited or which places are you going to visit and if you heard about 

them (from friends, internet, travel guides, etc) before reaching the region 

I’m going to visit I already knew it I never heard about it 

The town of Saraguro 

The city of Loja 

The city of Zaruma and its mines 

The city of Zamora 

The dry forest (El Bosque Seco) 

The petrified forest of Puyango 

The Nangaritza River 

The Tepuys (Zamora Chinchipe) 

The Podocarpus National Park 

The Amaluza lakes 

The Rumi-Wilco Natural Reserve 

Other places: ______________________ 

__________________________________________________________________________________________ 

* The members and collaborators of the Research Group 402 of the DFG are kindly asked NOT to fill out this questionnaire. 

Thank you!

7. If you are going to enter the Podocarpus National Park, what are you going to visit? 

Cajanuma Las Lagunas del Compadre 

Bombuscaro Other places: ____________________________________ 

Cerro Los Helechos No idea 

8. Imagine an Ecuadorian Protected Natural Area of your interest (except the Galápagos Islands). How 

much would you be willing to pay to enter it? 

Nothing at all, thanks 

Less than 10 dollars 

10 dollars 

More than 10 but less than 20 dollars 

20 dollars 

More than 20 dollars but not more than ____________________________________________ 

9. From the following options which ones are you planning to visit or did you visit already during your 

trip? 

The Amazon Forest (Cuyabeno, Yasuní, Tena, for instance) 

Volcanoes (Cotopaxi, Chimborazo, for instance) 

The Galápagos Islands 

Other: ______________________________________________________________________ 

10. What kind of activities did you do or are you going to do during your trip? Please choose your degree of 

interest in such activities (even if you did not do them) 

I did or I am going to do It doesn’t interest me at all I am somewhat interested I would love to do it! 

Trekking 

Horse riding 

Cycling 

Rafting 

Kayaking 

Bird watching 

Observing the local flora 

To visit archaeological sites 

To know more about the regional 

indigenous cultures (Shuar, Saraguros) 

To learn about traditional medicine 

A guided tour visiting the most 

interesting cities in Ecuador 

I would like to visit / to do: ______________________________________________________ 

Once again, many thanks for your cooperation. If you like, please feel free to make any comments. We wish you 

a pleasant stay at (name of the lodge)! 

__________________________________________________________________________________________ 

* The members and collaborators of the Research Group 402 of the DFG are kindly asked NOT to fill out this questionnaire. 

Thank you! 

429

Biodiversity as a resource: - OPUS - Friedrich-Alexander-Universität ...

Create successful ePaper yourself

Delete template?

Save as template?